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Preface xiii
Acknowledgments xvii
PART I The Retirement Income Target
Chapter 1 The Road to Retirement 3
Detours 6
Chapter 2 Doubts about the 70 Percent Retirement Income Target 9
Niggling Doubts 10
Saving for Retirement Is a Two-Dimensional Problem 14
The Macro Case Against 70 Percent 15
Low-Income Workers 16
Conclusions 16
Chapter 3 Homing in on the Real Target 19
Setting the Ground Rules 19
Howard and Barb 21
Steve and Ashley 1.0 23
Steve and Ashley 2.0 27
Expressing Consumption in Dollars 29
Conclusions 30
Chapter 4 A New Rule of Thumb 33
Guiding Principles 34
Retirement Income Targets under Different Scenarios 35
General Rule of Thumb 38
Conclusions 40
PART II The Wealth Target
Chapter 5 Quantifying Your Wealth Target 43
A Rough-and-Ready Estimate 43
A More Actuarial Approach 46
Chapter 6 Why Interest Rates Will Stay Low (And Why You Should Care) 53
The Rise of the Savers 54
The Japan Experience 57
Applicability to the United States and Canada 58
Possible Remedies 59
Implications 61
Chapter 7 How Spending Decreases with Age 65
Doubts 66
Quantifying the Decline in Consumption 68
Why Does Consumption Decline? 72
Next Steps 73
Chapter 8 Death Takes a Holiday 75
Present-Day Life Expectancy 77
Dispersion of Deaths 78
Who Is Benefiting the Most? 79
Why Is Mortality Improving? 80
The Future 82
Conclusions 85
Chapter 9 Estimating Your Own Life Expectancy 87
Conclusions 93
Chapter 10 Is Long-Term Care in Your Future? 95
Long-Term Care (LTC) 95
What Does LTC Entail? 96
What Are the Chances You Will Need LTC? 99
How Long Is LTC Usually Required? 101
Conclusions 102
Chapter 11 Paying for Long-Term Care 103
Typical LTC Insurance Contract 103
Does the Math Work? 105
The Verdict 108
The Consequences of Not Insuring LTC 112
Chapter 12 Putting It All Together 115
New Wealth Targets 120
Buffers 122
Conclusion 123
PART III The Accumulation Phase
Chapter 13 Picking a Savings Rate 127
Historical Performance 127
Lessons Learned 129
What the Future Holds 131
Generalizing the Results 133
Chapter 14 Optimizing Your Savings Strategy 137
The Goal 138
Strategy 1: Simple 138
Strategy 2: Simple Lifecycle Approach 139
Strategy 3: Modified Lifecycle 140
Strategy 4: Variable Contribution 141
Strategy 5: The SMART Approach 142
Conclusion 143
The Third Lever 144
Methodology 144
Chapter 15 A Gentler Approach to Saving 147
Path 1: Pain Now, Gain Later 148
Path 2: Smooth and Steady Improvement 150
A Comparison in Dollar Terms 153
Conclusions 154
PART IV The Decumulation Phase
Chapter 16 Rational Roulette 159
Call to Action 161
Watch Out for Your Children 163
Chapter 17 Revisiting the 4 Percent Rule 167
The 4 Percent Rule 167
Problems with the 4 Percent Rule 169
A More Rational Spending Rule 173
A Monte Carlo Simulation 176
Conclusions 177
Chapter 18 Why People Hate Annuities (But Should Still Buy One) 179
Why Annuities Should Be Popular 180
The Psychology Behind the Unpopularity 183
Tontines 184
The Insured Annuity Strategy 185
Indexed Annuities? Forget It 188
Conclusions 189
PART V Random Reflections
Chapter 19 How Workplace Pension Plans Fit In 195
Why Employers Offer Workplace Plans 196
Getting the Most out of Your Workplace Plan 198
How a Workplace Pension Plan Affects Your Dollar Target 202
Online Forecast Tools 203
Chapter 20 Bubble Trouble 205
Why Worry about Financial Bubbles? 206
Examples of Recent Financial Bubbles 207
Common Characteristics 211
The Everything Bubble 212
Chapter 21 Carpe Diem 215
The Numbers 217
Healthy Life Years 219
Trends 221
Personal Genome Testing 222
Chapter 22 A Life Well Lived 225
Retirement and Happiness 225
Final Thoughts 229
Appendix A Similarities between the United States and Canada 231
Social Security Programs 232
High-Level Comparison of Retirement Vehicles 235
A Tax Comparison 238
Appendix B Social Security in the United States and Canada 241
Name of Social Security Pension Plan 241
Purpose of Social Security 241
Earnings Base for Pension Calculation 242
How Pension Is Calculated 243
How the Plans Are Funded 243
Normal Retirement Age 244
Early Retirement Age 244
Delayed Retirement 245
Indexation 245
Other Government-Sponsored Pension Plans 245
Taxability 246
Appendix CRetirement Income Targets under Other Scenarios 249
Appendix D About the Assumptions Used in the Book 255
Thoughts on Conservatism 255
Assumptions Used to Estimate Personal Consumption 256
Assumptions Used to Calculate Future Retirement Savings 258
Assumptions Used to Estimate the Historical Accumulation of Savings 260
Couple Contemplating Long-Term Care Insurance 260
Assets Needed to Cover Long-Term Care (LTC) 262
About the Author 263
Index 265
You will no doubt have heard that one's retirement income target should be 70 percent of final pay, if not more. This widely accepted target was already common knowledge more than 30 years ago when I was starting out in the pension consulting industry.
As a pension actuary, I have spent much of my career helping organizations establish defined benefit pension plans for their employees. The design process usually started with the 70 percent income target from which one subtracted the portion that was deemed to be the employee's individual responsibility. The balance would then be spread over 35 or 40 years to determine a formula for the amount of pension earned each year. In the case of public-sector plans, for example, the employee was not expected to shoulder any individual responsibility, so it was a matter of dividing 70 percent by 35 years to get an annual pension accrual of 2 percent of final earnings for each year or service.1
When a rule of thumb is so integral to the process of determining the pension for millions of participants, you would think it would be unassailable. Over my career, the 70 percent pension target was rarely challenged, and certainly not by a young actuary like me when I was first starting out in the business. Indeed, no one to my knowledge seriously questioned the 70 percent rule until the 1990s when a few voices in the wilderness, led by pension actuary Malcolm Hamilton, made themselves heard.
Those voices were drowned out, though, as constant reinforcement by banks, insurance companies, financial planners, and investment advisors about the need to save enough to reach the 70 percent target kept the rule alive. It continues to underpin virtually every public-sector pension plan in Canada and the United States, and surely what was built to serve millions of civil servants could not be wrong. Or could it?
For me, the doubts started to creep in a little over a decade ago. In the case of workers who earned above average income, a 70 percent target made less sense the more I thought about it. Not that there was any one smoking gun. My misgivings stemmed from a number of sources.
For starters, consider how a typical hard-working middle-income married couple divides up their paycheck. We will assume that they:
If we broke down their gross income year by year into the major categories, it would look something like Figure 2.1.
Figure 2.1 Breakdown of Expenditures in a Steady Saving Scenario
After paying for all the big-ticket items including taxes, the percentage of their gross pay that remains for personal consumption dips as low as 25 percent during their 30s and never gets higher than 45 percent, something that occurs only in their last 10 years of working. If they wanted to continue spending at the same rate in retirement, they would need retirement income of 50 percent of gross pay to produce after-tax income of 45 percent. That is 20 percentage points less than the conventional target, so something appears to be amiss! Perhaps this example does not fully capture reality, so let us consider other evidence that puts 70 percent into question.
Fewer private-sector workers remain covered by a group retirement arrangement in their workplace, especially in Canada. That arrangement could be either a defined benefit (DB) pension plan or a defined contribution (DC) plan. In the United States, about half of all private-sector workers have no pension coverage at all. In Canada, the figure is closer to 70 percent. That's right. Between 5 and 7 private-sector workers out of 10 have no formal pension coverage other than Social Security, and that is meant to cover only the most basic spending needs. For anyone earning much more than the average wage, the gap between the 70 percent target and the pension from Social Security would be so huge that it makes a disastrous retirement seem inevitable. Why, then, were we not reading more stories in the papers about former middle-income workers being reduced to penury in their retirement years? Yes, the newspapers do report often on a retirement crisis, but almost always from a high-level, abstract point of view, not how Joe the retired engineer is living in a shabby bachelor apartment and eating mac and cheese.
A defined benefit (DB) pension plan provides a pension benefit that is defined by a formula based on length of service and possibly earnings. The pension does not depend on how the investments in the pension fund perform. The benefit is a predictable amount, at least in terms of earnings. An example is a plan that provides a pension of 1 percent of average earnings in the last 5 years of employment for each year of service.
In a defined contribution (DC) pension plan, the pension benefit is whatever income can be generated after retirement with the account balance that accumulates over the employee's career. Hence, the benefit is uncertain and the employee takes the risk. The employer and often the employees as well contribute a well-defined amount such as 4 percent of pay. A separate account balance is maintained for each employee, who can usually select the funds to invest in. Examples of DC plans are 401(k) plans in the United States and DC pension plans or group RRSPs in Canada.
The term Social Security in this book includes basic government pensions whether in the United States or in Canada. A fuller definition is given in Appendix B.
In addition, more workers who are lucky enough to have any workplace pension coverage at all are now covered by DC plans. Actuaries were dismayed when DC plans first took hold about 25 years ago because those plans did not seem to meet the pension adequacy test. The employer contribution to DC plans is typically only half what it is for defined benefit pension plans. This was not nearly enough, the actuaries said, and that was at a time when future investment returns were expected to be in the 8 percent to 10 percent range, not the paltry 4 percent to 6 percent as is the case today. The typical DC plan, combined with Social Security, comes nowhere close to reaching the 70 percent target.
The consensus was that once these DC plans had been around long enough for a significant number of workers to retire from them, their shortcomings would become self-evident. Actuaries referred to them as ticking time bombs. Yet, here we are, after more than 25 years of living in a DC world, after the perfect storm of 2001-2002 that decimated account balances in DC plans, and after the worst financial meltdown since the Great Depression, and DC plans continue to thrive.
There were other indications that the 70 percent target was unrealistically high. For instance, I have tried more than once to poll retirees in large pension plans to learn more about their spending patterns and financial situation 10 or 20 years after retirement. The intent was to determine what portion of their pension they give as gifts to other family members, how much they continue to save, and what they spend on consumer-durables such as furniture, big appliances, or cars.
The sponsors of the plans that I targeted were sympathetic to the purpose of my investigation, but there was a problem. They needed the consent of the pension plan's retiree association to proceed but the leaders of the association would invariably stonewall the request. Apparently, they were afraid that the data gathered would be used by the employer to justify granting smaller pension increases in the future.
It would seem the retirees knew they had a good thing going and did not want to jeopardize it by disclosing their financial situation. Had their pensions been deficient, which they should have been since most of them retired on considerably less than 70 percent, one would have thought the retirees would welcome a survey to make their plight better known, but this was never the case.
A survey commissioned by the Canadian Institute of Actuaries asked people both before and after retirement how confident they felt about their financial future. You would think the retirees would feel less confident than the pre-retirees because, having retired with retirement income less than 70 percent, they would now be in full panic mode. The survey result, however, showed just the opposite. Only 44 percent of the pre-retirees were confident about their financial future versus 62 percent of those already retired. Among retirees who had paid off their mortgages, 74 percent were confident. In case you are wondering if the people surveyed were unusually affluent, at least 57 percent said they had total investments of under $250,000.2 Could it be that the retirees learned from actual experience what pre-retirees could not yet know-that they would make out just fine with less than 70 percent?
Another survey, this one conducted by Statistics Canada, asked recent retirees how their financial situation had changed in retirement versus the year before retirement.3 Of those retirees, 54 percent said it was "about the same," 13 percent said...
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