James Madison, Public Servant

Name: James Madison, Public Servant | A Biography
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A Biography

Gary L. Rose(Autor*in)

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Erschienen am 20. Oktober 2024

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Long relegated to the shadows of George Washington and Thomas Jefferson, the role of James Madison in shaping America, its ideals, and its institutions resonates in the very soul of our nation. A lifelong public servant, Madison was a critical ? if underappreciated ? architect of the American Republic. Gary L. Rose's James Madison, Public Servant shines an essential light on Madison's wide-ranging legacy. An accomplished presidential scholar and political commentator, Rose begins with a brief treatment of the Madison family's roots and early life in the Piedmont region of Virginia and his time as a student at the College of New Jersey (later Princeton University). It was there that Madison's values of democratic government and personal liberty became ingrained thanks to the teachings of that institution's president, the renowned scholar John Witherspoon.

Rose presents Madison's captivating journey through the War of Independence, including his roles as a delegate to Virginia's constitutional convention, appointment to the Governor's Council, and selection as a member of the Continental Congress. Readers will learn of Madison's essential role at the national Constitutional Convention in 1787, which immortalized him as ?The Father of the Constitution.? As a co-author of the Federalist Papers, along with his skillful argumentation at Virginia's ratifying convention, Madison was instrumental in securing the Constitution's ratification by the states. Three public offices followed: four terms as a member of the U.S. Congress, during which time he authored the Bill of Rights; eight years as Thomas Jefferson's Secretary of State, and two terms as our nation's fourth president. Madison's presidency included a declared war against the United Kingdom, referred to by his political adversaries as ?Mr. Madison's War.? He also left a profound legacy in the formation of a political party committed to the principles of Jeffersonian republicanism.

Rose's concise treatment of James Madison's public service is essential reading for anyone invested in our nation's political norms and institutions.

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James Madison, Public Servant:A Biography
Gary L. Rose
James Madison, Public Servant:A Biography
Gary L. Rose
Academica PressWashington~London
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Rose, Gary L. (author)
Title: James Madison, public servant : a biography | Rose, Gary L.
Description: Washington : Academica Press, 2025. | Includes references.
Identifiers: LCCN 2024944060 | ISBN 9781680534252 (hardcover) | 9781680534269 (e-book)
Also By Gary L. Rose
Connecticut Republicans: Past, Present and Future (2023)
New England Local Government: The Case of Connecticut (2021)
Haywire: A Chronology of the 2016 Presidential Contest (2017)
No Holds Barred: The 2012 Connecticut Senate Race (2013)
Connecticut's Fourth Congressional District:History, Politics and the Maverick Tradition (2011)
Shaping a Nation: Twenty Five Supreme Court CasesThat Changed the United States (2010)
The Emerging Catholic Electorate: Political Perspectives of CollegeStudents at a Catholic University in the Northeast (2008)
Connecticut Government and Politics: An Introduction (2007)
Public Policy in Connecticut: Challenges and Perspectives, editor (2005)
Connecticut Government at the Millennium (2001)
The American Presidency Under Siege (1997)
Controversial Issues in Presidential Selection, editor 2nd edition (1994)
Connecticut Politics at the Crossroads (1992)
Controversial Issues in Presidential Selection, editor (1991)
Contents
Preface xi
Acknowledgments xvii
Dedication xix
Chapter OneMadison's Early Life, Education, and the Virginia Convention 1
Chapter TwoMadison's Entry into Public Service and the Constitutional Convention 19
Chapter ThreeMadison Fights to Ratify the Constitution 43
Chapter FourMadison in the United States Congress 73
Chapter FiveMadison Builds a Political Party 101
Chapter SixMadison as Secretary of State 119
Chapter SevenPresident Madison 141
Chapter EightMadison Retired - Still A Public Servant 171
ConclusionRemembering Madison 187
Bibliography 191
About the Author 199
Index 201
Preface
While on one of my many trips to the nation's capital, my son and I decided to pay a visit to the Library of Congress. I had been to the ornate and majestic Jefferson Building several times where I looked in awe at the thousands of books that comprise the Library's holdings. I often marveled at the remnants of Thomas Jefferson's personal collection, which served as the original body of books for this extraordinary institution. Oddly, however, I had never set foot in either the Madison Building o
What I could not help but notice during our tour of the Madison Building is how the statue of Madison seated on a chair in Memorial Hall seemed more subdued and less captivating compared to the magnificent outdoor monuments of Washington, Jefferson, Lincoln and Martin Luther King, Jr. Although Madison's statue is located inside a building, which imposed structural limitations, I still could not help but wonder why a statue of the "Father of the Constitution" was not located outdoors and in a mor
I find it troubling that as our nation is poised to celebrate the 250th anniversary of our nation's founding, a large majority of the American people, college students in particular, know so little about James Madison. This is apparent whenever I post the portraits of the Founding Fathers on PowerPoint slides and ask students to identify their names. Students can identify George Washington, Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Jefferson, and sometimes Alexander Hamilton, but never Madison. Moreover, studen
Chapter One examines James Madison as a boy and young man. His education at a boarding school and by a private tutor on his father's plantation, along with his education at the College of New Jersey (which became Princeton University) where he was introduced to thinkers of the Scottish Enlightenment by the President of the College, the Reverend John Witherspoon, will show how Madison's education heavily impacted his views towards government and his conception of human liberty. Madison's particip
Chapter Two covers Madison's first attempt to win a seat in the Virginia House of Delegates. His attempt was unsuccessful due to the politics of personal favors, in this case free shots of whiskey. Nevertheless, Madison's stellar reputation earned as a delegate to his state's constitutional convention resulted in a prestigious appointment to the Councils of two Virginia governors: Patrick Henry and Thomas Jefferson. Although only serving on Jefferson's Council for less than a year, Jefferson wou
Chapter Three is devoted to Madison's important contributions related to the ratification of the U.S. Constitution. In this chapter, one will learn about the historic fight between proponents and opponents of the Constitution. Proponents were known as Federalists, while opponents were identified as Antifederalists. The writings of Antifederalists and Madison's participation as one of the three authors of the historic Federalist Papers are examined in this chapter. Writing under the pseudonym of
Chapter Four covers Madison's time as a member of the Congress of the United States. His opponent, who he narrowly defeated in his first campaign for Congress, was none other than James Monroe. This was the first and only time in the history of the United States, that two future presidents faced one another in a congressional election. Madison's election was quite remarkable in light of Patrick Henry's attempt to prevent his election by gerrymandering his congressional district. What is particul
Chapter Five explores Madison's efforts devoted to building an opposition party to challenge Hamilton's Federalist Party. Madison's party, originally known as the Republican Party, not only eclipsed the Federalist Party as the dominant party in electoral politics, but also transformed the entire character of American politics. Although Jefferson was the leader of this party, which supported states' rights and an agricultural economy, it was Madison's grassroots party-building efforts that were r
Madison's role as President Jefferson's Secretary of State is the focus of Chapter Six. The many challenges that confronted Madison during his eight years as secretary of state are examined in this chapter. A Supreme Court ruling which resulted in judicial review, the Barbary Wars, the Louisiana Purchase which doubled the size of the United States, the infamous Yazoo Scandal in Georgia, Jefferson's disastrous embargo on British trade, which Madison championed, along with Madison's desire to acqu
Chapter Seven provides readers with an opportunity to learn about Madison's two-term presidency. In this chapter readers will learn that despite identified as the heir apparent to Jefferson's presidency, Madison not only faced opposition from Federalists but also from a faction of Republicans within his own party. Yet despite attempts to derail his ascent to the presidency, Madison, with the help of his politically astute wife, Dolley, was able to win two presidential elections by comfortable ma
Chapter Eight is devoted to Madison's twenty years in retirement. Readers in this chapter will learn that Madison hardly led the quiet life of a retired president. His meticulous editing of his convention notes that were released after his death, the assistance he provided to Jefferson related to the creation of the University of Virginia, his participation once again as a delegate to Virginia's constitutional convention, and his effort related to creating a colony in Liberia for emancipated sla
Madison's legacy is the focus of the Conclusion. Several questions regarding what Madison might have to say about contemporary developments in American government are also presented in this chapter. More specifically, the extraordinary growth in presidential power at the expense of congressional power is the subject of discussion. Such developments quite frankly threaten the separation of powers doctrine, a core doctrine of Madison's political science.
My treatment of Madison depends on a number of major biographies pertaining to James Madison, several of which are classics. A number of scholarly articles are also referenced along with helpful websites devoted to the Founders.
My goal in writing this biography was not to produce a masterpiece, such as those that are referenced, but rather to write a smaller and more succinct volume regarding Madison's life and public contributions. My volume is intended for a variety of academic courses. Those can include Introduction to American Government, Introduction to U.S. History, Constitutional Law, and the American Presidency. Professors who teach these subjects should find my biography of Madison helpful.
I have enjoyed Mr. Madison's company during the writing of this book, and trust that my readers will find my treatment of James Madison fair, interesting and educational.
Gary L. Rose
Acknowledgments
First and foremost, I must acknowledge the several classic and exceptionally informative books and academic articles which guided my writing on James Madison. When I decided to write this biography, I immersed myself in many scholarly works related to Madison. These books and articles served to educate me on his life and career as a public servant. Although every book and article listed in my bibliography was in one way or another helpful when researching and writing this biography, there were s
Professor Burton Spivak, a faculty member in the history department at Sacred Heart University, deserves very special recognition. Burton devoted many hours to reading and thoroughly critiquing a draft of my manuscript. An exceptional historian and author of the acclaimed Jefferson's English Crisis: Commerce, Embargo and the Republican Revolution, Burton's assistance contributed in numerous ways to a more substantive and precise treatment of James Madison's public life.
My wife, Laurie, read a draft of the manuscript and provided insightful recommendations regarding style and substance. My son, Garrison, a history and government teacher with impressive knowledge of U.S. history, also offered helpful observations that further strengthened the final draft. I am appreciative of their support regarding this project.
Because I write books for classroom use with the goal of educating students, I often ask students to read draft chapters of my manuscripts and to provide constructive edits and criticism. I was fortunate in the spring of 2024 to have five dedicated students assigned to me as research assistants. The five students were tasked with a larger project related to presidential elections yet found time to review chapters associated with my Madison project. Special thanks to Abby Conrad, Liam Conway, Ava
Last, but not least, Professor Paul du Quenoy, proprietor of Academica Press, must also be acknowledged. I am thankful to Paul for recognizing the value of a biography regarding one of our nation's preeminent Founders. I am grateful to him and his staff at Academica Press for accepting my manuscript and for bringing this biography to light.
Gary L. Rose
Dedication
To Laurie, my soulmate
Chapter One Madison's Early Life, Education, and the Virginia Convention
The Madison Family Tree in Brief
James Madison - the Young Boy
James Madison's Education
Madison's College Choice
The Reverend John Witherspoon
Madison's Academic Mentor
Home From College
The Revolution Was Beginning
The Virginia Constitutional Convention
The Madison family had deep roots in Virginia dating back to 1653 when James Madison's great-great-grandfather was given six hundred acres of land under what was known as the "headright" system. As described by Ralph Ketcham, under this system of land acquisition, individuals were allotted land for sponsoring and paying for the travel of immigrants from England to Virginia. For each qualified immigrant the sponsor was given 50 acres. Madison's great- great- grandfather whose name was John Maddis
John Jr.'s son, Ambrose, i.e. James Madison's grandfather, married Frances Taylor who had four sisters and four brothers. One of her brothers was named Zachary. Zachary's grandson, also named Zachary, would become the 12th president of the United States. Ambrose and Frances had three children, two girls and one boy. James was the name they chose for the boy. James would eventually become the father of James Madison, Jr., the subject of this biography.
After acquiring more land and clearing forests, Ambrose in 1729 established a new plantation for himself and family, which they named Mount Pleasant. Ambrose's plantation "was about halfway between Fredricksburg and the eastern side of the Blue Ridge and thirty miles northeast of the future site of Thomas Jefferson's Monticello." Tragedy would strike the family when Ambrose was apparently murdered in 1732. "Three slaves . . . were tried and convicted of poisoning the master." The slave directly
Upon turning 18, James assumed management of the family's estate. He was now able to relieve his mother of the day-to-day responsibilities associated with overseeing the plantation. At the time, the family owned twenty-nine slaves, although only ten of the slaves were old enough to toil in the plantation's tobacco fields. It was in Orange County, Virginia at the base of the Blue Ridge Mountains, a geographical area referred to as the Piedmont, where the Madison plantation was located and where i
In addition to managing the family's plantation, James immersed himself in various activities associated with county government. Although he was not a member of the House of Burgesses in Williamsburg, which was quite far from his home, he was nevertheless very involved in public affairs. He served in a variety of offices including "overseer of local roads, justice of the peace, county lieutenant of the militia, and coroner."
James' two sisters married into wealthy and respected families, which further elevated the reputation and political connections of the Madison family. In 1749, James married Nelly Conway whose family lived on a plantation in Port Conway, Virginia. This plantation was located in King George County, not far from James' plantation. After being married for eighteen months, Nelly gave birth to a boy who they decided to name after his father. The official birthdate of James Madison Jr. is listed as Ma
James Madison Jr. was the first of twelve children born to James and Nelly Madison. Three of Madison's siblings died while they were infants, while two siblings died when very young from intestinal complications. Madison survived, despite being born with health issues that would affect him throughout his adult life. Little did James Madison's father and mother know that their first child would eventually be known as the "Father of the U.S. Constitution" that he would author the Bill of Rights, b
The seminal biographies regarding James Madison unfortunately contain scant details regarding what sort of young boy he was, or what his childhood interests were. He was raised along with his many siblings on his father's plantation in Orange County, which had expanded in both land and slaves. Due to the availability of slave labor, Madison as a young boy did little work on the plantation. Irving Brandt suggests that the absence of work and physical exercise allowed Madison to focus more on read
As the plantation grew in size and the number of slaves owned by the Madison family increased, there was an abundance of children for Madison to play with. Unfortunately there is no record of what he and his playmates did for fun. One thing seems certain however -- as a young boy growing up in the Piedmont region of Virginia and viewing on a daily basis the beauty of the Blue Ridge Mountains, and having many children to play with, young James Madison likely had a fulfilled childhood. His was not
Yet despite a childhood filled with friends and cousins, Madison as a very young boy, like all children his age who lived in the Piedmont, lived in constant fear of Indian attacks, particularly during the time period known as the French and Indian War (1754-1763). The possibility of an Indian attack was a constant concern, not only on the minds of children in the Piedmont who heard horror stories of Indian atrocities, but also on the minds of their parents. Throughout his entire life, James Madi
Like the children of plantation owners throughout much of the South, Madison received a rigorous education. Along with other boys from surrounding plantations, he began his studies at a boarding school in King and Queen County. The boarding school was run by a Scotsman named Donald Robertson who firmly believed that young boys needed to be educated in not only the classics but also in foreign languages. Boys who attended Robertson's boarding school were taught "Greek, Latin and French, albeit wi
After attending Robertson's school for six years, Madison's father decided that his son, who was now 16, would be better served and more prepared for college if he was instructed at home by a private tutor. The tutor, a Scotch-Irish Episcopal Priest named Thomas Martin who James' father hired to educate his children, would also live on the Madison plantation and teach the Madison children. Arriving from New Jersey, The Rev. Martin, who was twenty-five at the time, had also been hired as the rect
Madison chose the College of New Jersey to pursue higher education. The College would officially become known as Princeton University in 1896. Madison decided on the College of New Jersey due to the college's reputation for academic rigor. He considered attending the College of William and Mary where the sons of many plantation families often went, but this college did not appeal to him. The College of William and Mary, which Thomas Jefferson had attended, was not known at the time for having th
In addition to the College of New Jersey's rigorous academic reputation, Madison, in his short autobiography, also attributed his college choice to the influence of his private Episcopal tutor, Thomas Martin. Martin was a graduate of the College of New Jersey and had urged James to attend his alma mater. Martin's older brother, Alexander, who visited his brother at the Madison plantation, was also a graduate of the College. Alexander further encouraged James to attend the same college that he an
Arriving at the College of New Jersey, it was likely apparent to Madison that his background was substantially different from many of his classmates. He was from Virginia, a southern slave-owning colony, while a majority of his classmates were from mid-Atlantic and Northeastern colonies, particularly New Jersey, Pennsylvania and New York. Additionally, Madison was a member of the Anglican Church of England. This too placed him in the minority, as the College of New Jersey was a Presbyterian inst
Although there were several reasons why James selected the College of New Jersey to pursue his college education, there can be little doubt that another reason had much to do with the towering reputation of the college's revered and renowned president. Here the name of the Reverend John Witherspoon looms large in the education of James Madison.
John Witherspoon was a Presbyterian minister who had emigrated to Virginia from Scotland. Well before his appointment as the College of New Jersey's president, and before he left Scotland, he had acquired the reputation as a distinguished and renowned scholar. He was born on February 5, 1723 in East Lothian, Scotland. The son of a Presbyterian minister, Witherspoon first attended a preparatory school followed by his enrollment at the University of St. Andrews. It was at St. Andrews where he earn
During his years as a Presbyterian minister in Scotland, Witherspoon's scholarly reputation soared as a result of the books he authored, as well as the reputation of his sermons. A prolific scholar, Witherspoon's writings and reputation became well known not only among Scottish and English theologians, but also among prominent and highly educated colonists. James H. Smylie describes Witherspoon in this manner, "Witherspoon was a Calvinist. He stood in this tradition as it manifested itself in ei
When the College of New Jersey's president, the Reverend Samuel Finley, died, a concerted effort was launched to recruit Witherspoon as the college's next president. Finley was the college's fourth president in nine years who had unexpectedly passed away. The board of trustees was concerned about the future of the institution. The board decided to make a concerted effort to stabilize the College by recruiting a renowned scholar. Prominent New Jersey lawyer, Richard Stockton, who was in England o
Repeated attempts to recruit Witherspoon continued for several months until the stalemate was finally broken. Benjamin Rush, a physician and graduate of the College of New Jersey, who was in Edinburgh, decided to use his persuasive skills to recruit Witherspoon. After Rush had corresponded with Witherspoon and insisted that he alone could stabilize the college and elevate its reputation, Witherspoon invited the young doctor to visit him at his home so they could further discuss the prospect of h
Several months later, the couple and their five children arrived at the College of New Jersey where the Reverend John Witherspoon began what would be a legendary twenty-five year college presidency. As a result of Witherspoon's leadership, enrollment at the college increased, the college's finances greatly improved, and more faculty were hired. Witherspoon by every account was a transformative and successful college president.
College student James Madison would be introduced to the great philosophical thinkers in Witherspoon' seminars. Witherspoon, like other Scottish professors during the mid-eighteenth century, was an exceptionally skilled instructor. His pedagogical approach was honed at Scottish universities, which at the time were known for embracing the most rigorous academic standards in English speaking countries. In his seminars, Witherspoon introduced Madison and his classmates to an array of Scottish philo
As a student, Madison was very serious and dedicated to his studies. His pre-college tutorial sessions with the Rev. Thomas Martin and his several years at the boarding school studying under Rev. Donald Robertson had prepared him so well that he earned his bachelor's of arts degree in two years. But rather than head back to the family plantation, he chose to stay an additional year beyond graduation to take more courses in theology and ethics with Witherspoon.
Beyond his intense commitment to academics, Madison also participated in the Whig Society, a debating club that challenged the views of the college's more prominent Cliosophic Society. A reserved young man and on the shy side, it was through the pressure and demands associated with face-to-face collegiate debating that Madison was able to refine and further develop his critical thinking and oratory skills
skills that would greatly serve him throughout his career as a public servant. Yet despite
Witherspoon's students were well-educated and well-versed in the classics by the time of graduation. His gripping and challenging seminars likely included, among others, the writings of John Locke. Locke's Second Treatise on Civil Government which appeared in 1689 during England's Glorious Revolution must have been on Witherspoon's required reading list. Locke's emphasis on God-given inalienable rights, which included life, liberty and property, as well as the God-given right to revolt against a
American independence from Great Britain was also a topic of much discussion during Madison's days in college. Revolution was hotly debated, with Witherspoon's lectures by no means neutral on this subject. Indeed, after Madison had graduated, Witherspoon, while still serving as president of the college, was elected in 1776 to the Continental Congress where he served three consecutive terms. It was the Second Continental Congress, of which Witherspoon was a member, which spearheaded the war for i
The impact of Witherspoon's seminars, his vast knowledge of religion, politics and philosophy, along with his academic mentoring of students, was evident in the number of his former students who chose to pursue public service careers. The list is impressive: "a president and vice president of the United States, nine cabinet officers, twenty-one senators, thirty-nine congressman, three justices of the Supreme Court, and twelve state governors." To date, it is unlikely to discover a college profes
In 1772, with college completed, Madison returned to his father's plantation. His seminars with Witherspoon had molded his philosophy of government and strengthened his support for religious liberty. Feldman writes, "What Madison learned in college, much of it from Witherspoon himself, would influence the course of his thinking for the rest of his life."
When Madison returned to Montpelier, he was not in the best of health. Health problems became more acute during his last year of college and had become even more severe after he had returned home. Writing to his close college friend, William Bradford, Madison expressed a morose outlook towards his future. He described himself as "too dull and infirm now to look out for any extraordinary things in this world," nor did he anticipate "a long or healthy life." Attempting to cheer up his friend, Brad
When Madison was a young boy living on his father's plantation, tension between the thirteen colonies and Great Britain had been festering since the end of the French and Indian War. This was a war fought from 1754-1763 between Britain and France to determine which of the two powerful European countries would have control over North America. The war was taking place during a much larger conflict occurring in Europe between France and Britain, along with allies of both countries. In Europe the wa
Even though Britain had defeated France, the war had plunged the treasury of Great Britain into serious debt. As a response, taxes and other harsh economic measures were imposed on the colonists by the British Parliament. The clear intent was to replenish the depleted British Treasury. Such taxing measures included the Sugar Act 1764, the Stamp Act 1765 and the Townshend Acts passed in 1767 and 1768. The taxing measures passed by the British Parliament and without the consent of the colonists, s
Exhibiting little respect for the colonists and describing them as disloyal British subjects, the British Parliament in 1773 passed the infamous Tea Act. The act, which served to further inflame the colonists, placed the British owned East India Company in a privileged trading position, while simultaneously suppressing the economic interests of colonial tea companies. As Stacy Schiff notes, "It allowed the East India Company to export tea directly, without additional duty, and to appoint agents
The Boston Tea Party followed. On the night of December 16, 1773, rebellious colonists disguised as Native Americans boarded British ships anchored in Boston's harbor. Over the course of two hours and with exceptional precision, the "Sons of Liberty" pried open and dumped more than three hundred chests of tea into the freezing waters of the harbor.
Rather than recognize the intense hostility caused by the Tea Act and deciding to negotiate a compromise with the colonists, the British Parliament with the support of King George III responded by passing a body of four acts in 1774 collectively titled the "Coercive Acts." Colonists chose to label the laws as the "Intolerable Acts." The acts were specifically intended to punish the colonists and the city of Boston for the rebellious incident. One of the acts was the "Boston Port Act," which offi
James Madison was no longer a boy, nor for that matter a college student, when the Tea Act was imposed on the colonists and when the Boston Tea Party occurred. He was home from college and living comfortably on his father's plantation. Yet at this point in his life he had already become a strong supporter of American independence, His opposition to the harsh taxing measures imposed by Britain, the teachings of Witherspoon, the bold actions of the Sons of Liberty in Boston, and the Coercive Acts
In April 1775, colonists clashed with British soldiers in the Massachusetts towns of Lexington and Concord, With the revolution against Britain now starting, Madison in October 1775 was appointed by Virginia's Committee of Safety as a colonel in the Orange County militia. This appointment, despite his impressive rank, required little official or strenuous activity on Madison's part. His health was poor and he knew that serving as an officer in the militia would not be a part of his future. Madis
In April of 1776, James Madison entered the world of public service as a delegate to an important convention held in Williamsburg, the current seat of government in colonial Virginia. The purpose of this convention was to write a constitution for the colony of Virginia. Conventions at the time were formed in several of the colonies for the purpose of providing colonists with more autonomy over matters related to independence. The conventions, which consisted of delegates elected from local commu
It was at the Virginia Convention in 1776 where Madison met George Mason. At the age of twenty-five, Madison's interactions with Mason would prove to be a transformative and highly educational experience. Perhaps to his surprise, Madison was invited to serve on a committee headed by Mason to draft the Virginia Declaration of Rights and a new constitution for Virginia. Regarded as one of the most learned and well-versed individuals with respect to the history of England and law, Mason, who owned
The committee to which Madison was appointed worked diligently on a Declaration of Rights and a constitution. It was a large committee consisting of more than two dozen members. In his capacity as committee chair, Mason directed the business of the committee. A number of learned Virginians were also selected to serve on Mason's committee, one of whom was Patrick Henry, a strident supporter of American independence. Henry would be elected Virginia's first governor in 1776.
A number of proposals to help the delegates with their work were delivered from several individuals, one of whom was Thomas Jefferson. Jefferson at the time was serving in the Continental Congress located in Philadelphia. Jefferson forwarded three different versions of a proposed constitution to Mason's committee. The committee accepted some of Jefferson's proposals, but in the end the committee's final draft more closely reflected the ideas of the individual committee members. The writings of
Although Madison as a committee member made contributions to the Virginia Declaration of Rights and the colony's new constitution, his contributions according to most accounts were limited. As the youngest member of the committee, Madison out of respect deferred to the wisdom of Mason and felt obligated to defer to the views of the more senior members of the committee. Yet there was one provision of the Declaration of Rights that reflected Madison's direct influence. This was the sixteenth provi
Although Madison had been baptized as an Anglican, which was the denomination of the Madison family, he had never undergone formal confirmation within the Anglican Church. His strong opinions against an established church in Virginia apparently stemmed from watching how Baptists were systematically persecuted by the Anglican controlled colonial government. Ketcham describes the persecution, "The decade of the 1760s was one of violent persecution of the dissenters, specifically the Baptists who w
The merger of church and state was not unusual among the American colonies, nor for that matter when colonies became states following independence. Indeed, several state constitutions required tax supported churches. Establishment varied from one state to the next. In Virginia it was the Anglican Church. In Connecticut, taxes were paid to support the Congregational Church.
The Virginia Declaration of Rights reflected the writings and views of Enlightenment philosophers, such as John Locke. In his treatment of the Virginia Declaration of Rights, Chester James Antieu states, "This was the first deliberate adoption of the natural rights philosophy as the basis for political organization anywhere in the world." Although Madison was certainly a contributor to the Virginia Declaration of Rights, credit for this profound document belongs almost exclusively to George Maso
Madison was surely in awe of the committee with whom he had been selected to serve. He must have found this experience to be an extraordinary opportunity to learn about history, liberties, and republican government from not only Mason, but also from several other learned convention delegates. It is important to note that the convention Madison attended not only devoted its attention to composing a Declaration of Rights and a new constitution for Virginia, but also went a step farther by unanimou
Whether it was due to the unanimous vote of Virginia's constitutional convention, or growing support among the colonies for independence, the Continental Congress in the summer of 1776 had finally come to the conclusion that revolution was the only possible road to achieving independence from Britain. A five-member committee was subsequently selected to write a Declaration of Independence. Due to his eloquent writing style and masterful grasp of political philosophy, the committee deferred to Th
Chapter Two Madison's Entry into Public Service and the Constitutional Convention
An Unsuccessful Bid for Public Office
The Governor's Council
Madison as a Member of the Continental Congress
Madison as a Member of the Virginia House of Delegates
Madison's "Memorial and Remonstrance"
Jefferson's Virginia Statute for Religious Freedom
The Annapolis Convention
Shays' Rebellion
James Madison at the Constitutional Convention
The Virginia Delegation
The Virginia Plan
State Constitutions Were Also Consulted
Madison's Two Major Defeats at the Constitutional Convention
Representation in the Upper Chamber
Congressional Veto Power Over State laws
The Ratification Process
James Madison --- "Father of the Constitution"
Madison served one term in the Virginia House of Delegates immediately following approval of the state's constitution. A clause in the new constitution allowed those who served as delegates to the convention to continue as members of the assembly during the first legislative session. Thus, it was in 1776 as a member of the Virginia House of Delegates that Madison began his long career as a public servant.
Intrigued by the give and take of legislative politics, Madison, when his term expired decided to seek a second term in the House of Delegates. His confidence as a member of the assembly had grown and his intellect had impressed fellow delegates. However, despite Madison's desire to continue as an elected legislator, he quickly learned that politics is not always about impressing voters with one's intelligence and ideas, but rather by cultivating personal loyalties in the form of small favors fo
Despite his defeat, the word had circulated among the political class in Virginia that the young James Madison should be given a meaningful role in Virginia's new government. His sharp intelligence and his penchant for precision were attributes deemed beneficial to Virginia's interests. Accordingly, Madison was appointed by Virginia's House of Delegates to serve on the Governor's Council of Virginia's first governor, Patrick Henry. The Governor's Council was modeled after the privy councils of E
From 1777 to 1779, Madison first served on the Council of Governor Patrick Henry. This was an important position, as Virginia's new constitution required the Governor's Council to participate in every decision made by the governor. Reflecting on his time as one of the eight councilors to Governor Henry, Madison, rather than recalling the situation as one of eight councilors and a governor, felt the more accurate description was one of "eight governors and a councilor." Madison truly loved servin
In June of 1779, Thomas Jefferson was elected governor of Virginia. Madison, due to his diligence and insight, was once again appointed as a councilor. For six months, Madison would serve as a personal advisor to Jefferson. Like George Mason, Jefferson would provide an invaluable mentorship to the young man from Orange County. Although Madison had briefly met the older Virginian when Jefferson stepped down from the Continental Congress in 1776 to occupy a seat in the Virginia legislature, the tw
During his time as a councilor, Madison boarded at the home of his cousin, the Reverend James Madison. In 1776, the Reverend Madison had been selected as the president of the College of William and Mary. Living at the stately home of his cousin, an Episcopal Minister, was a convenient and comfortable form of lodging for Madison. He had a comfortable and rewarding existence while serving on the Councils of Henry and Jefferson.
In 1779, Madison was chosen by the Virginia legislature to serve in the Continental Congress. He enthusiastically accepted the opportunity to serve as a congressional representative in light of the Congress' central role related to the revolution. The revolution was now in its fourth year with the outcome far from certain. As a representative in Congress, Madison felt certain he could be an important contributor to the war for independence. At the
Formed as a reaction to the abuses of King George III and resistance to the harsh measures imposed on the colonies by the British Parliament, leaders of the thirteen colonies had formed a Congress to protect and advance colonial interests. Members of the Continental Congress had selected Philadelphia as its meeting place. Historians describe the Continental Congress as consisting of two distinct periods. The First Continental Congress lasted only a short while, from 1774 to 1775, while the Secon
Madison's contributions as a member of Congress were significant. Like his performance at the Virginia Convention and during his time as a member of the councils that advised of Henry and Jefferson, Madison's reputation as a learned public servant with a keen eye towards detail impressed his fellow lawmakers. As Irving Brant notes, when Madison took to the floor to speak, "the effect was startling upon those who did not know him well."
One of the policy areas in which Madison made an important contribution while serving as a member of the Continental Congress pertained to resolving land claims which speculators had acquired in regions west of the thirteen colonies. Speculators prior to the war for independence included such notable individuals as John Hancock, George Washington, Benjamin Franklin and George Mason. The rights to western land purchased by wealthy colonists had become complicated due to the Proclamation Line of 1
Madison's intellectual and political reputation resulted in his appointment to every key legislative committee in the Continental Congress. On virtually every major issue that came before the Congress, Madison was a contributor to final resolutions. "As he learned that his insights, his pen, and his political skills were extraordinary useful in Congress, he knew he had found his place." Madison's love and respect for the legislative process was reflected in the fact that he had near perfect atte
Although during his time as a member of the Second Continental Congress, Madison expressed support for state sovereignty, studies of his legislative behavior suggest that at this point in his life he had become a proponent of national solutions and often gravitated to the "nationalist faction" of lawmakers. Adam Tate observes, "During spring 1781, the nationalists proposed two measures: the impost and the coercive powers amendment. Madison supported both measures. Historians have long viewed Mad
While Madison was serving in the Second Continental Congress, the Congress with the approval of the thirteen states adopted a national constitution titled the Articles of Confederation. This constitution would last for only seven years, 1781 to 1788. With the exception of the Northwest Ordinance passed by the Confederation Congress in 1787, which outlined procedures for admitting new states into the Union, the Articles of Confederation were a noble, but unsuccessful, experiment in self-governmen
With public service his calling, Madison returned home to Orange County where after only three months he decided to serve as a member of the Virginia House of Delegates. As Sidney Howard Gay notes, "Mr. Madison's reputation was already made by his three years in Congress, and he now easily took a place among the political leaders of his own State." To protect the assembly from the British, the Virginia House of Delegates in 1780 had been relocated from Williamsburg to Richmond.
While a member of the Virginia House of Delegates, Madison, a firm believer in religious freedom, which was evident when he helped draft The Virginia Declaration Rights, led a challenge to Virginia's tradition of supporting public policies intended to sustain the Anglican Church. Church and state in Virginia were closely intertwined with one another, as they were in several other states.
In 1785, Governor Patrick Henry had introduced a bill to the legislature titled "Establishing a Provision for Teachers of the Christian Religion." The bill required the use of property tax dollars to pay for educational programs run by Christian ministers in Virginia. The bill did not specify Anglican ministers, but rather Christian ministers in general. Henry's bill allowed taxpayers to designate which Christian religion their tax dollars should be directed. In the view of Vincent Munoz, "Henry
Madison knew what Henry's motivations were and decided to oppose the bill in writing. His written objections presented to the Virginia legislature were titled Memorial and Remonstrance. In this impressive body of objections, Madison presented fifteen separate articles in which he not only challenged Henry's bill, but also argued in forceful terms for the God-given right to religious liberty. Reflecting on Madison's written objections and support for religious freedom, Munoz states, "The 'Memoria
While a member of the House of Delegates, Madison also shepherded a bill that Jefferson had proposed protecting religious freedom. Fortunately for Jefferson, who at the time was serving as Minister to France, Madison was able to use his political leverage to navigate Jefferson's bill. The bill passed on January 16, 1786. The bill, titled the "Virginia Statute for Religious Freedom," represented Jefferson's views, as well as Madison's, regarding the rights of religious minorities. Both Jefferson
While serving in the House of Delegates, Madison remained in close contact with several Virginians he had served with when he was a member of Congress. Deeply concerned about the viability of the Articles of Confederation, in 1785 Madison traveled to Philadelphia to meet with his former colleagues for the purpose of discussing what reforms were needed to strengthen the Congress. His conversations were not only informative but also convinced him to encourage the Virginia assembly to draft a resol
"Positive instructions from the largest southern state might help to break the impasse within Congress, defuse the sectional tensions that had already alarmed Madison and facilitate later ratification by the states." Much to Madison's disappointment, however, his proposed resolution was not supported by the Virginia legislature. This was predictable, as the commerce power under the Articles of Confederation was the exclusive domain of the individual states. State lawmakers in Virginia were unwil
Yet to Madison's satisfaction, the Virginia assembly under the leadership of Speaker of the House John Tyler, the father of the future president by the same name, approved an alternative resolution calling for the thirteen states to meet in a convention for the purpose of reviewing trade and commercial relations among the states. The Virginia resolution called upon the thirteen states "to take into consideration the trade of the United States, to examine the relative situations and trade of the
Despite an invitation to the thirteen state legislatures to send delegates to the Annapolis Convention, delegates from only five states attended: Delaware, New Jersey, New York, Pennsylvania and Virginia. Collectively, there was a total of twelve delegates who attended the convention, all of whom, as Louis Ottenberg notes, "were in favor of the same thing - strengthening the Federal government." Massachusetts, New Hampshire, North Carolina and Rhode Island had selected delegates to attend the co
One of Madison's allies at the Annapolis Convention who had arrived as a delegate from New York was Alexander Hamilton. Madison had become acquainted with Hamilton when both served together in Congress. Hamilton, like Madison, favored a much stronger national government with a broad set of powers. He was one of the most strident critics of the Articles of Confederation. At the Annapolis Convention, Hamilton authored a report titled "Address of the Annapolis Convention." In this report, Hamilton
Despite poor attendance and the absence of a quorum to conduct official business, the Annapolis Convention held from September 11 to 14, 1786 merits historic importance, as it served to create momentum for the Constitutional Convention that was convened the following year. In addition to Hamilton, Madison loomed very large behind this development. Commenting on what transpired at the Annapolis Convention, Brookhiser suggests that Madison and Hamilton not only benefitted from poor attendance, but
By the end of 1786, Madison, Hamilton and other advocates for a stronger federal government had successfully convinced a number of key individuals, which included several members of Congress, that the Articles of Confederation were deficient and that a convention was necessary to save the fledgling republic. To help buttress their call for reform, in the summer of 1786 and extending into 1787, a farmers revolt led by former revolutionary war captain, Daniel Shays, occurred in western Massachuset
Although the rebellion was eventually suppressed by the Massachusetts militia, "Shays' Rebellion," as it became known, caused much consternation among members of the Confederation Congress. The rebellion, although confined to one region and in only one state, further bolstered the argument of those calling for a stronger centralized government that could provide order and stability to the country. Madison had called on the Congress to take forceful measures against the rebels, although he realiz
Shays' Rebellion is often described in textbooks as the "catalyst" that led to the Constitutional Convention in 1787. The revolt certainly elevated the urgency for a convention to carefully review the inherent flaws of the Articles of Confederation, and perhaps overhaul or even jettison that decentralized and distrustful scheme of government. Although support for a convention had been growing prior to the rebellion, the uprising, which some felt might spread to other states, provided Madison, Ha
In 1787, Madison was once again elected to Congress, a position beneficial for building support for a convention. The Congress in 1787 was now meeting in New York City. Since 1774, the Congress had met in seven different locations due to the mobility and constant presence of British troops. Madison's efforts to orchestrate a convention along with the efforts of Hamilton and other pro-convention members of the Congress would soon be successful.
The Congress, apparently swayed by Hamilton's Annapolis report, Madison's persuasive support for another convention, and the disturbing farmers' rebellion in western Massachusetts, finally voted for a convention to review the problem of national governance. Congress' call for a convention did not suggest that the convention's purpose would be to write a new constitution, but rather for "the sole and express purpose of revising the Articles of Confederation." Although a majority of congressional
May 14, 1787 was selected by Congress as the start date of the convention. The city of Philadelphia was selected as the convention's site. The convention would be held in the Pennsylvania State House, which since 1776 had been renamed "Independence Hall." It was an appropriate city for the convention and an appropriate building in which to conduct such a convention. The room in which the convention would be held was the same room where the Continental Congress had originally met and where Thomas
Many of the delegates who attended the convention were learned individuals with experience in government and public affairs. Political novices were not among the delegates. Yet among the fifty-five delegates who attended the convention, there was one delegate who stood apart from the others with respect to his grasp of large and small republics, his familiarity with the writings of Greeks and Romans, and his knowledge of philosophers associated with the Scottish Enlightenment. That delegate was
Although Madison's knowledge regarding the complexities of government can certainly be traced to the teachings of Witherspoon, along with his own independent reading, his intellectual preparation for the convention can also be attributed to the assistance provided to him by his mentor, Thomas Jefferson. Several months before the convention, Jefferson, while serving as Minister to France, sent chests of books to Madison to help prepare him for debate on the convention floor. Catherine Drinker Bow
The books arrived not by ones and two, but by the hundreds
thirty seven volumes of the new Encyclopedie Methodique, books on political theory, and the law of nations, histories, works by Burlamaqui, Voltaire, Diderot, Mably, Necker, d'Albon. There were biographies and memoirs, histories in sets of eleven volumes and such timely productions as Mirabeau on The order of the Cincincinnati.
Forever the serious student, Madison's note taking was extensive while reading the books Jefferson had supplied. He focused in particular on the success and failure of the more recent and ancient confederacies, studying each one thoroughly and separately. These included, "the Lycian Confederacy, the Amphicytonic, the Achaean, the Helvetic, the Belgic, the Germanic." Based on his extensive reading and note taking, Madison authored a paper that he intended for use at the forthcoming convention. Hi
Madison was part of a seven-member delegation selected for the convention by the Virginia state legislature. The Virginians were a most distinguished group. They included the retired and revered General George Washington who had been coaxed out of retirement by Madison to not only attend the convention but to also serve as the convention's presiding officer. As Robert Allen Rutland notes, "That settled the matter of whether good men or second-raters would attend." Virginia's current governor Edm
It was on May 29, 1787, that Randolph presented the "Virginia Plan" to the convention. This was a comprehensive reform plan consisting of fifteen separate resolutions. Although it was Randolph who presented the Virginia Plan, the Plan in reality represented the handiwork of Madison. Despite the fact that some of the Plan's resolutions were voted down by the delegates, it was nevertheless the Virginia Plan that ultimately persuaded a majority of delegates to forego a revision of the Articles of C
The original fifteen resolutions of the Virginia Plan that Madison drafted and which Randolph presented have unfortunately never been found. Yet what does provide evidence regarding the content of the fifteen resolutions can be discerned from the notes of the convention that were recorded by Madison. Madison, not surprisingly, meticulously recorded the day-by-day proceedings that have provided a treasure trove of material for historians and constitutional scholars to draw upon. Although some sch
Despite the fact that some of Madison's resolutions were not supported by the delegates and some subject to modification, a review of the Virginia Plan will still reveal clear connections to the governing system established by the Constitution. These include a bicameral national legislature with the lower chamber directly elected by the people with population determining the number of representatives allotted to the individual states. There is also an upper chamber, although Madison proposed tha
Somewhat overlooked in treatments of the Constitutional Convention and the decisions that were reached was the important role that state constitutions played in helping to guide the thoughts of the delegates. While it is true that the philosophical works of Locke and Montesquieu as well the historical experiences of European republics influenced the views of Madison and other delegates, so too were the practical experiences that some of the delegates had with their own state constitutions. Betwe
Although Madison favored a system of representative democracy, the Virginia Plan was nevertheless viewed by delegates from the small and less populated states as deficient with respect to providing fair representation for states in Congress. According to the Virginia Plan, representatives in both the lower and upper houses of Congress would be based on the population of each state. Clearly, states like Virginia, New York and Pennsylvania would dominate states like New Jersey, Connecticut and Del
In response to Madison's proposed model of representation, New Jersey's governor, William Patterson, presented what became known as the "New Jersey Plan." Patterson's Plan deviated from Madison's Virginia Plan by supporting a unicameral legislature with equal representation for every state regardless of a state's population or status. Every state would therefore have equal power related to the legislative process. To make his point, Patterson delivered a forceful speech before the delegates that
A "Grand Committee" was formed to resolve the large state versus small state controversy. The work of the committee resulted in the "Great Compromise," or "Connecticut Compromise," which reflected the astute recommendations of Roger Sherman, one of the three delegates representing Connecticut. The Grand Committee recommended that representatives in the lower house of Congress would be apportioned based on the population of individual states, which is what Madison proposed, while in the upper hou
Included within the "Great Compromise" was the provision for counting the slave populations within the individual states for the purpose of representation and taxation. A number of delegates from the northern states felt that slaves, because they were property, should be counted for the purpose of taxation, but should not be counted for allocating congressional representatives to states. Many southern delegates felt differently. They argued that slaves should be counted when allocating represent
The result was the notorious three-fifths compromise. The compromise involved the counting of three-fifths of a state's slave population for the purpose of taxation and representation. The compromise provided southern states with additional representatives in Congress, a strategic decision for bolstering southern support for the Constitution. Although critics of the compromise have suggested that the Founders viewed a slave as three-fifths of a person, an understandable criticism, the three-fift
The second defeat for Madison involved his resolution that would give Congress a veto power over the actions of state legislatures. Madison had argued that Congress should be authorized under the Constitution to veto any state law that federal lawmakers deemed harmful to the national interest. Madison's support for this congressional power, which he believed was necessary for preserving the Union, was perplexing given his subsequent and strong support for federalism during the fight to ratify th
The Constitutional Convention continued throughout the summer with the delegates completing their work in September. On September 17, thirty-nine delegates signed their name to the proposed Constitution of the United States. Although Madison is the principal figure associated with the U.S. Constitution, one would be remiss not to call one's attention to the fact that a number of individuals from the twelve state delegations each in their own way contributed to the structure and content of the fi
In his comprehensive treatment of the Constitutional Convention, Akhil Reed Amar posits that in addition to Madison, much credit should also belong to James Wilson from Pennsylvania and certainly George Washington who presided over the convention. Wilson, in Amar's view, could conceivably be called the "father of the Constitution." "When it became clear that the Articles were failing, Wilson theorized a brilliant new approach - popular sovereignty - that underpinned and unified the Constitution
Regarding Washington's role, Amar points to the creation of the American presidency located within Article II of the Constitution. It was because of Washington that the Constitution established, "a presidency far more muscular than any state counterpart, with an independent electoral base, a substantial (four year) term of office, unlimited reeligibility, a powerful pair of veto and pardon pens, broad appointment and removal powers, military and diplomatic heft, personal control over executive d
Printed copies of the proposed Constitution were sent off to the states for ratification once it had been approved by the Convention. Article VII of the Constitution stated that the affirmative votes of nine states would be required to ratify the Constitution. Sending the Constitution to state conventions was strategic, as state conventions, unlike state legislatures, would consist of a cross section of people within each state, as opposed to a body of elected state lawmakers. Elected state lawm
The Framers knew that despite sending the proposed Constitution to state ratifying conventions that a major fight still loomed ahead. Not surprisingly, the little man from Montpelier would be instrumental in securing the Constitution's ratification. Writing to Jefferson on October 24, 1787, a little more than a month after the Convention adjourned, Madison described how remarkable it was that the Constitution, in light of the deep political divisions that existed among delegates, was able to pro
Although James Madison is identified as the "Father of the Constitution" due to his efforts at the Constitutional Convention, there are scholars, such as Amar, who believe the title gives Madison too much credit for the governing document that finally emerged from the Constitutional Convention. Harold Schultz also objects to the title. As Schultz put it, "The exalted title 'Father of the Constitution' exaggerates Madison's influence at Philadelphia. The Constitution that was finally approved in
Yet despite legitimate questions regarding Madison's influence at the Constitutional Convention, there can be no denying that the "framework" of the Constitution belongs to Madison, more than any other delegate. Moreover, Madison was highly instrumental in spearheading the call for a convention, and as the next chapter will show, he was a key figure in helping to win ratification of the Constitution in two key states - New York and Virginia. Also on the list is the Bill of Rights that Madison au
Chapter Three Madison Fights to Ratify the Constitution
High Profile Antifederalists
New York's Governor George Clinton
Virginia's Former Governor Patrick Henry
Governor Edmund Randolph
The Learned George Mason
Encouraging Words about Randolph
Antifederalist Essays
The Brutus Essays
The Agrippa Essays
The Federal Farmer Essays
The Centinel Essays
The Cato Essays
Governor Gerry's Letter
Madison's Correspondence with Jefferson
The Federalist Papers
Federalist No. 10
Federalist No. 51
Madison Heads to Virginia for a Showdown
The Virginia Ratifying Convention
Patrick Henry
Edmund Randolph
James Monroe
George Mason
James Madison
Foreign Policy Was Also Debated
Thomas Jefferson
Virginia's Ratification Vote
There was little doubt in the mind of James Madison following the Constitutional Convention that a major political fight would commence once the proposed Constitution was presented to delegates at the state ratifying conventions. Securing the support of at least nine states would be a major challenge. If ratified, the Constitution would transform the nation's governing system from that of a confederal form of government in which states were supreme, to that of a federal government in which state
The coming fight over ratification would be the greatest democratic event in the history of the world up to that point in time. White male freeholders across the thirteen states would be tasked with electing delegates to special ratifying conventions that would determine whether the Constitution would be adopted.
Those who opposed the proposed Constitution and who preferred a continuation of the Articles of Confederation, were identified as '"anti-federal men' with an 'anti-federal disposition.'" At some point, the opponents of the Constitution became known as Antifederalists. The title of the opponents was understandable, as it was a broadly empowered federal government that was being proposed for ratification. Those who supported the Constitution and a new federal form of government were identified qui
Federalists and Antifederalists were located in towns and cities among the thirteen states. In some states, such as Hamilton's home state of New York and Madison's home state of Virginia, there was a clear division between Federalists and Antifederalists, while in other states, such as Delaware and Connecticut, the divisions were mild. Although Madison recognized that it was possible to win the support of nine states without the support of Virginia and New York, he knew that to bring the Constit
In the state of New York, Governor George Clinton, the most powerful figure in New York politics, was a leading Antifederalist. Clinton was in his sixth term as governor and had an exceptionally strong base of political supporters known as the "Clintonians." To complicate matters for the Federalists, Clinton was scheduled to be the presiding officer at the New York ratifying convention. The convention with Clinton presiding was scheduled to take place in Poughkeepsie, New York.
Patrick Henry, who served as Virginia's first governor from 1776- 1779 and again as governor from 1784-1786, was also a strident opponent of the proposed Constitution. Like Clinton in New York, Henry had a loyal base of supporters. It was Henry who proclaimed that he "smelt a rat" when the Constitutional Convention was initially called for. It was therefore understandable that he was not a member of the seven member Virginia delegation that attended the Convention. Although Henry was a great pat
Randolph, who served as Virginia's governor from 1786-1788, was also a problem for Madison. Ironically, it was Randolph who had led the Virginia delegation in Philadelphia, and it was Randolph who presented the Virginia Plan. However, as the convention progressed, Randolph withdrew his support for the Constitution. He expressed concern about a potential aristocracy in the Senate and a presidency tantamount to that of "a little monarch." Madison however still felt that Randolph, who had succeeded
Madison had also lost the support of George Mason at the Convention. Mason's primary reason for not supporting the Constitution was that it did not contain a bill of rights. In Mason's view, a bill of rights was essential for protecting the American people from the newly created federal government. As the principal author of the Virginia Declaration of Rights, which protected and expanded civil liberties to the people of Virginia, Mason's objection was understandable. At the Convention, Mason's
After the Convention, Madison had received a letter from Randolph suggesting that the shortcomings of the proposed Constitution could perhaps be remedied in a second constitutional convention. Madison however saw no need to call for a second convention, particularly after how contentious the Philadelphia Convention had been. He also suspected political mischief in calls for a second convention. He thought that the ratification battle could be won without further changes to the proposed Constitut
Despite the strong opposition of key political figures in both New York and Virginia, Madison was confident that a majority of delegates in the ratifying conventions of both states could eventually be persuaded to vote for ratification. Yet he knew it would require a grand political strategy to win the support of both state conventions, particularly after eloquent essays penned by Antifederalists began appearing in newspapers.
Shortly after copies of the Constitution were circulated to the states, a number of essays in opposition to the Constitution began appearing in newspapers throughout the Northeastern and Mid-Atlantic states. The articles were penned by authors writing under pseudonyms associated with Roman patriots. There were essays authored by "Brutus," "Agrippa," "Cato," "Centinel," and the "Federal Farmer." The essays expressed strong opposition to the proposed Constitution and underscored what the authors v
The Antifederalist essays raised valid arguments, which Madison and supporters of the Constitution could not ignore. In addition to the Antifederalist articles penned under pseudonyms, Patrick Henry without concealing his identity was speaking forcefully against the Constitution, as was the governor of Massachusetts, Elbridge Gerry. Gerry, despite serving as a member of the Massachusetts delegation to the Convention, had decided that the Constitution should not be supported. Both Henry and Gerry
Appearing in the New York Journal from October 1787 to April 1788, readers were exposed to several essays against the Constitution authored by an Antifederalist under the name of "Brutus." Of all the Antifederalist articles published in newspapers calling for the defeat of the Constitution, the Brutus essays are considered by historians to be the most persuasive and cogent. Brutus warned those who would be voting to ratify the proposed Constitution of the inherent dangers associated with Congres
Essays from "Agrippa" appeared in the Massachusetts Gazette from November 1787 to January 1788. The central concerns of Agrippa pertained to the Constitution's potential harm to local governments, personal freedom and commerce. Agrippa's essays were directed to the forthcoming Massachusetts ratifying convention, as well as the people of Massachusetts. Agrippa was especially concerned that personal freedom would be compromised by the Constitution and how a reduction in freedom would compromise ec
Essays from the "Federal Farmer" were printed in the County Journal in Poughkeepsie, New York from October 8, 1787 to January 1788. In his first essay, The Federal Farmer expressed reservations about the structure of federalism contained within the proposed Constitution and what he viewed as a potential loss of states' rights. As the Federal Farmer put it, "It appears to be a plan retaining some federal features, but to be the first important step, and to aim strongly, to one consolidated govern
In addition to Brutus, Agrippa and the Federal Farmer, an opponent of the Constitution was writing persuasive essays against the proposed Constitution under the pseudonym of "Centinel." Centinel's essays appeared in the Independent Journal distributed in the city of Philadelphia, the same city where the Declaration of Independence was read and where the proposed Constitution was drafted. In his essay published on October 5, 1787, Centinel expressed great concern over the potential loss of libert
Essays authored by "Cato" appeared in the New York Journal from November 22, 1787 to January 3, 1788. In essays 5-7, Cato addressed the problems he perceived in the office of the presidency. Cato noted that the language contained in Article II of the Constitution establishing the presidential office was "vague and inexplicit." Cato compared the vague and broad powers assigned to the presidency as similar to that of a monarch. He noted, the "president possessed of the power given him by this fram
The most ambitious opposition to the Constitution was evident in the essays penned by Brutus, Agrippa, the Federal Farmer, Centinel and Cato. Yet there were other Antifederalists who authored informative and well-crafted essays that have received less attention compared to their more famous counterparts. These essays were also sophisticated and convincingly argued. For example, on November 28, 1787 an essay opposed to the Constitution was submitted to the Independent Gazette in Philadelphia from
Madison, although expecting opposition to the proposed Constitution, may have been startled by the volume and sophistication of the Antifederalist essays appearing in newspapers throughout several of the states. Such essays, much to his chagrin, noted few if any positive features of the Constitution. In addition to the plethora of essays in opposition to the Constitution, Madison was also aware of the many speeches and letters against the Constitution delivered by esteemed political leaders such
Governor Elbridge Gerry's letter to the Massachusetts legislature on October 18, 1787 identified several serious flaws with the Constitution's three-branch model of the federal government. Gerry noted, "there is no adequate provision for a representation of the people - that they have no security for the right of election -- that some of the powers of the Legislature are ambiguous and others indefinite and dangerous - that the Executive is blended with and will have an undue influence over the L
Shortly after the Convention had concluded, and while opposition to the Constitution among Antifederalists was rising, Madison had sent the proposed Constitution to Jefferson in Paris with the hope that his mentor and the governor he once served would find the Constitution a more desirable governing document than the Articles of Confederation. Jefferson's response, while not totally opposed to the Constitution, must have troubled Madison. In Jefferson's view, without a bill of rights, the pro
Jefferson's opposition to the Constitution was further evident in a letter he sent to William Carmichael, a prominent political figure in Maryland. The intent of his letter to Carmichael was to dissuade delegates to Maryland's ratifying convention from voting for the Constitution. In his letter, Jefferson predicted that the Constitution would likely be defeated in Virginia, which in his view would justify a second convention. In addition to Carmichael, Jefferson also sent excerpts of a letter he
Alexander Hamilton who was instrumental in promoting the Constitutional Convention and who strongly supported the proposed Constitution, recognized that a public relations campaign would be required to win the support of state ratifying conventions, particularly in those states where Antifederalist sentiment was strong. Hamilton recognized that the most effective way to influence the views of delegates selected to attend the contentious ratifying conventions would be to publish a series of persu
Hamilton resided in New York where he was a high profile and prominent lawyer. The political class in New York also knew that Hamilton had served as an aide-de-camp to George Washington during the war for independence, and that as one of the thirty-nine delegates who signed the Constitution he was a strong supporter of a new and broadly empowered federal government. To assist him with his public relations project, Hamilton sought the services of several learned individuals capable of articulatin
Hamilton also approached Gouverneur Morris who had served in the Continental Congress from New York. Morris, a signer of the Constitution, had relocated to Pennsylvania. Morris declined the invitation due to previous obligations. Hamilton also sought the services of William Duer, another well- known New Yorker and former member of the Continental Congress. Like Morris, Duer was a strong proponent of an empowered federal government. Although Duer was unable to commit to Hamilton's project, he did
Hamilton also asked James Madison to participate in his project, a most logical choice. Madison was serving as a member in the Confederation Congress that was located in New York. His proximity to Hamilton was convenient. Moreover, Hamilton and Madison already knew one another from their days together as delegates to the Constitutional Convention and their combined efforts at the Annapolis Convention. Chernow comments that by the time both Hamilton and Madison worked with one another at the Anna
Once the writing team was in place, Hamilton, Madison and Jay embarked on an elaborate writing campaign intended to win support for the Constitution. Their main target was the New York ratifying convention where they anticipated strong opposition to the Constitution. Accordingly, each of their published essays in New York newspapers, which included the New York Packet, were addressed "To the People of the State of New York."
Although the target was the New York ratifying convention, the Federalist essays also appeared in newspapers in several states outside of New York, although not in large numbers. Pauline Maier's research discovered that some of the early Federalist essays were sent by Hamilton and Madison to George Washington at Mount Vernon with a request to forward them to newspapers in Virginia. A small number of these essays submitted by Washington were reprinted in the Virginia Independent Chronicle located
A total of 85 essays were published beginning in October 1787 and extending into May of 1788. Each essay was titled Federalist and given a number 1 to 85. The authors wanted their readers to understand that the proposed federal government established in the Constitution was superior to that of the Articles of Confederation and contained governing principles that would further strengthen the country. At the same time, Hamilton, Madison and Jay chose to write under the pseudonym of "Publius." Acco
The Federalist essays were not however the first time that Hamilton resorted to essays under a pseudonym for the purpose of generating support for the Constitution. Prior to launching the Federalist project, Hamilton had penned four essays critical of the Confederation that appeared in The New York Packet. His four essays were published under the pen name, The Continentalist. Hamilton's essays warned of impending anarchy in the absence of a stronger federal government and that state secession wa
Although Hamilton was clearly the initiator and main contributor to the Federalist project, it is Madison's essays, particularly No. 10 and No. 51, that scholars often regard as the most persuasive and profound essays among the eighty-five. Indeed, Federalist No. 10 and No. 51 often appear in the Appendices of introductory American Government textbooks.
Important to note, however, is that although the 85 Federalist essays are routinely lauded by scholars as the definitive defense and interpretation of the Constitution, caution needs to be exercised for those who seek from the 85 articles an understanding of how government under the Constitution was supposed to function. As Wright notes, "The Federalist is a masterpiece of political argument intended more to persuade its readers to adopt the Constitution than to explain how it would operate. Tho
Nevertheless, despite Earl's words of caution regarding the significance of the Federalist project, there can be little doubt that the arguments presented in the 85 essays revealed not only the many strengths of the Constitution compared to the feeble and dysfunctional Articles of Confederation, but also the extraordinary brilliance and foresight of Hamilton, Madison and Jay. The essays, despite containing elements of political propaganda, should be viewed, as they often are, as among the core d
Madison's first contribution as Publius was Federalist No. 10. Hamilton and Jay in previous Federalist essays had made compelling arguments for a stronger federal government and how under the Constitution the hand of the federal government would be significantly strengthened, particularly in the area of foreign affairs. Madison's intention in No. 10 was to convey to his readers how an expanded federal republic, such as that which the Constitution would create, was a more stable and effective for
The smaller the society, the fewer probably will be the distinct parties and interests composing it
the fewer the distinct parties and interests, the more frequently will a majority be found of the same party
and the smaller the number of individuals composing a majority
and the smaller the compass with which they are placed, the more easily will they concert and execute their plans of oppression. Extend the sphere, and you take in a greater variety of parties and interests
you make it less
Madison's view that an enlarged republic as a check on factional power had also been expressed by Hamilton in Federalist 9. The lead author of the Federalist project stated very clearly in his first sentence that a strong Union was the best antidote to factional politics and anarchy. Madison in No. 10 felt it was necessary to expand upon Hamilton's essay to demonstrate the virtues of a stronger and expanded Union. As Hamilton stated in Federalist 9:
A Firm Union will be of the utmost moment to the peace and liberty of the States, as a barrier against domestic faction and insurrection. It is impossible to read the history of the petty republics of Greece and Italy without feeling sensations of horror and disgust at the distractions with which they were continually agitated, and at the rapid succession of revolutions by which they were kept in a state of perpetual vibration between the extremes of tyranny and anarchy.
Reflecting on Federalist No. 10, historian Burton Spivak notes that "Madison flipped the traditional view that only small republics could maintain the republic form over time. Madison believed that small republics, like the several states, were prone to class conflict over property, but extended republics held the answer to public tranquility." Expanding on the thrust of No. 10, Spivak notes that "Madison believed that in an extended national republic, the multitude of different religions, occup
Among Madison's many contributions to Hamilton's project, it is in Federalist No. 51 where one finds Madison's eloquent defense of the separation of powers doctrine, along with his support for a system of checks and balances. It is Federalist 51 that scholars point to when discussing the "Madisonian" model of government. The Virginia Plan is where one finds, as Rutland noted, the basic "framework" for this form of government. As discussed by John Fairlie, Madison, "accepted the doctrine as an es
In No. 51, Madison states that human beings are naturally inclined to seek power and control over others. Because of this natural lust for power, a government must be constructed in a way to ensure that power can be checked. As Madison put it, "Ambition must be made to counteract ambition." In Madison's view, three branches of government, each with its own sphere of power and with each branch constitutionally empowered to constrain the other two, is the most effective way of keeping the powers o
If men were angels, no government would be necessary. If angels were to govern men, neither external nor internal controls on government would be necessary. In framing a government, which is to be administered by men over men, the great difficulty lies in this: you must first enable the government to control the governed
and in the next place oblige it to control itself. A dependence on the people is, no doubt, the primary control on the government
but experience has taught mankind the necessi
Despite the brilliance of Federalist 51, it is important to note that what Madison articulated in his classic essay was not the first time that the doctrine of separated powers was introduced. As discussed in Chapter 1, while studying under Witherspoon, Madison was most certainly required to read John Locke's s Second Treatise on Civil Government published in 1689 and Baron de Montesquieu's The Spirit of Law published in 1748. Both Locke and Montesquieu supported a form of government with powers
Additional Federalist essays authored by Madison that have never received the same recognition as Nos. 10 and 51, yet are exceptionally insightful include Federalist Nos. 39, 45 and No. 46. In No. 39, Madison described how the Constitution once ratified would inherently sustain a republican form of government by virtue of the fact that the people would directly elect the members of the House of Representatives. Moreover, senators and the president, although not directly elected, would reflect th
Each State in ratifying the Constitution, is considered as a sovereign body, independent of all others, and only to be bound by its own voluntary act. In this relation, then the new Constitution will, if established, be a federal and not a national constitution.
To further allay the fears of Antifederalists that the states would lose all their powers under the Constitution, Madison in Federalist No. 45 explicitly discussed how the states would continue to have a broad range of powers under the Constitution and would continue as vibrant components of the new federal system.
The powers delegated by the proposed Constitution to the federal government are few and defined. Those which are to remain in the State governments are numerous and indefinite. The former will be exercised principally on external objects, as war, peace, negotiation, and foreign commerce. . . . The powers reserved to the several states will extend to all objects which, in the ordinary course of affairs, concern the lives, liberties, and properties of the people
and the internal order, improvemen
Madison expanded his argument regarding the preservation of states' rights in Federalist No. 46. Here he demonstrated that even those elected to serve in the federal government would remain wedded to the interests of their respective states.
It has already been proved that the members of the federal will be more dependent on the members of the State governments, than the latter will be on the former. . . . The prepossessions, which the members themselves will carry into the federal government, will generally be favorable to the States
. . . A local spirit will infallibly prevail much more in the members of Congress, than a national spirit will prevail in the legislatures of the particular States.
The New York ratifying convention was expected to be a very close vote, as well as the vote in the Virginia ratifying convention. Washington, concerned about the distinct prospect of the Virginia convention voting against the Constitution, wrote to Madison requesting that he return to Virginia to participate as a delegate at the state's ratifying convention. Although Madison had reservations about those who drafted the Constitution also participating as delegates in ratifying conventions, he agr
Bad weather delayed Madison's trip to Virginia. After traveling several difficult days in early March, his first stop in Virginia was to visit Washington at Mount Vernon to discuss the forthcoming convention. "After the cold winter in New York, Madison enjoyed the early signs of spring along the Potomac as he and his host visited in the pleasant parlors of Mount Vernon." Madison encouraged Washington to openly communicate to the people of Virginia his support for the Constitution, while delicate
Madison was elected as a convention delegate from Orange County by an overwhelming vote of 202 to 56. An important component of his support can be attributed to the support he received from Baptist voters who viewed Madison as a strong supporter of religious liberty and the rights of dissenting religions. In particular, support from the influential Baptist preacher John Leland, although perhaps not a sole determinant of the outcome, appears to have contributed in a significant way to Madison's l
Madison had meticulously prepared for the ratifying convention scheduled for June. With so much of his time and energy already having been devoted to advancing the Constitutional Convention, formulating the contents of the Constitution, and demonstrating the virtues of the Constitution in his Federalist essays, Madison felt confident that he could convince a majority of the delegates that the Constitution was a governing document worth supporting.
By late spring 1788, eight states had ratified the Constitution, with the conventions of New Hampshire, New York and Virginia scheduled for conventions in June. Yet Madison understood that even if New Hampshire or New York provided the ninth ratification vote to bring the Constitution into existence, it would still be harmful to the future of the United States if Virginia remained outside of the Union. The Constitution, in Cost's view, would for all intents and purposes be "stillborn" without Vi
To make sure the delegates were fully aware of the Constitution's contents and why this governing document was superior to the Articles of Confederation, Madison distributed printed copies of The Federalist to the convention delegates. He suspected that some of the delegates had not read in any careful way the proposed Constitution, nor for that matter were they intimately familiar with the Federalist essays. Madison was pleased to learn that the pro-Federalist Edmund Pendleton was selected to p
The Virginia ratifying convention was conducted from June 2 to June 27, 1788. The delegates met from 10:00 am to 4:00 pm for the first several days of the convention and then from 9:00 am to 5:00 pm from the middle of June to the convention's adjournment. Multiple and passionate speeches were delivered by the delegates, with some speaking several times to drive their key points home. Patrick Henry, as Madison anticipated, vehemently opposed the Constitution and delivered powerful and commanding
The Constitution in Henry's view, failed in every respect to protect the liberties of the people and to ensure adequate representation of the people in Congress. The great orator, who "smelt a rat" regarding the purpose of the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia, identified the Constitution as a threat to private property and targeted the monarchial character of the presidency. In Henry's view, the powers afforded to the presidency in the proposed Constitution were clearly "an awful squint
Madison knew that Henry could never be convinced to support the Constitution, while Randolph, despite his original opposition to the Constitution, was now moving towards ratification. Randolph admitted that although he initially refused to support the Constitution when he was a delegate to the Constitutional Convention, he now felt that preservation of the Union was paramount. He announced that he had finally come down on the side of the Constitution. The fact that eight states had already ratif
Responding to Henry's claim that it made little difference if Virginia was a member of the Union, Randolph reminded the delegates that under the Confederation there were frequent conflicts between states and that national security along with interstate commerce had been problematic. It was foolish in Randolph's view for the state of Virginia to remain outside of the Union. Feeling the need to employ drama to win his audience, Randolph standing before the delegates raised his arm and boldly procl
James Monroe, who would serve as the Secretary of State under President Madison, and would be elected as the country's fifth president, was also a delegate to the ratifying convention. At the time, Monroe was serving in Virginia's House of Delegates. Monroe apparently was not pleased that he had been passed over as one of Virginia's seven delegates to the Constitutional Convention. He also felt somewhat snubbed by both Madison and Randolph when the ratifying convention began. He wrote to Jeffers
Monroe, well before the Virginia convention had started, also had issues with George Washington, who he felt was calculating every move so that he would be remembered as a magnificent and heroic leader. "The Statesman" is how Monroe pejoratively referred to Washington. As a delegate, Monroe shared Jefferson's critical views towards the Constitution and suggested that the proposed presidency, which Washington would inevitably occupy, would be similar to that of a monarch. Like Henry, Monroe spoke
George Mason, as expected, also spoke against the Constitution. Among his several objections was the taxing power that was delegated to Congress in Article I, Section 8 of the Constitution. Mason proposed that the Constitution should be amended to give state legislatures the authority to determine how much in the way of taxes a state should provide to the federal government. In his view, Congress' taxing power was too discretionary without any limitations. He asked if it was appropriate for the
Mason's argument to allow state legislatures to control the amount of taxes paid to the federal government was not acceptable to Madison. Although "no taxation without representation" was a battle cry of the American Revolution, the taxing power of the federal government was, as Maier notes, "a sine qua non of an effective national government." Yet Mason's objections, although deemed unacceptable to supporters of the Constitution, were nevertheless serious and thoughtful. Mason drew from the wri
Madison was not in the best of health when the convention began. Yet despite having health issues, which he had experienced since childhood, he rose to the occasion and delivered extremely detailed and persuasive speeches in defense of the Constitution. Madison knew that he was unable to match Henry with respect to oratory, so his strategy would be to carefully dissect the Constitution line-by-line and in methodical fashion win the support of the delegates based on the merits of the Constitution
In a scholarly article lauding Madison's performance at the Virginia ratifying convention, the Hon. Charles Evans Hughes, who served as the Chief Justice of the U.S Supreme Court from 1930-1941, described Madison's persuasive oratory in this manner, "Cool, cautious, deliberative, he was capable of prolonged concentration in intellectual work, which resulted in convictions securely based in profound study and adequate reflection. His mental equilibrium was not upset by gusts of passion and he had
If this be their happy situation, why has every State acknowledged the contrary? Why were deputies from all the States sent to the General Convention? Why have complaints of national and individual distresses been echoed and re-echoed throughout the Continent? Why has our General Government been so shamefully disgraced, and our Constitution violated?
Although the highly spirited debate that occurred between Madison and Henry was mostly over where the locus of governing power should be and which model of government best served the interests of liberty, it would be remiss to overlook the fact that foreign policy also surfaced during their lengthy and historic debate. According to Robert W. Smith, because shipping firms in Virginia participated in trade with Britain and depended heavily on the Mississippi River for commercial purposes, foreign
Jefferson was in Paris when the Constitutional Convention was conducted during the summer of 1787. He was still in Paris when delegates selected to state ratifying conventions were voting on the Constitution. Jefferson, as previously discussed, had expressed to Madison a number of his concerns regarding the Constitution, most notably the absence of a bill of rights. Yet despite serving his country in France, Jefferson still chose to insert himself into the ratification process by submitting a pr
Madison was alarmed over Jefferson's position. If what Jefferson was recommending resonated with delegates to Virginia's convention, then it was possible that those who were leaning towards ratification, but who favored a bill of rights, might hold off on voting for the Constitution until a bill of rights was agreed to. Jefferson's proposal was obviously intended to force the Federalists, Madison in particular, into accepting a bill of rights. Jefferson's circulated proposal was hardly welcomed
With the debating and floor speeches over, the delegates on June 25 voted on the Constitution. Two separate votes were taken, with each vote favorable to Madison and his fellow Federalists. The first vote, which Henry was sponsoring, was a vote to amend the Constitution with a declaration of rights, and if supported by the convention, to forward this amendment to the other state conventions for their consideration. Henry's proposal was defeated, 88-80. The second vote was to ratify or not ratify
Madison had thus won the battle. He had beaten Henry through his calm, analytical and clear treatment of the many virtues of the Constitution. Describing Madison's stellar performance, Garry Wills notes, "Good as Henry was as an orator and debater, he was not a reflective or studious person, and he was up against a man who had thought and debated and persuaded on this subject through two years that sharpened all of Madison's analytical power and parliamentary deftness. The tiny David slew the mi
Approximately one month later, due to the influence of the Federalist essays and Alexander Hamilton's persuasive performance at the New York ratifying convention, delegates to New York's convention, despite stiff opposition from the Antifederalist governor George Clinton and the Clintonians, voted on July 26 to ratify the Constitution. Like Virginia, the New York vote was close, 30-27. Although he was not a delegate to the New York Convention, Madison's influence was nevertheless present in the
The entire ratification process was a fascinating and highly politicized affair. In several states, the ratifying convention was largely a formality with minimal opposition. Yet in other conventions, such as in Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Virginia, New York, North Carolina and Rhode Island, Antifederalist opposition was fierce. Where there was strident opposition to the Constitution, debates revolved around serious and philosophical disagreements regarding where the locus of governing power sh
Ratification of the Constitution
State Date of Vote Vote to Ratify
Delaware December 7, 1787 30-0
Pennsylvania December 12, 1787 46-23
New Jersey December 18, 1787 38-0
State Date of Vote Vote to Ratify
Georgia December 31, 1787 26-0
Connecticut January 9, 1788 128-40
Massachusetts February 6, 1788 187-168
Maryland April 26, 1788 63-11
South Carolina May 23, 1788 149-73
New Hampshire June 21, 1788 57-47
Virginia June 25, 1788 89-79
New York July 26, 1788 30-27
North Carolina August 2, 1788 75-193
November 21, 1789 194-77
Rhode Island May 29, 1790 34-32
Vermont January 10, 1791 105-4
Source: Center for the Study of the American Constitution, Department of History, University of Wisconsin
online at csac.history.wisc.edu. (Accessed July 3, 2023.)
In addition to philosophical differences, the variation in votes were also a reflection of how the convention delegates viewed the benefits of the Constitution with regard to the interests of their own state. There were reasons why in Virginia and in New York the votes were close, while in Delaware, New Jersey and Georgia the votes were unanimous. Ketcham offers this view of the variation, "In short, antifederalism flourished where states, or groups, within states, saw no need in terms of the ma
North Carolina and Rhode Island, two of the original thirteen states, had to be convinced that a bill of rights would be added to the Constitution before they would vote to ratify. This was a pre-condition for both states to support the Constitution. When the First Congress of the United States was convened in 1789, both North Carolina and Rhode Island, along with the states that had ratified the Constitution, were sent copies of a proposed bill of rights. Finally persuaded that a bill of rights
Chapter Four Madison in the United States Congress
Madison's First Campaign for Congress
Madison versus Monroe
Congressman Madison
Madison Resolves a Separation of Powers Controversy
The Bill of Rights
Ratifying Madison's Bill if Rights
The First Amendment
Second to the Tenth Amendment
The Bank of the United States
Madison and the French Revolution
Madison and Jefferson Take a Mysterious Trip Together
The Proclamation of Neutrality
The Pacificus v. Helvidius Debate
The Jay Treaty
The X, Y, and Z Affair
The Quasi War
Emergence of an Opposition Party
The United States Constitution was established for the purpose of strengthening the arm of the federal government and to create a larger federal republic capable of promoting interstate commerce, enhancing national security and establishing a stronger union among the states. At the same time, the Constitution established limits on the newly created federal government in the form of separated powers with checks and balances, a system of federalism that respected states' rights, and a republican f
As previously discussed, the absence of a bill of rights was the main reason why George Mason who served as a delegate to the Constitutional Convention refused to sign his name to the Constitution. Moreover, the absence of a bill of rights was among the chief reasons why a number of Antifederalists opposed the Constitution and why Thomas Jefferson expressed reservations about the proposed document. Jefferson, a strong proponent of a bill of rights, had not only shared his concerns to Madison, bu
After the Constitution was ratified by nine states, Jefferson congratulated Madison on his extraordinary efforts to create a new Constitution and to secure its ratification. Yet he continuously reminded Madison, sometimes in a subtle way, that a bill of rights was still a necessity. "I sincerely rejoice at the acceptance of our new constitution by nine states. It is a good canvas, on which some strokes only want retouching."
It is difficult to think of the U.S. Constitution as existing without the Bill of Rights. Yet that was the Constitution signed by 39 delegates in Philadelphia, and that was the Constitution that was ratified by the states. Madison during the Constitutional Convention and during the ratification process did not see the need for a bill of rights. One of his principal objections was that an enumeration of rights in the Constitution could potentially empower the federal government to abuse those not
Following ratification of the Constitution, elections were held in fourteen states to elect candidates to the First Congress of the United States. Madison was determined to represent Virginia. He was already an experienced legislator having served in the Virginia state legislature, as well as the Continental and Confederation Congresses. Madison also knew that for the Constitution to succeed, it would require members of Congress who strongly believed in the Constitution and who supported the pow
Madison's preference was to serve in the U.S. House of Representatives, a legislative position he was most familiar. Despite his preference, his supporters nevertheless placed his name in nomination for the U.S. Senate. At the time, and for many years thereafter, the two senators from each state were not popularly elected, but rather selected by state legislatures. This method for choosing U.S. Senators remained a constitutional requirement until 1913 when the seventeenth amendment transferred U
Unfortunately for Madison, the state legislature in Virginia was filled in Virginia was filled with Antifederalists loyal to the former governor, Patrick Henry. Henry was therefore positioned to exact his revenge on the man who through firm and reasoned debate had defeated his efforts to block ratification of the Constitution during the state ratifying convention. Henry could now return the favor and block Madison's election to the Senate. Madison was certain that Henry would do his absolute bes
Through his behind the scenes maneuvers and exercise of political leverage, Henry successfully blocked Madison's selection as a U.S. Senator. Although the Virginia state legislature was firmly in the former governor's grip, Madison, quite surprisingly, placed a strong third behind Richard Henry Lee and William Grayson, the two Senators handpicked by Henry. The recorded votes in the state legislature were 98 for Lee, 86 for Grayson and 77 for Madison.
Having been blocked by the Virginia legislature to serve in the U.S. Senate, Madison then concentrated on winning a seat in the U.S. House of Representatives, his first choice to begin with. Virginia had been allocated ten congressional seats, several of which were located in large geographical districts that included several counties. The fifth congressional district, which included Orange County, was the district Madison was hoping to represent. Yet here again, Henry's political chicanery was
Dismayed over what he perceived as pending defeat of his bid for a congressional seat, Madison on December 8, 1788 wrote to Jefferson in Paris, stating that Henry "has taken equal pains in forming the Counties into districts for the election of Reps. to associate with Orange such as are most devoted to his politics, and most likely to be swayed by the prejudices excited agst me."
With the district drawn in a manner that was less than receptive to Madison and the Federalist point of view, Madison recognized that to win the district he would have to express strong support for a bill of rights. Voters in the fifth district needed to be assured that the federal government would not compromise their personal liberties. With Henry packing Antifederalists into the fifth district, Madison recognized that to win the seat his support for a bill of rights had to be firm and robust.
Madison's opponent in the fifth congressional district was Col. James Monroe, one of the leading Antifederalists in the state of Virginia. Like Madison, Monroe was also a great admirer of Thomas Jefferson and considered him a mentor. Monroe had spoken forcefully against the Constitution at the Virginia ratifying convention. His candidacy was strongly supported by Henry. This would be the only time in American history that two individuals, both of whom were destined to become presidents, would fa
To win this election, Madison knew that his support for a bill of rights had to be widely advertised among the freeholders who would be voting on Election Day. To broadcast his position, he sent two letters to newspapers in which he promised voters that if elected to Congress he would sponsor a bill of rights. To be viewed by voters as the principal advocate of a bill of rights, Madison reasoned that he could cut into Monroe's support among Antifederalists, while holding on to voters aligned wit
But to win this election, Madison, who still had duties as a member of the Confederation Congress located in New York City, recognized that he would have to come home and vigorously campaign, a form of activity that he frowned on. Nevertheless, with Monroe already campaigning within the gerrymandered district and calling for another convention to consider amendments to the Constitution, which included a bill of rights, Madison knew that his presence in the district and his support for a bill of
Although the issues Madison and Monroe debated during the campaign were a mix of issues facing the federal government, including how taxes should be levied and collected, Madison made sure he was perceived as the most knowledgeable of the two candidates with respect to the importance of a bill of rights. With Baptist congregations increasing within his legislative district, Madison strategically stressed the importance of religious freedom. He made it a point to pay "special attention to remindi
Leading Antifederalists who were familiar with Madison's original opposition to a bill of rights labeled him a candidate without convictions. They attempted to brand him as a political opportunist who had latched onto the notion of a bill of rights as an expedient way of winning his election. George Mason had serious doubts about Madison's authenticity with respect to his support for a bill of rights. He suggested to his son that Madison, with respect to this particular issue, was a fraud.
Whether Madison's position had truly evolved in favor of a bill of rights, or whether his position during the campaign was calculated to win votes, one may never know. Regardless, when freeholders went to the polls on February 2, 1789 and when the votes in the eight counties within the fifth district were finally tabulated, Madison was declared the winner. He had defeated Monroe 1,308 to 972, a margin or 336 votes. The temperature on election day was well below zero with close to a foot of snow
The congressional contest between Madison and Monroe has gone down in history as one of the most unusual but vitally important elections in the annals of congressional politics. Yet in addition to the unusual fact that two future presidents competed against one another, what is often forgotten is how civil this contest was. More to the point, although the contest was highly competitive, Madison and Monroe conducted themselves in a collegial and statesmanlike manner throughout the entire campaign
Most treatments of Madison's victory make note that he was able to overcome Henry's gerrymander that was intended to put Madison at a distinct disadvantage to Monroe. Although there is strong reason to believe that Virginia's Fifth Congressional District was drawn by Henry and his fellow Antifederalists in a manner to deny Madison his election, not every scholar who has studied this historic election has concluded that the district was in fact gerrymandered by Henry. Thomas Rogers Hunter has arg
Having won his congressional election, Madison returned to New York City to begin his work as a member of the U.S. House of Representatives. The First Congress of the United States, no longer referred to as the Confederation Congress, met in Federal Hall in New York City for its first year of existence, March 4, 1789 to April 12, 1790. The Congress would then move to Philadelphia where it conducted legislative business from December 6, 1790 to May 14, 1800. The Congress would then make a final m
Madison served in the United States Congress for four consecutive terms, from March 4, 1789 to March 4, 1797. During his first year in Congress, he quickly earned the reputation as an exceptionally skilled legislator. As Rutland notes, "Every congressman who heard Madison talk was impressed. The breadth of his knowledge, his willingness to compromise, and his focus on the need for immediate action marked him as a leader during that First Congress." He was, in essence, the "floor leader" on sever
One of Madison's finest moments in the first Congress involved his leadership during a dispute regarding how a cabinet officer could be removed. Madison, who was instrumental in introducing legislation that created the first set of cabinet departments, skillfully addressed what was one of the many perplexing ambiguities contained within the Constitution. The Constitution was very clear that the president, and the president alone, had the constitutional authority to nominate a cabinet officer. It
After addressing the removal process from a pragmatic perspective, Madison drew upon his wisdom regarding the separation of powers doctrine to further settle the issue. The distribution of powers as established in the Constitution prevented the Congress from limiting the president's authority. Thus, to involve Congress in the removal of cabinet officers would invade the executive authority of the president. This would be a violation of the Constitution. Madison's intimate knowledge of the Consti
During Madison's first congressional term, there was one legislative contribution that stood out among his other contributions and the one he is most remembered for. This was Madison's leadership related to adding a bill of rights to the Constitution. As Gordon Wood put it, "There is no question that it was Madison's personal prestige, and his dogged persistence that saw the amendments through the Congress. There might have been a federal Constitution without Madison, but certainly no Bill of Ri
Once he was elected to Congress, Madison was determined to fulfill his campaign pledge promised to freeholders during his congressional campaign against Monroe. Thus, it was during his first term in Congress that Madison penned a bill of rights. Ketcham writes, "He advocated measures to satisfy the large number of people who objected to the Constitution only because it lacked a bill of rights. . . . He hoped as well that Federalist support of a bill of rights would convince North Carolina and Rh
Although American government textbooks credit Madison with authoring the Bill of Rights, it is important to note that the various rights contained within this bill were not rights that Madison conceived. For example, one will find rights contained within the Bill of Rights that are drawn from the Magna Carta adopted in 1215. Due process of law are among the rights contained within the Magna Carta. The Magna Carta was intended to limit the power of the English King, while simultaneously expanding
According to Article V of the U.S. Constitution, an amendment can be added to the Constitution in one of two ways. One procedure is to propose an amendment by a vote of two-thirds of each chamber of Congress, followed by a vote of three fourths of the state legislatures. The second procedure allows two-thirds of the state legislatures to call a convention for the purpose of proposing an amendment. Once the convention votes for an amendment, it is then sent to either the state legislatures or sta
Madison's first draft of the Bill of Rights included twenty amendments. He also felt it was important to include a preamble for the Bill of Rights.
The Conventions of a number of the States, having at the time of their adopting the Constitution, expressed a desire, in order to prevent misconstruction or abuse of its powers, that further declaratory and restrictive clauses should be added: And as extending the ground of public confidence in the Government, will best ensure the beneficent ends of its institution.
During the summer of 1789, The House of Representatives reviewed Madison's twenty proposed amendments and voted in favor of seventeen. The seventeen amendments were then forwarded to the Senate for approval. After extensive review and debate regarding the seventeen amendments, the Senate approved twelve amendments. On September 25, 1789, a joint resolution was passed by both chambers approving the twelve amendments. The twelve amendments were then sent to the state legislatures for ratification.
The original First Amendment, known as the "representation amendment," described the formula for allotting representatives to the states. This amendment was rejected by the states. The original Second Amendment described when Congress could adjust pay for its members. This amendment stated, "No law varying the compensation for the services of the Senators and Representatives, shall take effect until an election of Representatives shall have intervened." In short, this amendment required an elect
Some legal scholars have questioned the legality of this amendment by suggesting that Article V of the Constitution requires a coherent time frame for an amendment to be ratified, although Article V does not specify this. Thus, James Madison's original Second Amendment finally became the law of the land thanks to a student research paper that received a C. Watson's former professor, perhaps embarrassed by grading the paper a C, changed the grade to an A.
Although the original First Amendment was rejected, and the original Second Amendment never ratified or rejected (until it finally entered the Constitution in substance as the 27th Amendment}, states did however ratify what at the time were amendments three to twelve. As a result, amendments three to twelve thus became amendments one through ten, which together comprise the Bill of Rights.
It is important to note that the original intent of Madison's Bill of Rights was to impose limits on the federal government, not the states. This was understandable, as it was powers afforded to the federal government that worried many Americans. Madison and other Federalist however felt that the bills of rights in state constitutions were more than sufficient to protect the people from the actions of state lawmakers. He thus saw no compelling reason to apply the Bill of Rights to both levels of
The very first right contained within the First Amendment pertains to freedom of religion. The government is prevented from establishing a religion, which is stated in the "establishment clause," while the people also have the right to freely practice religion, which is guaranteed in the "free exercise clause." Madison, having intimate knowledge of how Baptists were discriminated against in Virginia, and having been the principal author of the religious provision in the Virginia Declaration of R
The Second amendment provides the people with the right to bear arms, which is understandable based on the colonists need for firearms during the Revolutionary War, while the Third Amendment prevents soldiers from quartering in private homes, a practice that occurred during the American Revolution when British soldiers without permission and at their discretion quartered in the private homes of colonists. The Fourth, Fifth and Sixths Amendments provide an accused person with due process of law.
The Seventh Amendment allows citizens the right to have a jury trial in common law cases, providing the amount of money being sought justifies a trial. The dollar amount has been adjusted over time. The Eighth Amendment's prohibition on excessive fines and bail, as well cruel and unusual punishment, is a reflection of colonial experiences with the British.
The Ninth Amendment reflects Madison's legitimate concern that enumerating rights would allow the government to deny rights not listed
hence a broadly worded amendment intended to protect rights beyond those identified in the previous eight amendments. What James Madison had in mind with respect to unenumerated rights is subject to speculation. The Tenth Amendment reflects Madison's legitimate concern with protecting the principle of federalism. This is the amendment which guarantees a body of
Ten extraordinary amendments comprise the Bill of Rights. James Madison, more than any other Founding Father or member of the First U.S. Congress, is the individual who deserves the credit for bringing into existence an impressive body of rights that have in so many ways preserved the liberties of the American people. Deeply concerned with the prospect of tyrannical majorities, which he had expressed very clearly in Federalist 10, Madison considered a bill of rights as an absolute necessity. In
Although an impressive legislator with a reputation for detail and extensive preparation, not all of Madison's legislative efforts during his time in Congress were successful. One issue that he fought vigorously against, but lost the battle, involved The Bank Bill of 1791 proposed by Alexander Hamilton. Hamilton, a strong believer in a national economy based on federal control over commerce, had been appointed by President Washington as Secretary of the Treasury. Hamilton, who had collaborated w
As a member of the first Congress, Madison strongly opposed the National Bank. He also had a trusted ally in Jefferson who after returning from Paris had been appointed by Washington as Secretary of State. Jefferson and Madison were among the most vocal and steadfast critics of Hamilton's Bank. "As members of the Virginia plantation world, Jefferson and Madison had a nearly visceral contempt for market values and tended to denigrate commerce as grubby, parasitic, and degrading." Surprisingly, Jo
Hamilton, in Spivak's view, had a better understanding of the debt issue. "What Hamilton understood and what Madison may not have understood was that the Revolutionary War debt was useless as a tool of national economic growth if it were divvied up among thousands of original holders, but was a vital engine of growth if it was concentrated in the hands of the speculator class, mostly northern, commercial and urban, with their entrepreneurial energy and plans for the future. A national debt was a
Nevertheless, despite both Madison's and Jefferson's objections, in 1791 both chambers of Congress passed the Bank Bill which chartered the Bank of the United States for a period of twenty years. The votes in Congress reflected a regional divide, with strong support for the Bank Bill among northern members of Congress, while strong opposition was evident among the southern members of Congress. The Bank of the United States was signed into law by President Washington on February 28, 1791, a most
During Madison's first term in Congress, the French Revolution erupted, resulting in the violent end of the French monarchy and the dawn of republican government in France. Both Jefferson and Madison, unlike Hamilton and his supporters, looked upon the Revolution with admiration. As Rutland put it, "Madison, looking through republican-tinted spectacles, saw the events of 1789 as part of the worldwide movement started in 1776. He welcomed French aid in spreading the doct
Opposing views of the French Revolution were quite stark in the First Congress. Madison found it reprehensible that Hamilton and his supporters were disdainful of the French Revolution. Despite having fought a war to gain independence from Britain, Hamilton still supported economic relations with the mother country over France. In addition to the divisive issue involving the Bank of the United States, it was perceptions of the French Revolution that now served to separate Hamilto
When the first Congress adjourned, Madison, exhausted from his legislative work and his unsuccessful fight against the Bank, decided to take a trip with Jefferson. The trip, as historian Garry Wills observes, was "under cover of a botany expedition." Their trip, despite claims of wanting to study plant life in the Hudson Valley, was in reality a carefully planned trip to secure allies and supporters for the political party they were planning to form. The party they envisioned would serve as an o
Madison and Jefferson made their first stop on their "botany expedition" in New York City to meet with Philip Freneau, one of Madison's former classmates from college. The meeting was intended to persuade Freneau to start a newspaper in Philadelphia that would be favorable to the party Jefferson and Madison were starting to form.
"Republican" was the name Jefferson and Madison chose for the name of their new party. At the time, pro-Federalist Party publications were proliferating, particularly in the city of Philadelphia, the current site of the U.S. Capital. Both Madison and Jefferson had decided that a newspaper to counter Hamilton's economic policies and Hamilton's call for an empowered federal government was overdue. In their view, Freneau's newspaper "would provide republicans with a rallying point."
After having some reservations about the proposal, Freneau eventually agreed to publish the newspaper. To entice Freneau, Jefferson, who was serving as the nation's first secretary of state, offered Freneau a clerkship in the State Department at an annual salary of $250.00. Freneau's job would be to interpret documents printed in foreign languages. Cost notes that the job created by Jefferson with partisan politics in mind may very well have been the first use of patronage for party building pur
The newspaper started by Freneau was named The National Gazette. The paper would serve to counter the views expressed in the pro-Federalist Gazette of the United States. Between November 19, 1791 and December 20, 1792, Madison would use the National Gazette to express his opposition to Hamilton's policies in a series of eighteen essays, all of which were published anonymously. Despite his warnings of the dangers of faction in Federalist No. 10, Madison's essays nevertheless had a partisan thrus
During Madison's second term in Congress, war broke out between France and Britain. The two powers were longtime foes which was further evident in the previous French and Indian War. France's Ambassador to the United States, Edmond Charles Genet, sought the support of the United States with the expectation that President George Washington, who undoubtedly was grateful to France for its vital support during America's war for independence, would be amenable to the French request. Moreover, in 1778
Yet France's request for American support quickly evolved into a conflict between Jefferson and Hamilton. Jefferson, having served for several years as Minister to France, and as an avid admirer and supporter of all things French, felt that the treaty had bound the United States into supporting France in its war with Britain. Hamilton, who wanted nothing to do with France, suggested that the better approach with respect to this conflict would be for the United States to remain neutral. Hamilton,
Unwilling to become involved in a foreign war despite the treaty with France, President Washington in 1793 issued, without congressional approval, a neutrality proclamation. The proclamation stated in clear terms that the United States would not take sides in the European conflict. The president's proclamation at the time was officially titled "A Proclamation" without the term "Neutrality" included. The Proclamation soon thereafter became known as President Washington's "Proclamation of Neutrali
The Proclamation was controversial from the moment it was issued because Congress had not been involved in such an important foreign policy decision. Constitutional questions were raised: did the President of the United States have the authority to unilaterally issue a proclamation regarding the foreign policy of the United States, or did the Constitution require congressional approval? More broadly, the question became which branch of government, the executive or legislative, should have the fi
To defend the President's unilateral proclamation, Hamilton, writing under the pseudonym of "Pacificus," began submitting a series of essays, seven in total, to the pro-Federalist Gazette of the United States whose owner was John Fenno, an admirer of George Washington and staunch supporter of the new federal government. The paper's motto was "he that is not for us, is against us." In his pro-neutrality essays, Hamilton articulated the view that the United States was no longer bound by the Treaty
A correct and well informed mind will discern at once that it [foreign affairs] can belong neither to the Legislative nor Judicial Department and of course must belong to the Executive. . . . The Legislative department is not the organ of intercourse between the UStates and foreign Nations. . . . It is equally obvious that the act in question [the Treaty of Alliance] is foreign to the Judiciary Department of the Government. . . . Hence, though treaties can only be made by the President and Senat
Hamilton's strongly worded defense of the Proclamation and his support for broad presidential power in foreign affairs would continue to appear in his "Pacificus" essays. Jefferson, recognizing that Hamilton's persuasive writing was structuring public opinion towards the president's proclamation, while simultaneously laying the groundwork for an expansion of presidential powers, pleaded with Madison to start rebutting Hamilton's essays. Writing to Madison, Jefferson expressed his exasperation ov
The first of five essays authored by "Helvidius" appeared in the Gazette of the United States on August 24, 1793. This was the same paper in which Hamilton's essays were published. Madison and Hamilton, who had previously collaborated as colleagues on the Federalist essays under the pseudonym "Publius" were now engaged in an intellectual duel with another regarding the separation of powers doctrine. The pseudonyms of "Pacificus" and "Helvidius," not surprisingly, were the names of Roman historic
Citing both Locke and Montesquieu, political theorists he undoubtedly studied while a student under Witherspoon, Madison in his first essay identified both the war making and treaty provisions of the Constitution which he identified as powers belonging to the President and the Congress. "If we consult for a moment, the nature and operation of the two powers to declare war and make treaties, it will be possible not to see that they can never fall within a proper definition of executive powers." T
The several essays authored by Hamilton and Madison are among the finest arguments ever presented regarding where power should reside in the conduct of American foreign policy. Each essay is a deep dive into the Constitution by two brilliant Founders. Although the debate has never received the same recognition or status as the debate that occurred between "Publius" and "Brutus" during the fight to ratify the Constitution, there can be little doubt the contentious essays stand to this day as a pr
The year after Madison and Hamilton debated one another over President Washington's Neutrality Proclamation, another controversy arose that was not only related to the Neutrality Proclamation, but which also had consequences for the country's relationship with both Britain and France. This controversy would further divide Hamilton and his fellow Federalists against Madison and Jefferson. This was the treaty negotiated in 1794 between Britain's Foreign Minister, Lord William Grenville and America
As discussed in a Chapter Three, John Jay was a prominent New York lawyer who had served in the Continental Congress. He had also collaborated for a short while with Hamilton and Madison on the Federalist project. He had served as Minister to Spain during which time he tried to secure Spain's support during the American Revolution. Moreover, Jay was on the team of Americans who negotiated the Treaty of Paris in 1783 which had ended the Revolutionary War and which acknowledged independence for th
Having won its independence from Britain, the United States however was still not equal to Britain in terms of military might or economic power. Despite the 1783 Treaty of Paris, there remained much tension between the two countries. As Joseph J. Ellis, notes, "Washington had sent Chief Justice John Jay to London to negotiate a realistic bargain that avoided a war with England."
The economic and military disparity between the two countries did not give Jay much leverage during his negotiations with Grenville. Moreover, Jay's strength as a negotiator had already been compromised by Hamilton who, as Ketcham reveals, "had secretly assured the British Minister that the United States would not under any circumstances enter into agreements of armed neutrality hostile of Great Britain, and that learning this, the British negotiators of the treaty were emboldened to resist ever
The Treaty with Britain was signed by Jay on November 19, 1794 and subsequently ratified on June 24, 1795 by the Senate, which at the time was under the control of the Federalist Party. The Senate vote was 20 to 10. Signed by President Washington, the "Jay Treaty" went into effect in 1796. H.W. Brands notes that knowing that the treaty's provisions would cause a political firestorm, Washington tried his best to keep the treaty from public scrutiny. His efforts were compromised however when a Rep
When the terms of the Jay Treaty became public, it was glaringly evident that Hamilton and the Federalists had, as they intended, reestablished close economic ties with Britain and that Jay had been unsuccessful in extracting concession from the British government. Although the British agreed to abandon their forts around the Great Lakes, British merchants were still allowed unrestricted access to the Northwest Territory and the Mississippi River. Pre-Revolutionary debts, British impressment of
Madison's outrage against the Jay Treat was on full display. He described the Treaty as a "ruinous bargain" and depicted Jay's conduct as showing "the blindest partiality to the British Nation and Government and the most vindictive sensations toward the French Republic. Indeed, the Treaty from one end to the other . . . must be regarded as a demonstration that the Party to which the Envoy belongs . . . is a British party systematically aiming at an exclusive connection with the British Governmen
Both Madison and Jefferson knew that France would feel betrayed by the Treaty and would view the Washington administration as having little, if no, appreciation for France's crucial support during America's war for independence. France, Madison surmised, would now consider the United States as an ally of Great Britain, despite President Washington's Proclamation of Neutrality. Madison's perspective was perceptive, as France viewed the Jay Treaty "as a repudiation of American earlier treaties wit
The last thing that President John Adams, who had succeeded President Washington, wanted was a war with France. The American military was hardly prepared to engage in such a conflict. Recognizing the military weakness of the United States, the devious French Foreign Minister, Charles Maurice de Talleyrand Perigord, decided to hatch a scheme to extract payments from the United States which in turn would secure a pledge from France not to wage war. Talleyrand dispatched three agents on his behalf
The Jay Treaty and France's disdain towards the pro-British Federalist Party of Alexander Hamilton and President John Adams led to the so-called "Quasi-War" between the United States and France. President Adams referred to the war as the "Half War." The war would last from 1798 to 1801. Over three hundred American ships involved in commercial trade were seized by French privateers in the waters of the Caribbean and along the Eastern seaboard of the United States. France was clearly waging a war
The seizure of so many merchant ships prompted the United States government to convert a number of merchant ships into armed naval vessels equipped to confront any French ship that attempted seizure. In addition to converting merchant ships for battle, the United States government authorized the creation of a separate Naval Department, along with the construction of twelve new battle ships. The government also authorized the establishment of a "Provisional Army" in light of concerns that the gro
The "Quasi War" between the United States and France was never a declared war. Although French ships seized a number of American ships and goods, American commercial activity due to protective measure by the U.S. Navy were eventually restored. Between the years 1799 and 1800, the U.S. Navy had captured more than eighty French ships owned by privateers. The British Royal Navy was also instrumental in suppressing the actions of French privateers in the Caribbean. The "Quasi-War" officially ended i
The Bank of the United States, the Jay Treaty, the Quasi War with France, and what appeared to be autocratic behavior on the part of Presidents Washington and Adams spurred Jefferson and Madison to accelerate their plans to establish a strong opposition party capable of challenging the policies of Hamilton and the Federalist Party, or what Madison viewed as "the British Party." The opposition party, which had started to emerge during the second term of the Washington administration and which had
Chapter Five Madison Builds a Political Party
The Federalist Party
The Jeffersonian Republicans
Madison's Efforts
Were the Antifederalists a Natural Base for the Republicans?
Madison's Commitment to the Grassroots
The Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798
The Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions
The Election of 1800
The record is quite clear that political parties were not regarded as favorable instruments of democracy in the minds of the Founding Fathers. Richard Hofstadter offers this view, "Political discussion in eighteenth-century England and America was pervaded by a kind of anti-party cant." When authoring the Federalist Papers, both Hamilton and Madison treated factions and parties as similar terms, neither of which, in their view, were helpful for the implementation of the new government. When leav
Yet despite the strong misgivings the Founders may have had about parties, and despite such strong warnings about the deleterious effect of party politics, it did not take long for a two-party system to develop during the early days of the American republic. The genesis of this development was noticeable in the voting behavior of congressmen during the first several Congresses. In one study of thirty five roll calls recorded during the Second U.S. Congress, which did not include private bills, i
The timeline regarding when the first two-party system in the United States came into existence is difficult to pinpoint with absolute certainty, as accounts when the factions evolved into parties tend to vary. For the purpose of providing instructional clarity, the archives of the U.S. House and Senate regarding the composition of Congress following the first set of federal elections can offer guidance. As Table One demonstrates, the first three Congresses which include the years 1789 to 1795 w
Table One: Emergence of Parties in the U.S. Congress
U.S. House U.S. Senate
1st Congress 1789-1791
Pro-Admin - 37 seats Pro-Admin - 18 seats
Anti- Admin - 30 seats Anti-Admin - 8 seats
2nd Congress 1791-1793
Pro-Admin - 39 seats Pro-Admin - 16 seats
Anti-Admin - 30 seats Anti-Admin - 13 seats
3rd Congress 1793-1795
Pro-Admin - 51 seats Pro-Admin - 16 seats
Anti-Admin - 54 seats Anti-Admin - 14 seats
4th Congress 1795-1797
Federalist Party - 47 seats Federalist Party - 21 seats
Republican Party - 59 seats Republican Party - 11 seats
5th Congress 1797-1799
Federalist Party - 57 seats Party - 22 seats
Republican Party - 49 seats Republican Party - 10 seats
6th Congress 1799-1801
Federalist Party - 60 seats Federalist Party - 22 seats
Republican Party - 46 seats Republican Party - 10 seats
7th Congress 1801-1803
Federalist Party - 38 seats Federalist Party - 15 seats
Republican Party - 68 seats Republican Party - 17 seats
Source: Party Divisions of the U.S. House of Representatives, 1789-Present
online at History.house.gov/institution/party-division/
U.S. Senate Party Division
online at Senate.gov/history/party-division.htm.
The pro-administration faction, which by 1794 had evolved into the Federalist Party, was led by Treasury Secretary, Alexander Hamilton. Presidents Washington and Adams were associated with this party. The Federalist Party, which won the first three presidential elections (1789, 1792 and 1796) and controlled a majority of seats in several of the early Congresses, was identified as the party of the U.S. Constitution, federal power, the National Bank, and the Jay Treaty.
Although the Federalist Party was controlling the reigns of government during the early years of the republic, it did not take long for the political faction in Congress opposed to the Federalist administration to emerge as a viable opposition party. This party was closely associated with Thomas Jefferson and James Madison. Initially identified as the political faction in Congress that supported a "Republican interest," the Jeffersonian/Madison faction soon became known as the Republican Party.
The party of Jefferson and Madison, determined to challenge the Federalist Party, won 59 seats in the House of Representatives, while the Federalists won 47 seats in the congressional election of 1794. The Republican Party was clearly emerging and cutting into the Federalist Party's strength. The Republican Party however was not yet strong enough to overtake the Federalists. In the 1796 presidential election, the Federalist Party's candidate, John Adams, who served as vice president under Presid
With respect to the elections of 1796, it is important to note that Jefferson had been retired from his post as secretary of state for three years. He had not publicly pursued the presidency. It was largely due to Madison's efforts related to party building, more than Jefferson's desire to be president, that contributed to the election results. The 1796 presidential election was not only a contest between two of our nation's Founders, but also a contest between two political parties with very di
The election of 1796 was clearly a contest between Republicans and Federalists. And as each party sought to give victory to its candidate, party lines tightened, party spirit rose to new heights, and political parties became a more ineradicable part of American life than ever before. No politically conscious citizen could have been unaware that the contest lay between Thomas Jefferson and John Adams, and that both these men were party candidates.
In 1800, Jefferson was elected President of the United States and the Republican Party overtook the Federalist Party in Congress, Much of what happened in that historic election year was due to Madison's leadership and party-building efforts. According to Cunningham, it was Madison, more than any other individual, who "laid the groundwork for the party organization which Jefferson was to perfect and lead to victory in 1800."
Thus, the opposition party conceived by both Madison and Jefferson in 1791 during their trip to "study plant life" in the Hudson Valley had not only grown into a full-fledged opposition party to the Federalists, but by 1800 had eclipsed the Federalist Party as the nation's dominate party. What makes this development particularly noteworthy was that Madison, like Washington and other Founders, initially shunned the existence of parties, regarding them as divisive and harmful to the cause of good
Although it was Jefferson's illustrious name that was synonymous with the Republican Party, the evidence is convincing that it was James Madison, not Thomas Jefferson, who took the lead in organizing and developing the Republican Party. Yet despite Jefferson's election as president in 1800 and the Republican Party's success in the congressional elections, Madison knew that a vast amount of grassroots organization still had to be done if the Republicans were to maintain their control over the gov
Before expanding on Madison's efforts related to party building, it seems fitting to first examine the frequent claim that those who aligned themselves as Antifederalists during the constitutional ratification process served as the building blocks for the Republican Party. It certainly would seem that Antifederalists with their insistence on states' rights and support for an agricultural-based economy would provide the foundational base upon which the Republican Party could depend for electoral
There was little doubt that despite his previous collaborative efforts with Hamilton, which included the Annapolis Convention, the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia, and the Federalist Papers, Madison had come to the realization that Hamilton and the Federalist Party weres taking the country in a direction inconsistent with not only the core values of the Constitution, but also the economic welfare of the American people. In Madison's view, the elite and wealthy would be the direct benef
To build a lasting and viable party, Madison knew that help would be needed. He knew that a true opposition party would require the assistance of several key individuals with extensive political connections and who believed in the principles of Jeffersonian republicanism. As Brookhiser observes, Madison recognized that to build his party, it was essential to find "like-minded men, not peers, who could do the work, much of it tedious, some of it dirty." With the help of Freneau and the National G
In 1793, Freneau's paper went out of business due to a yellow fever which claimed the lives of 5,000 people in the city of Philadelphia. Two of the fever's victims were John Todd and William Todd, the husband and baby son of Dolley (Payne) Todd. Dolley and her oldest son, Payne, luckily survived. Widowed by the pandemic, Dolley would soon be introduced to James Madison by Congressman Aaron Burr. On September 15, 1794, Dolley became the bride of James Madison.
Yet despite the termination of Freneau's newspaper due to the deadly pandemic, newspapers favorable to the Republican Party were now starting to blossom in several cities and states. The newspapers, Brookhiser notes, expressed views that were more partisan than the National Gazette. Such papers would prove beneficial to Madison in his efforts to build a powerful grassroots party.
One of Madison's principal concerns related to party building was to avoid creating a party that would be perceived as having a distinctive geographic identify. Based on his experience in the Continental Congress, Madison had witnessed first-hand how members of the Congress were prone to dividing into factions that reflected geographic interests, as opposed to working for the good of all thirteen colonies. Madison, as Rutland notes, was troubled by the predictable political divisions between nor
While Madison deserves most of the credit for elevating the Republican Party into a formidable political organization, it is important to also recognize the contributions of several individuals who were instrumental in helping Madison achieve his party-building goals. One such individual who worked behind the scenes to organize the Republican Party was John Beckley. Cunningham describes Beckley as, "a man who displayed much skill in the realm of practical politics, a man who knew how to win elec
In addition to John Beckley, Albert Gallatin, a prominent member of Congress from Pennsylvania, who would soon serve as Treasury Secretary in the administrations of both Jefferson and Madison, was instrumental in cultivating support for the Republican Party, particularly in the counties of western Pennsylvania. Also assisting Madison was Aaron Burr, a high-profile lawyer and U.S. Senator from New York. Burr contested the presidency in 1796 and again in 1800. The controversial Burr, who had serve
The name of John Taylor is also relevant with respect to building support for the Republican Party. "John Taylor of Caroline" as he was known was a U.S. Senator from Virginia and well known for his philosophical writings in defense of Jeffersonian ideals. Clyde N. Wilson writes, "He systematically presented in his writings the principles of government and economy that Jefferson represented to the public and that John Randolph of Roanoke dramatized on the floor of Congress. Jefferson said that Ta
Jefferson's strong second place showing in the presidential election of 1796 and the rise of the Republican Party in congressional and state politics, due principally to Madison's efforts as a party builder, were met not only with electoral resistance by the controlling Federalist Party, but also with an egregious attempt to legally suppress the viability of this growing party. What occurred was one of the most glaring assaults on civil liberties in the history of the United States. Knowing that
The suppressive acts are best understood as a reflection of the fears and animosity that many within the Federalist Party felt towards the Republican Party due to the party's close association with French emigres, compounded by the fact that France was perceived as an enemy of the United States during the undeclared Quasi War between the United States and the French Republic. There was a rising concern that both Jefferson, Madison and other members of the Republican Party had become too fond of
French influence in the United States had been growing in various ways by the time of the Quasi War. A sizable number of French aristocrats who had fled France when the Revolution sank into the reign of terror had relocated to the United States, although a number of these aristocrats had actually arrived not from France but instead from the island of San Domingo in the Caribbean where slave revolts had forced their evacuation. French newspapers were also appearing in the United States, along wit
The Alien and Sedition Acts were passed by the Federalist controlled Congress and signed into law by President Adams in 1798. The view of Connecticut congressman John Allen reflected the almost paranoid view of many Federalist lawmakers towards Jefferson's party and supporters, "Let gentlemen look at certain papers printed in this city and elsewhere and ask themselves whether an unwarrantable and dangerous combination does not exist to overturn and run the government by publishing the most shame
The law consisted of four separate acts. Three of the acts pertained to aliens in the United States, while one act targeted seditious activity. The first alien- related act was the "Naturalization Act," which remarkably extended the residency requirement for American citizenship from five to fourteen years. This act was specifically intended to restrict a wide range of immigrants of different ethnicities from joining and voting for candidates of the Republican Party. As Jefferson schol
The second alien-related act was titled, quite simply, the "Alien Act." This act provided the President of the United States with unbridled authority to deport any foreign resident whose political views were deemed a threat to the country. The act of course allowed for discretionary interpretation on the part of the president. The act was directly aimed at supporters of Thomas Jefferson. Any vocal or printed support for the Republican Party could conceivably be interpreted by President Adams as
The third act related to aliens was titled the "Alien Enemies Act." This act, which attracted some support in Congress from across the aisle, allowed for the arrest and deportation of individuals who were from a country that was at war with the United States. Although the United States and France were not in a declared war with one another, it was clear that the act would allow for the deportation of French emigres should Congress declare war against France. The three alien acts were specificall
Although the acts concerning aliens were designed as suppressive political measures against the Republican Party, it was the fourth act which proved to be the most harmful to supporters of Jefferson. The fourth act titled "The Sedition Act" allowed for the prosecution of individuals engaged in political organization intended to challenge and undermine the policies of the federal government. It also allowed for the prosecution of individuals who published information and points of view critical o
Madison and Jefferson, angered over the blatant attempt by the Adams administration to suppress their political party, decided that resistance to the Alien and Sedition Acts was not only required, but also their personal responsibility. The two decided that the best response would be to anonymously author a dual set of resolutions condemning the acts. Their resolutions would initially be sent to the legislatures of Kentucky and Virginia, with the hope that once their resolutions were passed by b
Rutland described their plan: "Their strategy was disarmingly simple. They would draft a protest and plan of action, send the documents to friends in the state legislatures of neighboring states, as well as to Richmond, and urge all states to join in a general protest of the Alien and Sedition law on the grounds of their unconstitutionality." Because the Supreme Court was firmly under the control of Federalist Justices, Jefferson and Madison wisely chose to target state legislatures to generate
Although this was a joint effort on the part of Jefferson and Madison, this is not to suggest that the arguments articulated against the acts mirrored one another. Jefferson drafted nine separate resolutions attacking the acts. His resolutions, as expected, were introduced in the Kentucky legislature by Breckinridge. Jefferson's resolutions as expected were quickly approved. His nine resolutions not only condemned the Alien and Sedition laws as direct infringements on civil liberties, but, quite
Madison's resolutions were submitted to the Virginia state legislature in Richmond by the writer and pro-Jeffersonian theorist, John Taylor of Caroline. Like Jefferson's resolutions in Kentucky, the Virginia state legislature voted to approve them. Madison's resolutions challenged the constitutionality of the Alien and Sedition Acts by depicting them as direct infringements on constitutional rights. As the author of the Bill of Rights, Madison, as expected, would express strong opposition to the
Madison's reluctance to support Jefferson's position on nullification was understandable. After all, it was Madison, not Jefferson, who was responsible for the structure and ratification of the Constitution. Moreover, Article VI of the Constitution, which Madison was intimately familiar with, clearly established the supremacy of federal laws over the states, providing such laws were based on the Constitution. Madison therefore was not about to follow Jefferson's line of thinking that the Constit
In the end, the resolutions authored by Jefferson and Madison were approved by the Kentucky and Virginia legislatures, although no other state legislature chose to approve them. Jefferson's radical resolutions resulted in official rejections by seven states, while three states strongly condemned them. Perhaps to Jefferson's surprise, support for the Union was much stronger among state lawmakers than he apparently realized.
Resolutions calling for the nullification of federal laws could be viewed by the Federalist controlled government of John Adams as an act of sedition, or perhaps treason. The result could have led to Jefferson's arrest, prosecution and imprisonment. Had Jefferson not called for nullification, but instead supported "interpose" as Madison did, which was a softer form of opposition, then it was likely that additional state legislatures would have joined their effort to oppos
The identity of who penned the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions remained a mystery for many years. Whether or not persons familiar with Jefferson's and Madison's choice of words and style of writing suspected them of authoring the resolutions is difficult to determine. Rutland comments that it took ten years after the Virginia Resolutions had been adopted for Madison to be identified as their author, and twenty-one years after the Kentucky Resolutions had been passed for Jefferson to be credite
Precisely how effective the Alien and Sedition Acts were with respect to suppressing the development of the Republican Party is difficult to gauge with absolute certainty, although specific and documented acts of suppression did occur. From the time of their passage in 1798 to when they were repealed in 1801, the historical record indicates that twenty-six individuals were prosecuted in federal court for violating the Sedition Act. Most of
As previously noted, the Republican Party won control of the federal government in the historic election 1800. Jefferson won the presidency, while both chambers of Congress flipped from Federalist to Republican control. The presidential election was ultimately decided in the House of Representatives due to the fact that Thomas Jefferson and Aaron Burr each received the same number of electoral votes. This was before the parties created presidential and vice-presidential tickets to run against on
The first orders of business for the new Congress, now under the control of Jefferson's party, was to repeal three of the four Alien and Sedition Acts. The only act that was not repealed was the Alien Enemies Act, which has remained an enforceable federal law to this day. With Jefferson elected to the presidency and both chambers of Congress now in the hands of the Republican Party, it was evident that Madison's diligent efforts related to building a strong political party in opposition to the F
When the Republican Party gained control of the federal government with the election of 1800, James Madison was not a member of the Congress. He was back home at Montpelier overseeing his plantation and the duties assigned to his slaves. Now with his mentor as President of the United States and the party he built controlling Congress, there was little doubt that he would be recalled to public service. Thus, in 1801 as soon as Jefferson took office, he nominated Madison to serve as secretary of s
Jefferson had brought Madison to Washington with him as his secretary of state because the men were close personal friends and cofounders of the Republican Party, but there were other reasons. No one understood the workings and promises of American government more than Madison. Madison knew everybody in government from his years of service in the House. He was a smooth and clever politician who could help Jefferson write legislation and get bills passed (he had been nicknamed 'The Big Knife' for
The challenges Madison faced during his eight years as secretary of state are discussed in the following chapter.
Chapter Six Madison as Secretary of State
Judicial Commissions
The Barbary Wars
The Louisiana Purchase
The Yazoo Scandal
The "Floridas"
Jefferson's Embargo
Madison's Performance as Secretary of State
Madison served as President Jefferson's secretary of state from March 5, 1801 to March 3, 1809, the entire time that Jefferson occupied the presidency. As Brant states, "Nobody was surprised when President Jefferson nominated James Madison for Secretary of State on March 5, 1801. The offer had been tentatively accepted long before the election, and only extreme partisans questioned its fitness." Commenting on Madison's relationship with Jefferson, Brookhiser put it this way, "No member of a cabi
Madison's trip to the new federal city to assume his post was anything but pleasant. Rutland describes the difficult trip, "Heavy rains made the roads resemble quagmires . and the trip was one mudhole after another." Although the federal city, officially named Washington, D.C., had been meticulously designed by the acclaimed civil engineer Pierre Charles L'Enfant, the capital city when the Madisons arrived was nothing like the city that exists in contemporary times. Brookhiser describes the cond
Not long after their arrival, the Madison home under the direction of Dolley, his energetic, socially savvy, and politically astute wife, was thoroughly renovated and eventually became, as Ketcham writes, "one of the bright gathering places of the new Federal City during the eight years the Madisons lived in it." Dolley proved to be quite the political spouse and hostess, often organizing social engagements with a wide range of important officials and their wives. The gatherings were intended to
Madison's house, only a few blocks from the White House, or what President John Adams referred to as "The President's House," was where the Madison family resided. In 1801, the State Department consisted of several cramped buildings near the "President's House" and employed eight clerks, several of whom had worked for the State Department during the Adams administration. Madison decided to keep most of them in their present positions, rather than replace them with clerks drawn from his own party
When he first began his duties as secretary of state in 1801, there was nothing of pressing significance that required bold and difficult decisions. Most of Madison's initial duties were relatively mundane, labor intensive, and concerned routine domestic and foreign policy matters
nothing that rose to the level of a major foreign policy decision. Issuing reports to Congress, writing memoranda to governors and judges, filing official documents, and meetings with foreign ministers assigned to emb
Even though much of Madison's initial work was mundane and bureaucratic, his excessive commitment to detail and the amount of time he devoted to every task weighed heavily on his health. To further complicate Madison's health, the humidity in the federal city during the summer months was stifling. To escape the oppressive heat, Madison had to leave the city for the cooler mountains of central Virginia. Despite Madison's penchant for thoroughness and precision, those who worked under him at the S
As briefly discussed in the preceding chapter, the election of 1800 is regarded as a watershed election in the annals of American elections. Indeed, it was this election in which the Republican Party dislodged the Federalist Party as the ruling party of the federal government. It was also a unique historical event, as the power of one party passed to a competitive party in a peaceful, rather than a violent, fashion. This established a tradition which has remained a part of American politics to t
As part of the American political tradition, there is a transition period that occurs between the party that is coming to power and the party that is relinquishing control of the government. In the aftermath of Jefferson's election in 1800, President John Adams, recognizing that his party would no longer occupy the presidency or control the Congress, decided that the federal judiciary would be the one branch of the federal government where the values and policies of the Federalist Party could st
Whenever a federal judge is appointed, the constitutional procedure involves three distinct steps: First, the president nominates an individual for the judgeship. Second, the Senate reviews and confirms the nominee. Third, the confirmed individual is then delivered a commission, which finalizes the appointment. Those judges named to the federal circuit courts by Adams received their commissions on time, along with a majority of those individuals named as justices of the peace. However, because t
When James Madison replaced John Marshall as secretary of state, he learned that Marbury and three other justice of the peace nominees had never received their judicial commissions. Because there was little love between the Federalists and the Republicans, despite the peaceful transfer of power, Madison, with Jefferson's blessing, chose not to deliver the remaining judicial commissions. This provided Jefferson with the opportunity to fill the vacant judgeships with members of his own party. Madi
Marbury was represented by Charles Lee. Lee had served as Attorney General under President Adams. Lee based his lawsuit on Section 13 of the Judiciary Act of 1789 that authorized the Supreme Court to issue writs of mandamus to public officials instructing them to perform and carry out their official duties. It was Lee's contention that the Supreme Court should use this statutory authority to issue a writ of mandamus to Secretary of State James Madison instructing him to perform his public duty a
The case Marbury v. Madison was heard and decided by the Supreme Court in 1803. It is not who won or lost this case that makes the Marbury case historically significant. Instead, the significance of the case lies in the ruling issued by Chief Justice John Marshall who, upon reviewing how this case was brought to the Supreme Court, concluded that Congress by passing Section 13 of the Judiciary Act of 1789 authorizing the Supreme Court, to issue writs of mandamus to public officials had unconstitu
Commenting on the political dimensions of the ruling, Justice Burton notes, "The Court thus created no immediate conflict between the Executive and Judicial Branches of the Government. It thus decided the case in favor of Madison and thus made it difficult for the Administration to object strenuously to the result."The Supreme Court's ruling in Marbury v. Madison was the first time that a law passed by Congress was declared unconstitutional by the U.S. Supreme Court. The ruling stablished a last
Although there was nothing that Madison actually did to influence the Supreme Court's ruling, other than refusing to deliver Marbury's commission and being named as a party in the case, the fact of the matter is that such a ruling may never have been issued had Madison delivered Marbury's commission. Madison was therefore instrumental in what arguably is regarded as the most important Supreme Court ruling in the history of the United States. What Madison thought of this ruling, as Lynne Cheney c
Although most of Madison's public service prior to becoming secretary of state was related to domestic policy making, he was by no means a total novice in the field of foreign affairs. As Brant writes, "Madison had been initiated into diplomacy as a youth of twenty-nine in the Continental Congress. There, his activity in committees gave him the function of a foreign secretary before one existed." Moreover, when Madison was as a member of the United States Congress from 1789-1797, he strongly sup
Madison's first major crisis involved hostile action against American ships by countries located along the coastal regions of North Africa, a region known as the Barbary Coast. The countries, all of which were part of the sprawling Ottoman Empire, included Tripoli, Tunis, Algiers and Morocco. For several years, pirates from the Barbary countries with the support of their governments had been seizing American ships and American sailors. Seizures were followed with ransom demands for their return.
By 1801, the first year of the Jefferson presidency, the problem with the Barbary countries had become more serious than acts of piracy. The ruler of Tripoli, known as the "Bashaw" announced that his country was willing to wage war against the United States if the Jefferson administration refused to provide his country with payments for American use of the waters off the Barbary Coast. To further provoke the United States, the Bashaw, "on May 14, 1801, ordered the American flagpole chopped down
Rather than acquiesce to the Bashaw's demands, Jefferson, with the full support of his cabinet and Congress, ordered a squadron of naval ships to begin patrolling the Mediterranean with orders to destroy any hostile ship associated with the Barbary countries. "The captain of the American squadron carried clear instructions: to fight any or all of the Barbary States if they should declare war
and to safeguard commerce and 'chastise their insolence - by sinking, burning or destroying their ships'
From the very start of the crisis, Madison, as secretary of state, supported bold and decisive naval action against the Barbary countries. In Madison's view, a strong display of naval power against Tripoli and other Barbary powers would send a message of American strength, '"the object openly declared to every nation.'" Although Levi Lincoln, Jefferson's attorney general, raised legitimate constitutional concerns about Jefferson's warlike decision in the absence of formal congressional approval,
The successful use of American force in an international conflict, which involved both the American navy and marines, had long-term benefits with respect to perceptions of American power, "Putting Tripoli in its place gave America an upper hand in diplomacy, not just in the Mediterranean but also on the Continent, where it counted most." Credit is attributed to President Jefferson for confronting the Barbary powers with military force and for securing the free passage of American ships off the c
Madison endorsed and understood the international benefits of a strong American navy. As a member of the Continental Congress and as a member of the Virginia House of Delegates, Madison had acquired knowledge about the Barbary pirates. He was cognizant of how detrimental their actions were to commercial intercourse. John F. Schifalacqua writes, "The fact that Madison included issues concerning piracy, the institution of a navy, and commerce as justification for the Constitution in the The Federa
During his first term as secretary of state, Madison despite his admiration for the French Revolution, regarded the threat to the United States posed by Napoleon Bonaparte, who had gained control of France following the Revolution, as pressing and urgent. Madison's, concern involved the vast Louisiana territory, which included the port city of New Orleans. France, having lost Canada to Britain in the French and Indian War and fearing that it would also lose the Louisiana Territory to the British
However, under the potential military threat of Napoleon, Spain in 1800 signed another treaty with France that returned New Orleans and the Louisiana Territory to French control. As Charles Chamberlain and his coauthors note, "Even as Spanish Louisiana began to thrive, Spain itself was deeply troubled. Increasingly subject to the influence of France's new leader, Napoleon Bonaparte, Spain agreed in October 1800 to give Louisiana back to France in the secret Treaty of San IIdefonso." In return, F
Napoleon, who in 1804 would declare himself Emperor of France, viewed the Louisiana Territory as central to his imperialist ambitions. After having conquered much of Europe, Napoleon's hope, according to Gutzman "was to make New Orleans the center of a revivified French North American empire." Cost observes that Napoleon considered the Louisiana Territory as the "breadbasket for his future West Indian conquests."
Both Madison and Jefferson were deeply troubled by Napoleon's potential military presence on North American soil. They both feared that American national security and commerce would be threatened with the French military in control of New Orleans. Spain was never a major concern for Jefferson and Madison, but France under Napoleon's rule was. The port city of New Orleans in particular was extremely important for American commerce. Several thousand ships, approximately half of which were owned by
Due to their concern with Napoleon's presence in New Orleans, Jefferson and Madison moved ahead with their plan to buy New Orleans from France. They persuaded James Monroe, who had just finished serving as Virginia's governor and who both Jefferson and Madison regarded as trustworthy, to travel to France as a special envoy for the purpose of persuading Napoleon to sell New Orleans to the United States. A challenging task indeed, although Jefferson and Madison knew that Monroe, more than any othe
Although Livingston was the Minister to France, it was Monroe's negotiating skills and his experience as a former Minister to France that would prove beneficial in his meetings with the French Emperor. According to McGrath, "Monroe spent several weeks meeting with Jefferson, Madison and French chargé Louis-Andre Pichon. He wanted every possible piece of information that would allow him to succeed in his mission . . . " Monroe was also informed by Jefferson and Madison that if he succeeded in sec
Much to Monroe's surprise, however, by the time he arrived in France, Napoleon had already decided that he wanted to sell not only New Orleans to the United States, but also the entire Louisiana Territory. The French Emperor's position was influenced by a massive slave rebellion on the French controlled island of Santo Domingo, an island in the Caribbean that today is known as Haiti. The rebellion was led by Toussaint L'Overture, who had been a slave on one of the island's plantations. Despite a
There can be little doubt that Madison, although not appointed as the point man for the negotiations, was involved in every facet of this historic purchase. He surely had persuaded Jefferson to select Monroe as the special envoy, and he must have recognized how important it was for the United States to acquire New Orleans for shipping and trade. He had also understood how important the Louisiana Territory was for the economic expansion of the United States. Jefferson and Monroe are the two who r
There was however a surprise that awaited Jefferson and Madison once Monroe finalized the deal. Both had thought that the deal had included not only New Orleans and the Louisiana Territory but also a portion of Florida known as "West Florida." Brookhiser states, "New Orleans and Florida had been their maximum goal
even though they had won so much more, they still wanted all of what they had originally desired. And, for little more reason than their wanting it, they believed they had actually go
At approximately the same time that Madison was setting his sights on acquiring New Orleans from Napoleon, a land scandal surfaced which involved the state of Georgia. So troubling were the revelations that Jefferson appointed a three member commission to investigate and resolve the problem. The commission consisted of Secretary of State Madison, Treasury Secretary Albert Gallatin and Attorney General Levi Lincoln. Madison, the most senior cabinet officer, was selected to head the commission. As
On January 7, 1795, with passage of the Yazoo Land Act, the state of Georgia sold thirty-five million acres to four companies involved in land speculation. The land was sold for the incredibly low price of $500,000. But only one year after the sale, the Georgia legislature, which had now fallen under the control of reform- minded Republicans, voided the transactions by passing the 1796 Rescinding Act. The Act reclaimed the land for the state of Georgia. The reason for reclaiming the land was due
With bribery confirmed and now made public, the scandal became known as the "Yazoo Scandal," as the land that had been bought by speculators and sold to investors was in "Yazoo country," named after the Yazoo River that flowed through the area and which joined the Mississippi River. Following the land reclamation, legal complications emerged involving several different parties who had claims on the land: the Georgia legislature with the Rescinding Act claimed that the millions of acres that had
Madison, heading the commission appointed by Jefferson and recognizing the extreme complexity of the land claims, decided that the appropriate solution would be to ask Georgia to cede the land to the federal government for the price of $1,250,000. Because the price was appealing, Georgia agreed to the offer and ceded the land to the federal government. Of the thirty-five million acres acquired by the federal government, the commission agreed to use five million of the acres to resolve the numero
Gutzman notes that while Gallatin was the real architect of this plan, it was Madison who was viewed as the plan's originator. As a result, it was Madison who would bear the brunt of criticism from those who viewed the plan as an affront to states' rights. Chief among the critics of the federal government's intervention was John Randolph, the chairman of the Ways and Means Committee in the U.S. House of Representatives. Randolph, from Roanoke, Virginia, was Jefferson's cousin and a former House
In his treatment of the Yazoo Scandal, Donald A. MacPhee identifies Randolph's fierce opposition to the government's handling of the Yazoo scandal as contributing to the emergence of the "Tertium Quids," a faction within the Republican Party firmly opposed to the policies of Jefferson and Madison. MacPhee notes, "The 'Quids' have indeed often been called the first third-party movement in the United States." Despite splitting the party and angering many, Randolph nevertheless succeeded in termina
Randolph's decision to kill the deal did not however put an end to the Yazoo Scandal, as several years later the United State Supreme Court would hear a case involving a parcel of land that had been purchased in Yazoo country after the controversial sale had been rescinded by the state of Georgia. The case was Fletcher v. Peck decided by the Marshall Court in 1810. In brief, John Peck had bought land in the "Yazoo" and after several years of ownership sold the land to Robert Fletcher. Fletcher,
Madison and Jefferson, as previously noted, had their eyes on acquiring the region of Florida which was divided into West and East Florida. West Florida was the region which they thought had been included in the Louisiana Purchase. But despite still belonging to Spain, Madison continued to view the acquisition of both West and East Florida as a worthwhile goal.
The Florida peninsula was originally colonized by Spain in 1565. St. Augustine was the location where the Spanish military chose to begin their country's colonization of the region. Despite conflicts with Native Americans and English colonists from the north, the colony located on the Florida peninsula remained valuable to Spain for the purpose of rescuing Spanish ships in distress and also to combat pirates interfering with Spain's commercial trade. At the same time, Florida was also viewed by
Thus, it was Spain that had control over the Floridas when Washington was elected in 1789, when Adams was elected in 1796, and when Jefferson was elected in 1800. Because Jefferson and Madison were under the impression, albeit the wrong impression, that the western portion of Florida was included in the Louisiana Purchase, they both remained committed to acquiring West Florida, and possibly all of Florida, for the United States. The acquisition of Florida from Spain was among Madison's prioritie
According to Ketcham, Madison's approach to acquiring Florida was to employ a "carrot and stick" strategy that in the end would strongly persuade Spain to sell the Floridas to the United States. Writing to the American minister in Spain, Madison urged him to notify the Spanish monarch that not only was there a possibility that Britain would eventually seize the Floridas from Spain, which of course would not be in Spain's interest, but that relations with the United States could potentially becom
Despite Madison's efforts to acquire the Floridas, the region remained under the control of Spain's government throughout his tenure as secretary of state. However, in 1810, when Madison was president, a rebellion among American settlers against Spanish control occurred in West Florida, which set in motion a series of events that eventually resulted in American control over the territory. Although a meeting was arranged between Madison's secretary of state, James Monroe, and Spain's foreign mini
Also related to the American acquisition of Florida, which would be remiss not to identify, were the military campaigns waged against the Seminole tribe and the Spanish by General Andrew Jackson. Jackson's campaigns were in no small part directly related to the American acquisition of Florida. Although Jackson's role related to the acquisition of Florida is a long story and one beyond the scope of this volume, one aspect of the American acquisition of Florida should be noted. In a letter to Gene
On December 22, 1807, per the insistence of President Jefferson and Secretary of State Madison, the Congress passed the Embargo Act intended to prevent American exports to Britain, while simultaneously prohibiting British merchants from exporting their goods to America. The embargo was Jefferson's response to a confrontation between a British and American ship off the coast of Norfolk, Virginia. The British warship, the Leopard, had demanded that its officers be allowed to board and search an Am
Madison, like many in his party, was a strong advocate of the embargo and defended it as not only a security measure, but as an effective "instrument of commercial war." So committed was Madison to Jefferson's embargo that he penned three anonymous editorials in the National Intelligencer, which at the time was the leading newspaper in the capital city. In his editorials, Madison vigorously defended the embargo and stated that the embargo would reflect the character and resolve of the American p
Ketcham notes that Madison, even when he attended the College of New Jersey and studied under Witherspoon, supported the concept of an embargo to harm the British economy. His support for an embargo was further evident when he served in Congress between 1789 and 1794, during which time he called for retaliatory commercial measures against British trade. "He felt commercial warfare would prove effective because British trade was fatally exposed at two points: hundreds of thousands of workmen and
Madison was apparently a driving force behind the embargo and often articulated in persuasive language why the embargo was a necessity. In Rutland's view, Madison was far more inclined to favor economic, rather than military warfare. "History taught Madison that wars not only created ruinous public debts, but also brought a concentration of power that inevitably spelled ruin to the people's liberties." Despite Madison's position that commercial warfare was the best strategy for confronting Briti
Scholars who have studied the effects of the embargo have concluded that it did more harm than good to the American economy. Neither Jefferson nor Madison have received much praise for their support of the embargo. The embargo, as Peter Onuf writes, had by 1808, "devastated the American economy. American exports plummeted from $108 million to $22 million. Economic desperation settled upon the mercantile Northeast." In one focused treatment of the embargo's effects on the town of Salem, Massachus
Madison served a full eight years as President Jefferson's secretary of state. It is rare for a cabinet officer to serve the same president for eight years. Yet Madison has not been ranked by historians as among the best secretaries of state. In fact he is not ranked among the top ten. This seems odd in light of Madison's influence related to shaping American foreign policy during the early years of the American republic. In Cost's view, Madison not being ranked as one of the best secretaries of
As President Jefferson's second term was winding down, there was little doubt that Madison was the heir apparent to the American presidency. This was an expectation from the time of his appointment as secretary of state. Heading the State Department was becoming the stepping-stone to the presidency. Madison followed that path to the White House where he would serve two terms as Jefferson's successor.
Chapter Seven President Madison
Madison's Nomination
The Election of 1808
The Embargo is Repealed
The Non-Intercourse Act (1809)
Madison's Inauguration
Cabinet Politics
"Mr. Madison's War"
The Election of 1810
British Impressment of American Seamen
British Blockades of American Shipping
Britain's Orders in Council
Britain's Collusion with Hostile Indian Tribes
The 1812 Election
Madison's Second Inauguration
The Hartford Convention
The Treaty of Ghent
Madison as Commander-in Chief
Madison's Final Years in Office
His Last Act as President
When Madison sought the presidency in 1808 after serving eight years as secretary of state, political parties during this time-period nominated their presidential candidates in congressional caucuses. This was before political parties began using national conventions to select their presidential candidates, and more than a century before presidential primaries made their appearance in presidential politics. The congressional caucus was a relatively simple mechanism for selecting a party's presid
Although one might have thought that Madison's nomination for president was a foregone conclusion, this, surprisingly, was not the case. There was in fact some serious opposition to Madison's nomination. There was discussion that James Monroe, the former governor of Virginia, a key player involving the Louisiana Purchase, a former Ambassador to France, a former Ambassador to England, and whom Madison had defeated in his first bid for a congressional seat, also had his eyes on the presidency. In
To ensure her husband's nomination for president, Dolley, the skillful political spouse who knew how to cultivate positive opinions of her husband, held a series of dinner parties in which Republican congressmen were invited along with their wives. The dinner parties were engaging, lavish, and served to generate the political support her husband would need to win his party's nomination in the forthcoming caucus. Brookhiser captures the political value of Dolley's dinner parties, "Dolley's dinner
When the congressional caucus was held in January 1808, approximately 60 percent of the Republican members of congress who participated cast their votes for the presidential/vice-presidential ticket of James Madison and George Clinton. This was a solid endorsement of Madison by his own party, but by no means overwhelming. Clinton, although still considered a presidential candidate, joined Madison as his vice presidential running mate. Yet a number of Republicans chose not to participate in the c
Madison's political enemy, John Randolph, did all he could to prevent Madison's nomination. In harsh terms, Randolph spoke disparagingly of the ability and character of the man he vehemently opposed, "We ask for energy, and we are told of [Madison's] moderation. We ask for talents, and the reply is his unassuming merit. We ask what were his services in the cause of public liberty, and we are directed to the pages of the Federalist." Brookhiser notes that in Randolph's opinion, the Federalist ess
Randolph's attempt to persuade Federalists in Congress to back Monroe was unsuccessful. It was unthinkable for Federalists, in light of their animosity towards Republicans, to nominate one of Jefferson's protégés as their party's presidential candidate. The Federalists decided instead to forego their congressional caucus and held a meeting in New York to candidate, quite remarkably, the same and unsuccessful ticket the party had nominated in 1804. Once again, Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, a promi
The election of 1808 was not very competitive. Madison won the popular vote in 12 of the 17 states and amassed an impressive 122 electoral votes to Pinckney's 47. Clinton, Madison's running mate, won 3 electoral votes for president, while Monroe who had assembled an alternate slate of electors in Virginia, did not win a single electoral vote. Virginia was clearly Madison country. Madison won 14,665 popular votes in Virginia to Monroe's 3,408. Pinckney won a paltry 760 votes. Reflecting on Madiso
As evident from the election results, the spirit of republicanism was spreading across the land, although the Federalist Party was far from dead. According to Jules Witcover, Madison in 1808 won 40 fewer electoral votes compared to Jefferson's total in the election of 1804, while the same Federalist ticket had won 33 more electoral votes. Moreover, the Federalist ticket did better among the six New England states compared to its showing in 1804 by winning every state, with the exception of Vermo
In February of 1809, only one month before Madison was inaugurated president, the Congress voted to end the embargo. The vote was bipartisan. Republicans, who no longer felt the embargo was effective, voted alongside Federalists who had opposed the embargo from the start. The bill repealing the embargo was signed by Jefferson. The designated expiration date was March 4, Jefferson's last day in office.
Despite the fact that the embargo had been lifted, shortly before Madison was inaugurated, a weaker version of the embargo titled the Non-Intercourse Act was passed by Congress and signed into law by Jefferson. Madison, an enthusiastic supporter of Jefferson's embargo felt that the Non-Intercourse Act, although not having the same level of influence as the embargo, was still useful for the purpose of maintaining American neutrality and for preventing American merchant ships from traveling to "po
James Madison was inaugurated the fourth President of the United States on March 4, 1809. Presidents, until passage of the Twentieth Amendment in 1933 which changed the date of the inauguration to January 20, were inaugurated in March. There was thus a long stretch of time from the fall election to inauguration day. The outgoing president was essentially a lame duck for a full four months.
The U.S. Capitol was still under construction in 1809. This required Madison's inauguration to be held in the House chamber of the Capitol. A horse drawn carriage carried Madison to the Capitol for his inauguration. He invited Jefferson to join him on the carriage ride, but Jefferson, perhaps viewing such pomp and circumstance as slightly imperious, declined the offer. He decided to ride his own horse to the Capitol. Upon arriving, Jefferson tied his horse to a post and followed Madison into the
Madison's inaugural address has never been rated as one of the great or inspirational inaugural addresses. Yet Madison's address did provide a window to his view of America and his commitment to neutrality. His address, as expected, included admiration for Thomas Jefferson.
In his address, Madison expressed great pride in the progress that had occurred since the country's founding. He identified the "unrivaled growth" in American agriculture, commerce, manufacturing, the "useful arts," and how public revenue had allowed for a reduction in the public debt. He made a firm point to reiterate America's neutral stance towards the war between Britain and France, two countries he described as "belligerent powers" that historically and unfortunately had exhibited "rage aga
Madison's speech was concise and intellectual, and captured his views on foreign policy and other matters he deemed relevant. Yet despite his articulate and substantive speech, it may not have inspired those in attendance. Feldman writes, "Nothing in Madison's speech suggested that he felt any personal fulfilment or accomplished ambition in becoming president - or that he thought his election stood for some greater national transformation, as Jefferson's had in 1800." Madison's inaugural address
One of the top priorities of a new president is to form a cabinet. Having served as secretary of state for eight years and intimately aware of the cabinet's important relationship to the president, Madison was determined to appoint a loyal and competent team of administrators. For the post of secretary of state, Madison wanted to appoint Albert Gallatin, one of his strongest political allies. Madison wanted to move Gallatin from his current post as treasury secretary to the state department wher
Other than the highly talented Gallatin, Madison's cabinet was less than impressive. According to Ketcham, "Political necessity and sectional balance seemed to force mediocrity on Madison for the rest of his cabinet." Ketcham continues, "Thus at the outset, Madison found himself saddled with one of the weakest cabinets in American history." Other than Gallatin who continued to serve as treasury secretary, Madison's cabinet picks were neither experienced for the position they held, nor were they
Less than two years into his presidency, Madison realized that Robert Smith had to be replaced as secretary of state. Smith, who was sharing sensitive information with the "Invisibles," seemed determined to undermine Madison's presidency. Smith was also issuing statements to Britain that were contradictory to Madison's position on foreign policy. At the same time, Smith was not only performing his job poorly, which was evident in his incoherent policy memos, but because both Jefferson and Madiso
Monroe had recently retired from foreign service and was back home managing his plantation and devoting his time to Virginia politics. He had been serving as a member in the Virginia state legislature and had recently been elected for the second time as Virginia's governor. Nevertheless, Monroe was whom Madison wanted as his secretary of state and remained determined to recruit him. As Ketcham observes, "Madison valued Monroe's talents, his energy. His republican zeal, and the political support
In his effort to persuade Monroe to accept the appointment, Madison sent Monroe a letter, which McGrath describes "as close to an apology" that Madison could express to his former competitor and personal friend. "Differences of opinion must be looked for . . . within the compass of free consultation and mutual concession." Monroe, who wanted to be secretary of state and who knew that this post would be his path to the presidency, finally accepted Madison's offer. Madison had thus succeeded in ge
Recognizing the political fallout that would come from firing Smith, Madison decided that the best approach was to give the disloyal secretary a soft landing. He called Smith to his office and softened the blow of dismissal as secretary of state by offering to appoint him Minister to Russia. Although Smith initially found the offer appealing, he concluded after further consideration that Madison's offer was intended to send him into political exile. Smith therefore declined the offer. Following
Tension between Britain and the United States had been building since the Leopard had shelled the Chesapeake, killing or wounding several American sailors. Although Congress repealed the embargo on the last day of Jefferson's presidency and repealed the short-lived Non-Intercourse Act that had been passed in 1809, tension between the two countries continued to escalate. British impressment of American seamen under the pretense they were deserters from the British navy, despite the fact that many
To further make life difficult for the Americans, the British were directly responsible for assisting Indian tribes in their effort to prevent American settlers from starting a new life in the Northwest Territory. In particular, it was the Wabash Confederation, led by the Shawnee Chief Tecumseh and his brother Tenswatawa, known among tribal members as "the Prophet," who posed the greatest threat to Americans moving westward. Examining the conflict between settlers and Tecumseh, Wood notes, "From
Also contributing in a most important way to the rising tension between the United States and Britain was the war between Britain and France that had started in 1803. This war began during Madison's first term as secretary of state. During this war, Napoleon who had declared himself the Emperor of France, issued in 1806 the Berlin Decrees. The decrees were announced from Berlin where Napoleon was residing following the French army's defeat of the Prussian army. The decrees established French nav
In his seminal article regarding the origins of the War of 1812, Madison scholar J.C.A. Stagg posits that although there have been multiple explanations offered by historians regarding what led to the War of 1812, the Orders in Council need to be understood as the prime contributor to this conflict. According to Stagg, "The Madison administration decided to resort to war at that point when it concluded that Great Britain would never repeal its Orders in Council for as long as the Napoleonic Wars
The turning point occurred with the congressional election of 1810, which resulted in a fierce breed of individuals elected to Congress who were determined to wage war against Britain. "Full of energy and bravado, these young men would not stand by while the British insulted American rights at sea. They were also in a fury about Indian raids, in which they had lost grandmothers, aunts, uncles, cousins." Among the new breed of congressmen was Henry Clay from Kentucky. Clay had relinquished his se
Madison's party enjoyed a major victory in the election of 1810. When the Twelfth Congress was convened in 1811, the party breakdown in the House of Representatives was 107 Republicans to 36 Federalists. In the Senate, 28 Republicans held seats compared to 6 Federalists, further evidence that the Federalist Party was in a state of decline.
Seventy new members were on the rolls of the Twelfth Congress and among them were a number of young men who were impatient with the way the elder statesmen had been running the country. The old Republicans were opposed to a large standing army, a large navy, imperialist ambitions and the levying of internal taxes, all of which they regarded as Federalist measures. They had let Great Britain bully and browbeat them
Not one of the brash War Hawks was over 40 years old, and not one had any tolerance for the obsequious behavior of the older congressmen towards Britain. The young War Hawks knew exactly what they wanted and what had to be done, "empire and war" were their immediate goals. The War Hawks also had their eyes on Canada to the north. They saw no reason why Britain should be allowed to have any land claims in North America.
The intense and warlike mood in Congress, despite reservations expressed by John Randolph and members of the Federalist Party, finally persuaded Madison to submit a message to Congress on June 1, 1812 requesting Congress to declare war against Britain. It was the first, but not the last time, a president would submit a message to Congress recommending a formal declaration of war against a foreign power. The transcript of Madison's historic war message identified four distinct grievances against
The practice, hence, is so far from affecting Britsh subjects alone that, under the pretext searching for these, thousands of American citizens, under the safeguard of public law and of their national flag, have been torn from their country and everything dear to them
have been dragged on board ships of war of a foreign nation and exposed, under the severities of their discipline, to be exiled to the most distant and deadly climes.
Under pretended blockades, without the presence of an adequate force and sometimes without the practicality of applying one, our commerce has been plundered in every sea, the great staples of our country have been cut off from their legitimate markets, and a destructive blow aimed at our agricultural and maritime interests.
Not content with these occasional expedients for laying waste our neutral trade, the cabinet of Britain reported at length to the sweeping system of blockades, under the name of orders in council, which has been molded and managed as might best suit its political views, its commercial jealousies, or the avidity of British cruisers.
In reviewing the conduct of Great Britain toward the United States our attention is necessarily drawn to the warfare just renewed by the savages on one of our extensive frontiers, a warfare which is known to spare neither age nor sex and to be distinguished by features peculiarly shocking to humanity. It is difficult to account for the activity and combinations which have for some time been developing themselves among tribes in constant intercourse with British traders and garrisons.
Madison concluded his war message with a strong statement indicating that for all intents and purposes, Britain had already declared war against the United States.
We behold, in fine, on the side of Great Britain, a state of war against the United States, and on the side of the United States a state of peace toward Great Britain.
Understanding how the Constitution defines the process for conducting war, Madison made it clear in his message that he must defer to the judgment of Congress on the matter of war, and that he was confident that Congress would do the right thing.
In recommending it to their early deliberations I am happy in the assurances that the decision will worthy the enlightened and patriotic councils of a virtuous, a free, and a powerful nation.
Support for a war against Britain was intensely debated on the floor of the House of Representatives. The War Hawks led by Clay made a strong and convincing case for military action against Britain, while Federalist Party members, particularly those from the New England states which for years had benefited from trade relations with Britain and which were severely hurt by the embargo, strongly opposed going to war. As expected, speaking against the war in dramatic fashion was Madison's nemesis Jo
The question . . . is one of peace or war - a war not of defense, but of conquest, of aggrandizement of ambition. . . . a war foreign to the interests of this country, to the interests of humanity itself.
Randolph continued:
We have so increased the trade and wealth of Montreal and Quebec that at last we cast a wistful eye at Canada. Go! March to Canada! Leave the broad bosom of the Chesapeake and her hundred tributary rivers
the whole line of seacoast, from Machias to St. Mary's unprotected. You have taken Quebec. Have you conquered England? Will you seek for the deep foundations of her power in the frozen deserts of Labrador?
Despite debate, the decision to declare war was never in doubt. On June 3, only two days after Madison had submitted his war message to Congress, Calhoun, who was serving as chair of the House Committee on Foreign Relations, issued his Committee's report supporting war against Britain. On June 4, despite continued opposition from Federalists, the war bill was overwhelmingly supported on the House floor by a vote of 79 to 49. Among the 79 House members who voted for the war, 48 had been elected f
The war bill then advanced to the Senate. On June 18, after debate regarding the merits of the war, the Senate, following the lead of the War Hawks in the House, voted for war, 19 to 13
regional and party alignments were once again evident in the Senate votes. It was obvious that going to war was not supported by both parties, nor was it supported by all of the states. It was instead "both a party war and a sectional war." "About 81 percent of the Republicans in both chambers of Congress voted
Madison signed the war bill on the same day the Senate cast its vote for war. The day after, on June 19, he issued a proclamation to the American people stating that the United States was formally at war with Britain. Madison stated in his message that despite the feelings the American people might have about the war, it was essential for the people to support the war effort. Moreover, he stated that God was on America's side.
I, James Madison, President of the United States of America . exhort all the good people of the United States, as they love their country, as they value the precious heritage derived from the virtue and valor of their fathers, as they feel the wrongs which have forced on them the last resort of injured nations . . . under the blessing of Divine Providence of abridging its calamities, that they exert themselves in preserving order, in promoting concord, in maintaining the authority and efficacy o
Some historians who have studied the War of 1812 have suggested that the War Hawks in Congress were most responsible for the war. Stagg refutes this point of view, "The belief that congressional actions played a vital part in pushing for the administration to war rests on a misconception about the relations between executive and legislature in the early Republic. Congress at that time was a loosely organized body, seldom capable of initiating or adopting major policy decisions independently of t
As expected, public reaction to the declaration of war revealed a political divide among the American people. Those aligned with Madison's political party "found the news exhilarating," while members of the Federalist Party "greeted the news with alarm and foreboding." However, despite the political division, the Madison administration with the support of Congress waged war against Britain.
The War of 1812 is perhaps one of the least understood wars in American history. It was by no means a bipartisan war, nor was it a war firmly supported among the different regions within the United States. In 1812, there were eighteen states, some of which were strongholds of the Republican Party, while others provided a reliable base for the Federalist Party. To complicate matters, the goals of the war were never made clear to the American public. Nevertheless, the War of 1812, which lasted for
In his seminal volume titled The War of 1812 first published in 1989 and then republished as a Bicentennial edition in 2012, Donald R. Hickey captures why the War of 1812 has never achieved the same fame and historical status as that of the other major wars fought by the United States.
Why is this war so obscure? One reason is that no great president is associated with the conflict. Although his enemies called it "Mr. Madison's War," James Madison hardly measures up to such war leaders as Abraham Lincoln, Woodrow Wilson, or Franklin Roosevelt. Moreover, the best American generals in this war - Andrew Jackson, Jacob Brown and Winfield Scott - were unable to turn the tide because each was confined to a secondary theater of operations. No one like George Washington, Ulysses Grant
Hickey notes that if the American people know anything about the War of 1812, their knowledge is likely confined to knowing that the White House and Capitol were torched by British soldiers, that it was under Andrew Jackson that the Americans defeated the British in the Battle of New Orleans, and that the "Star- Spangled Banner" was written by Francis Scott Key during the British bombardment of Fort McHenry in Baltimore Harbor. Other than these events, most Americans likely know precious little
When war against Britain was declared, the American military was unprepared to fight a superpower like Britain. The senior officers, which included the two major generals and the six brigadier generals, owed their stars not to meritorious service but instead to political patronage. To further complicate matters, the appointments of new junior officers were delayed due to lethargic and bureaucratic nomination processes among the states.
Soldiers in the enlisted ranks also had very little combat experience and desertion became a problem. To counter the high frequency of desertion, perhaps due to the ambiguity of the war's purpose, Madison issued a proclamation stating that army deserters would receive a presidential pardon should they return to active duty within four months of their desertion. To boost enlistments, Madison authorized an increase in enlistment incentives from $31.00, along with 160 acres of land, to $124.00 and
In 1812, with war in its first year, another federal election occurred. Madison's vice presidential running mate in 1812 was now the former Massachusetts Congressman and Governor, Elbridge Gerry. Gerry replaced Vice President George Clinton who had died while in office. Although there was little doubt that Madison would be reelected president, there was nevertheless resistance to his reelection due to the war. Such resistance was not only evident among members of the Federalist Party, who truly
It should be further noted that due to the unprincipled alliance between Federalists and a faction of anti-Madison Republicans, John Quincy Adams, the son of the former Federalist President John Adams, had become so disillusioned with the political antics of the Federalist Party that he switched his allegiance to the Republican Party. At the same time, his father, also alarmed over the controversial fusion strategy involving his fellow Federalists, "not only endorsed Madison but also agreed to h
Madison's second inaugural address delivered on March 4, 1813 was focused almost exclusively on the war, which had now been in progress for slightly less than a year. His address served to inform the American people that due to the hostility of Britain, the United States had little choice but to declare war. "It was not declared on the part of the United States until it had been long made on them, in reality though not in name
until arguments and postulations had been exhausted . . . " Madison
The War of 1812, as Hickey observes, was the most unpopular war in American history. There was never a national consensus regarding the necessity to go to war. Although there were no public opinion polls to measure support for the war, the war remained unpopular until the final peace treaty was signed. The Republican Party, with the exception of the anti-Madison faction, was closely associated with the war, while the Federalist Party was uniformly opposed to the conflict. The party divisions in
So opposed to the war were the New England Federalists that a convention was held in the city of Hartford, Connecticut to review the war's impact on the economies of New England states, and more broadly to discuss the effects of the war on the future of the Federalist Party. The convention was held from December 1814 to January 5, 1815. Federalists in Massachusetts initiated the idea of a convention and sent invitations to the other New England states to send delegates. Connecticut and Rhode Isl
The convention was conducted in total secrecy. The proceedings were released for publication to the Hartford Courant. A list of grievances against presidents Jefferson and Madison, condemnation of the war against Britain, along with seven recommended constitutional amendments comprised the work of the Hartford Convention. The seven amendments, in Beirne's view, reflected parochial interests intended to "suit the specific needs of New England with little consideration for the rest of the country.
The War of 1812 involved a number of maritime battles between the American and British navies. Naval battles were fought on the Atlantic Ocean, and on the Great Lakes. When the war started, the American navy had a total of only 16 warships compared to hundreds of British warships, although most of the British ships were deployed to fight Napoleon, not the United States. Fighting Napoleon was deemed by the British government a much higher priority. Land battles between the Americans and British s
The American military expeditions in Canada were unsuccessful. In addition to encountering strong resistance from British troops in Canada, the Americans confronted loyalists who had fled to Canada during the American Revolution. Additionally, the Americans faced opposition from French Canadians and Indian tribes who, like the loyalists, preferred that Canada remain a part of the British Empire, rather than the United States. Mancini comments, "Resistance to the American military became a nation
Battles were also fought between the Americans and British-aligned Native American tribes in the Northwest Territory. In the year before the war was declared, American forces under the leadership of territorial governor William Henry Harrison had won a significant victory against Native American tribes led by the Shawnee chief Tecumseh. The "Battle, Tippecanoe" as Cost notes, "turned Harrison into a national hero and seemingly confirmed the fears that the Natives had become the cat's paw of the
Significant American victories during the War of 1812 included, among others, Captain Oliver Hazard Perry's dramatic naval victory against the British on Lake Erie. Following the battle, Perry's message to his superiors became immortalized, "We have met the enemy and he is ours." Moreover, an American victory, once again under the leadership of William Henry Harrison, occurred in the "Battle of the Thames." This fierce battle was fought in Canada (what became the province of Ontario) against Bri
The Treaty of Ghent in 1814 brought an end to the War of 1812. The Americans claimed victory and frequently noted how the war was America's "Second War for Independence." In reality, however, neither country was the victor. The historic treaty was negotiated in the port city of Ghent, Belgium. Madison had appointed a distinguished commission of treaty negotiators, which included the treasury secretary, Albert Gallatin, John Quincy Adams who was serving as Minister to Russia, and James A. Baynard
Russia, led by Czar Alexander I, with ulterior motivates, offered to send representatives to mediate the treaty. In the view of the Russian government, a peace treaty between the United States and Britain would allow the British to concentrate their efforts on defeating Napoleon, while allowing the United States to reestablish commercial trade relations with Russia. The Russian offer was accepted by the Americans, but rejected by the British.
From August to December in 1814, the American and British negotiating teams advanced the interests of their countries by holding firm on key issues. British impressment of American sailors, Britain's control over Canada, the status of Britain's alliance with Indian tribes in the Northwest Territory, the naval and military activity of both countries in the Great Lakes region, American fishing rights along the Canadian coast, and Britain's right to navigate on the Mississippi River were among the
The Treaty of Ghent was finally agreed to by both countries and signed on Christmas Eve in 1814. However, despite five grueling months of intensive negotiations, nothing of importance had been resolved. The root cause of the war was never addressed, nor did the negotiators resolve how to create better relations between the two countries. The war, in other words, never solved anything. As Beirne writes,
From August through December the negotiators had struggled, yet after five months of labor not a single disputed point found settlement in the finished document. Some of these disputed points were left for future commissions to tackle. Impressment, that bitter bone of contention was was not mentioned. The treaty was, in substance, a mere agreement to let matters stand as they had stood before the war.
Madison expressed relief when he learned that a peace treaty had finally been signed. The war, which his political opponents had routinely depicted as "Mr. Madison's War," had finally ended. Although little had been resolved, Madison still believed the war had value. "The President thus knew that though the Treaty of Ghent seemed to settle nothing . . . the United States by standing up to Britain, had won a second war of independence."
The British government had already ratified the treaty by the time Madison on February 15, 1815 submitted the final text to the Senate for ratification. Weary of the war, the Senate on February 16 in a show of rare bipartisan support ratified the treaty by unanimous vote, 35 to 0. Madison received notice of the ratification on the same day and issued his final approval. Although a stalemate with nothing of substance rectified, Brookhiser, Ketcham and Wood still identify value in this unpopular w
Presidents, according to the Constitution, do not have the authority to declare war. That is a power delegated to Congress in Article I, Sec. 8 of the U.S. Constitution. Presidents, however, can request Congress to declare war against a foreign power, such as that which Madison did in his war message. Once war is declared by Congress, the constitutional responsibility for prosecuting the war then shifts to the president under Article II of the Constitution which designates the president as the n
The scholarly biographies of Madison do a fine job of covering the War of 1812, the politics associated with the war, the key battles, and the Treaty of Ghent. Sometimes missing in these works is a discussion of Madison's performance as the nation's commander-in-chief. It is well understood, as Hickey notes, that Madison was not a commander-in-chief in the same vein as that of Presidents Lincoln, Wilson and Franklin Roosevelt. Nevertheless, Madison was the commander-chief during the country's fi
Those who have examined Madison's role as commander-in-chief, have not showered praise on his leadership during the War of 1812. The scholarly assessments suggests that Madison was a rather poor commander-in-chief. Although Congress during the war was characterized by factionalism, negligence related to financing the war, and unnecessary delay in reestablishing the National Bank, which in 1814 could have prevented an economic crisis, the dysfunctionality of the legislative branch during the war
Madison's ineffective leadership during the war was further on display in his appointment of several less than competent cabinet secretaries along with his tolerance for generals with questionable experience and judgment. Reflecting on Madison's leadership at the start of the war, John C. Calhoun, one of the leading War Hawks, commented, "Our President has not those commanding talents, which are necessary to control those about him." Thus, the record does not suggest that Madison performed effec
With the war concluded, Madison had less than two years remaining as president. Even though there was no prohibition on presidents seeking a third term, the two-term tradition established by George Washington had set a precedent which Madison intended to honor. He would not seek a third term.
Most presidents in their final years of office become what are known as "lame ducks." Members of Congress feel under no obligation to support a president who is making his exit, and the focus shifts to whoever the next president might be and the policy goals of those planning to seek the presidency. Although presidents in the twilight of their presidency normally fade from relevance, this was hardly the case for President James Madison. Indeed, Madison's final two years in office were filled wit
In his seventh State of the Union message delivered to Congress on December 15, 1815, a year after the Treaty of Ghent had been signed, Madison recommended a major reorganization and strengthening of state militia units. This would allow future presidents to rapidly mobilize militias for defensive purposes. Mobilizing state militias during the war was a serious problem that Madison had encountered. Madison also proposed a major reorganization and strengthening of the U.S. Navy with the goal of i
The biggest surprise was Madison's vigorous support for rechartering the National Bank. This must have come as a big surprise, particularly to members of his own party who most certainly remembered Madison's fierce opposition to the Bank when it was first proposed by Hamilton. Madison had apparently been persuaded by Gallatin, his former treasury secretary, that the Bank was in the national interest. The Bank was subsequently approved by Congress and rechartered with Madison's signature on April
Approaching the end of his presidency, Madison's legislative agenda included a proposal to establish a national university in the nation's capital. He also recommended tariffs on foreign imports to provide protection for American companies that manufactured items related to national defense. At the same time, Madison focused on infrastructure with legislative proposals to build canals and roads. Cost observes that towards the end of his presidency it was apparent that Madison had "abandoned the
Madison's eighth and final State of the Union message to Congress, once again delivered in writing, was presented on December 3, 1816. James Monroe, who Madison supported for president had recently been elected, thus maintaining the "Virginia Dynasty's" hold on the presidency. In his final message to Congress, Madison reiterated his support for strengthening the hand of the president over state militias and continued support for infrastructure development. He again recommended the establishment
Madison's very last act as president was to veto what was known as the "Bonus Bill." The bill, which Calhoun had sponsored, "allowed for a $1,500,000 bonus paid by the Bank, along with future dividends on its stock, for a canal and road building scheme - 'internal improvements' in the language of the day." Although Madison strongly supported infrastructure improvement, he opposed the Bonus Bill on the grounds that if passed it would extend a power to Congress beyond what was enumerated in the Co
Monroe had won the 1816 election with an overwhelming 183 electoral vote count to Rufus King's 39. This election marked the end of the Federalist Party and the start of a period during which the Republican Party faced little to no opposition. With the war over and party politics calmed, Monroe would serve as president during a tranquil period which historians have dubbed "the Era of Good Feelings." Madison attended Monroe's inauguration conducted on March 4, 1817. With his presidency officially
Chapter Eight Madison Retired - Still A Public Servant
Madison's Notes From the Constitutional Convention
Mr. Jefferson's University
Slavery and Statehood
Another Constitutional Convention
President of the American Colonization Society
An Extraordinary Retirement
Madison as a Slave Owner
Slavery and Wills
George Washington as Slave Owner
Thomas Jefferson as Slave Owner
James Monroe as Slave Owner
James Madison as Slave Owner
Although Madison's many years of official public service were now over, this is not to suggest that when he returned to Montpelier that he devoted all of his waking hours to the management of his plantation and overseeing the duties of his slaves. Although the agricultural efficiency of his plantation was a priority due to his family's economic dependence on the sale of crops, which experienced a decline in prices when the "bottom fell out of the grain market," Madison in retirement was still ab
One project during Madison's retirement related to his legacy as the "Father of the Constitution." This involved a meticulous editing of his journal notes that he took in shorthand when serving as a delegate to the Constitutional Convention in 1787. Madison was aware that his notes would be the only detailed record of the debates, speeches, and key decisions that occurred at the Philadelphia Convention during that very hot summer. Madison was extremely protective of his notes and determined to m
A three-volume set edited by Max Farrand is considered one of the most reliable treatments of Madison's final notes. Additionally, a more recent and revealing treatment of Madison's notes, which examines in meticulous detail the changes and edits he made, is the acclaimed work of Mary Sarah Bilder. One can picture Madison during his years in retirement poring over his original notes deciding with pen in hand what he wanted the public to read and not read. Much time during his retirement was devo
Thomas Jefferson, who strongly advocated a strict separation of Church and State, had been educated at the College of William and Mary, a college established during colonial times and rooted in the Anglican tradition. Yet despite his own education, Jefferson's dream was to establish a public university free of religious doctrine, with an emphasis on the classics, government, and law. A rigorous and secular public university was Jefferson's vision. He also insisted that his university once establ
In addition to his firm belief in academic freedom and secular education, Jefferson directly involved himself in the physical design of his university His goal was to create the appearance of an "academical village." Jefferson was thus involved in virtually every aspect of the university he planned to create. This ranged from the institution's mission, the type of learning that would take place, the architectural design of the university, the faculty who would be hired, and the manner in which t
Upon receiving Jefferson's invitation to help him create a university, Madison, ecstatic over such an opportunity, fully committed himself to Jefferson's project. Reflecting his strong commitment to religious freedom, Madison agreed with Jefferson that theology should not be a required subject of study. Yet Madison still insisted that students should at least be given the opportunity to read major theological works if they so desired. He therefore developed a catalogue of religious readings whic
Jefferson was grateful for having Madison join in his efforts to establish a first class state university. He also demanded a lot from Madison, perhaps more than Madison anticipated. When Madison missed the first meeting of the committee that Jefferson had assembled to review his plan, Jefferson sent him a sharp letter of rebuke in which he reminded him that in the future all members of the committee were expected to attend his meetings. Jefferson also sent a similar letter, quite remarkably, to
Madison not only helped Jefferson with the planning of his university, he also donated some of his own money to help with the building of the institution. Moreover, once the university was officially established, Madison was appointed by Jefferson to serve on the Board of Visitors. When Jefferson died in 1826, Madison succeeded Jefferson as the rector of the university, a position he held for several years. The University of Virginia, which continues to be known as "Mr. Jefferson's Universit
Although the building that houses the office of the president is named "Madison Hall," there is, oddly, no statue of Madison on the grounds of the University of Virginia. There is of course a statue of Jefferson on the campus, along with a statue of George Washington, even though Washington had nothing to do with the founding of UVA. The absence of a Madison statue was noted by Jim Todd, a professor in the university's Woodrow Wilson School of Government. Todd expressed how unfortunate it was th
At the same time that Madison was helping his mentor establish a public university, he was drawn into an exchange with political figures regarding the complex issue of statehood and slavery. A supporter of slavery himself, along with the fact that the party he had formed had southern and pro-slavery roots, it was not too surprising that Madison would side with southern interests regarding this political controversy. The question arose when many Virginians after settling in the Missouri Territory
The New York Congressman's conditions caused immediate division between lawmakers from slave states and those from states where slavery was prohibited or less ingrained. With pen in hand, Madison responded to Tallmadge's conditions by supporting states' rights and the interests of slave owners. He took issue with Tallmadge's contention that the "1808 Clause" contained within the first paragraph of Article I, Section 9 of the U.S. Constitution, which prohibited the importation of slaves beginning
Following his treatment of the "1808 Clause," Madison then turned his attention to Talmadge's argument that Article IV, Section 3, known as the "Territories Clause," was yet another reason why Congress had the authority to prohibit slavery in new states. As stated in this Clause "The Congress shall have Power to dispose of and make all needful Rules and regulations respecting the Territories or other Property belonging to the United States." Like his interpretation of the "1808 Clause" Madison d
When Madison was in retirement, a constitutional reform effort arose within his home state which led to a state convention for the purpose of amending the Virginia Constitution. Madison, who had helped draft the state's first constitution in 1776 was once again selected to attend the convention as a delegate from Orange County. The year was 1829. Thus, after fifty-three years, Madison was once again serving as a delegate to his state's constitutional convention. He was twenty-five in 1776, and s
Most of the convention's delegates selected for the convention were distinguished individuals with many years of public service. James Monroe, who had served two successful terms as president, was chosen as a delegate. John Marshall, the current Chief Justice of the U.S. Supreme Court was also a delegate. Another delegate was the former Virginia governor, current U.S. Senator and future President, John Tyler.
Madison nominated Monroe to serve as the convention's presiding officer. Monroe accepted the nomination and ably directed the convention's proceedings. Not all of the delegates, which included Madison's political enemy, John Randolph, welcomed Madison's participation as a delegate, although the younger delegates who had only heard of Madison but had never met him were awed by his presence. They "saw Madison as a demigod whose thoughts and career had been guides for them for as long as they could
The two central issues before the convention pertained to voting rights for non-property owners, and the formula for allocating seats in the Virginia House of Representatives. The first contested issue involved the state requirement that only property owning males could vote. Madison was instrumental in resolving the property issue by proposing that voting rights should be extended to non-property owners, as long as such individuals were taxpayers. His proposal was supported in comm
With respect to the more complex issue of allocating representatives to the populations in eastern and western Virginia, Madison faced stiff resistance. Eastern delegates were adamant about keeping their advantage in the state legislature which was enhanced due to the number of slaves in that part of the state. Virginians in the western portion of the state however insisted that only whites should be counted for the allocation of representatives, not slaves who of course did not have voting righ
Madison owned many slaves throughout the course of his adult life. Slaves were central to the functioning of the Montpelier plantation. A slave from the time of Madison's childhood until the day he died routinely tended to his personal needs. As noted in a previous chapter, a slave tended to Madison's needs when he attended the College of New Jersey. While in retirement, Madison had come to the realization that when slavery was ended in the United States, which he believed would someday happen,
The solution to this "problem" in the view of both Jefferson and Madison would be the creation of a colony where former slaves could be transported and where they could live in freedom with their families. The concept of colonization gained considerable traction in a number of southern states, as evident by the establishment of the American Colonization Society in 1816. Madison was selected to serve as the Society's president. The Society, according to Cheney, "had many luminaries in its ranks -
The concept of colonization was very appealing to Madison, although he knew that implementation could be difficult. Under Madison's leadership and watchful eye, Society members considered a variety of locations in North America for the colony. Concluding that a colony in North America was less than desirable, the Society began reviewing the possibility of establishing a colony in Africa.
To expedite colonization, Madison recommended that the federal government should not only buy slaves from slave owners, but also pay for their resettlement. With approximately 1.5 million slaves on American soil, Madison estimated that the total cost of the colonization project would be in the vicinity of $600 million. To raise the necessary funds, Madison recommended that the federal government sell millions of western acres currently under its control to American settlers. To those who had res
In 1821, a land deal in Africa was finally agreed to between the American Colonization Society and African tribal leaders for the establishment of a former slave colony along a strip of land located on the west coast of Africa. This was a narrow strip of land that measured only thirty-six miles long and three miles wide. Because the land was on the African Continent, Society members assumed that former slaves would appreciate being returned to their native homeland.
In 1822, the repatriation process formally began with a small number of former slaves transported from the United States to the designated strip of land which became known as "Liberia," i.e., "the free land."
Although never considered an official American colony, such as those established by European countries, Liberia was nevertheless governed for several years by the American Colonization Society. This situation lasted until Liberia in 1847 became an independent country. From the very start of the colonization effort to the Civil War when slavery in the United States was officially abolished, "upwards of 12,000 freeborn and formerly enslaved Black Americans immigrated to Liberia."
Like so many other important developments in American history, the name of James Madison is connected to the colonization effort. The development of a colony along the coast of Africa, and the eventual creation of an African country named Liberia reflected Madison's leadership while he was in retirement. In addition to Madison, the name of James Monroe is also associated with the colonization project. A strong supporter of colonization, it was during Monroe's presidency that the colonization pro
Following his two term presidency, Madison in retirement lived for another twenty years. During his "retirement" he devoted his time and energy to not only the management of his plantation, which as noted experienced hard times and which had fallen into serious debt, but to a wide range of important projects with long term implications. Madison edited, revised, and apparently rewrote portions of his notes on the federal constitutional convention. His notes remain to this day the most authoritati
In addition to his meticulous editing of his notes, Madison worked side-by-side with his longtime mentor and friend Thomas Jefferson to establish the University of Virginia. Following Jefferson's death, Madison served as the university's rector for several years. He is closely associated with the establishment of this first-class American university.
The slavery issue seriously challenged the United States Congress, particularly when it involved the admission of new states. The Missouri Compromise of 1820 was Congress' temporary solution to the problem. Although not a member of Congress in 1820, one might suggest that Madison's writings perpetuated slavery in the United States.
While in retirement and at the age of seventy-eight, Madison in 1829 participated in amending the Virginia Constitution. This is quite remarkable when one considers that in 1776 Madison, at the age of twenty-five, served as a delegate to the state convention where he helped write Virginia's Declaration of Rights and first constitution. Ketcham notes that Madison was the only delegate at the 1829 convention in Richmond who had participated as a delegate in the 1776 convention. When one considers
Finally, there is the project Madison immersed himself in during retirement that was related to the repatriation of freed slaves to Liberia. Madison not only endorsed the effort, but was selected to serve as the president of the American Colonization Society. The colonization effort can of course be viewed from two very different perspectives. One perspective could argue that Madison and supporters of the colonization movement had concluded that an injustice had been perpetrated upon Blacks who
James Madison was born into a slave owning family. Along with his siblings, he grew up watching slaves assigned to many different tasks on the family plantation. There were slaves assigned to field work and slaves assigned to household duties. The children of slaves, of which there were many at Montpelier, served as playmates for Madison when he was a young boy. Madison grew up with an understanding that slavery was a way of life for plantation families in Virginia. A Virginia plantation, whethe
As an adult, Madison, who had inherited more than a hundred of his father's slaves, had become very close to those who served as his personal servants. One such slave was named "Sawney" who had been willed to Madison by his maternal grandmother. Sawney, who traveled with Madison when he went to college, was never freed and would continue to serve the needs of Madison and family members until the end of his own life. Another slave by the name of Paul Jennings also looms important among the slaves
Scholars who address Madison's views on slavery suggest that despite owning more than a hundred slaves and never freeing any of them, he nevertheless had very conflicted views about the institution of slavery. For example, at the Philadelphia Convention in 1787, Madison expressed his opposition to the slave trade that he considered "dishonorable to the National character" He also spoke against treating slaves as property and that it would be fundamentally at odds with the spirit of the Constitut
Madison's conflicted feelings about slavery apparently continued throughout his entire life. This was evident in a personal interview he had in 1835 with a writer of the Unitarian faith from England. The writer's name was Harriet Martineau. In her interview with Madison, Martineau probed his thoughts on slavery. She captured Madison's thoughts in these words, "With regard to slavery he owned himself to be almost in despair." She further observed that Madison recognized "all the evils that with
In addition to his support for the colonization project, Madison, although believing that slavery in the United States would someday come to an end, believed that slavery "as he practiced it was morally permissible, and even something to be admired." As a slave owner, he was not like Jefferson who treated his slaves poorly, nor for that matter did Madison have sexual relations with his slaves, as Jefferson apparently did. Madison could justify owning slaves because they were essential to the day
In his will, George Washington required that the slaves he personally owned were to be freed once his wife, Martha, who would inherit them, had died. Of the 317 slaves at Mount Vernon, Washington personally owned 123, while 194 were part of the Custis estate, which was Martha's side of the family. Washington did not have any legal control over the Custis slaves, only those he personally owned.
The record shows that among the hundreds of slaves he owned, Jefferson freed a total of only ten. Two he freed during his lifetime, three he let leave Monticello with his approval, and five as stated in his will were to be granted freedom after has death. Among the tiny number of slaves owned by Jefferson who gained their freedom, virtually all of them had the surname Hemings.
Throughout his many years in public service, Monroe owned approximately 200 slaves. Of those he owned, there was only one slave who he set free. The freed slave was Peter Marks who served as Monroe's house servant for many years. As he was lying on his death bed, Monroe informed those who had gathered around him that following his death Peter Marks was to be set free. Monroe's "dying request," as it was described, was the only time Monroe had liberated one of his slaves.
Madison died at Montpelier on June 28, 1836. He was 85 years old. He had become very feeble and labored greatly to breathe and speak. With death rapidly approaching, he was asked if he would prefer to kept alive a little longer so that he could die on July 4th, as Jefferson, Adams and Monroe did. Madison said that was unnecessary. Thus, while having breakfast on the morning of June 28, he experienced great difficulty swallowing. When asked by his niece Nelly Willis, who had been making frequent
In his will, Madison transferred ownership of his slaves, which numbered around 100, to his wife, Dolley. "I give and bequeath my ownership in the negroes and people of colour held by me to my dear wife, but it is my desire that none of them should be sold without his or her consent or in case of their misbehavior
except that infant children may not be sold with their parent who consents for them to be sold with him or her, and who consents to be sold." According to his confusing and awkwardly
Conclusion Remembering Madison
James Madison's contributions to the American republic were profound. One is in awe when reviewing all that Madison accomplished during his adult life. A Constitution that has endured for more than two-hundred and thirty-five years along with a bill of rights that has protected the liberties of the American people are directly attributable to the vision and efforts of James Madison. Students to this day can also discover the depth and breadth of Madison's analytical mind by reading several of th
Madison's notes on the Constitutional Convention, despite his extensive edits, still to this day provide scholars with the best account of this most historic meeting of delegates in 1787. His notes provide a window into the decisions and individuals responsible for what in the end was a magnificent governing document.
The establishment of a political party that represented the values of republican ideals and one that established the foundation for a party that has remained the oldest party on earth, is also attributable to the political vision and efforts of Madison. Moreover, despite the absence of a declared victory, the War of 1812, known as "Mr. Madison's War," elevated the morale and patriotism of the American people. America's "Second War for Independence" is directly related to the presidency of James
More can be said about Madison's contributions to the American system of government and his pivotal role as a Founding Father. Although Madison is not rated as one of America's great or near-great presidents, there is nevertheless greatness about Madison that is unrelated to his presidency. Madison scholars have suggested that his writings and ideals were so profound that they should still be consulted by those who occupy public office. Consider the eloquent words of historian A.E. Dick Howard.
We are in reach of his conversations still, for Madison's words transcends the centuries. Much has changed in the United States since the times of the Founding Fathers, but Madison has much to tell us yet. And it may not be idle, from time-to-time, when faced with thorny issues of governance and equity, to wonder what Madison might have said and done.
What Madison might have to say about several contemporary issues facing American government is precisely what this author contemplated while writing about this extraordinary public servant. A number of questions came to mind: What would James Madison have to say about the repeated pattern of wars waged by American presidents in the absence of thoughtful congressional debate and formal declarations? What would Madison have to say regarding the extensive use of executive agreements, which presiden
In closing, to preserve what is the most admirable form of government known to humankind, high school and college students, irrespective of race, religion or class, should be required to come into contact with the contributions to American government associated with the work of James Madison. It is not an exaggeration to suggest that the future of the American republic depends on the preservation of the governing principles supported and brought forward by the man deservedly known as the "Father
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About the Author
Gary L. Rose, Ph.D. is Professor of Politics and Scholar in Residence at Sacred Heart University in Fairfield, Connecticut. A college instructor for close to five decades, Professor Rose has authored and edited fifteen books regarding presidential politics, constitutional law and Connecticut government. His constitutional law book, Shaping a Nation (2010) published in English and Chinese, is recommended reading by the National Association of Scholars for colleges and universities that have commo
In addition to his teaching and writing, Professor Rose provides routine political commentary for national, state and local media. His comments have been quoted in the Wall Street Journal, New York Times, Washington Post, and the Hartford Courant. He has appeared as a commentator on many television shows, including NBC Nightly News the FOX network and several news shows focused on politics in Connecticut. He is also the recipient of several teaching and scholarship awards and is frequently invit
Index
A
B
Adams, John, 54, 99, 104-106, 111-112, 115 120, 122-123, 159
Bank of United States, 107
Barbary Wars, 124-126
Adams, John Quincy, 159, 164
Barings Bank of London, 129
Alexander I, 164
Battle of New Orleans, 163
Alien and Sedition Acts 1798, 110, 112
Battle of the Thames, 163
Baynard, James A., 164
repeal of, 117
Beard, Charles, 107
as response to French influence, 111
Beckley, John
party building efforts of, 109
American Revolution, 36, 45
Berlin Decrees, 150
Anglican Church of England, 9
Bonaparte, Napoleon, 126-129, 150
as established church in Virginia, 17
Bonus Bill, 169
Boston Massacre, 13
Madison as member of, 6
Boston Tea Party
and treatment towards Baptists, 17
and Sons of Liberty, 14
Annapolis Convention, 54, 107
Bradford, William
as forerunner of Constitutional Convention, 30
and correspondence with Madison, 12
Hamilton's participation at, 29
Breckinridge, John, 113
Madison's participation at, 29
Burr, Aaron, 108-109, 117
and states that attended, 28-29
Antifederalists, 43, 44, 76, 106
C
and Agrippa essays, 47-48
Calhoun, John, 153, 155, 167
and Brutus essays, 47
Clay, Henry, 151, 164, 179
and Cato essays, 50-51
Clinton, Dewitt
and Centinel essays, 49-50
fusion candidacy of, 159
and Federal Farmer essays, 48-49
Clinton, George
and view of Gerry, Elbridge, 52
as leader of "Clintonians" 44
political figures aligned with, 44-45
as opponent of Constitution, 71
Articles of Confederation, 11, 24, 25, 28-29, 30-33, 35-36, 48, 52, 68
as presidential candidate in 1808, 143
governing features of, 25
as vice president, 158
E
Cliosophic Society, 10
Coercive Acts 1774, 14
East India Tea Company
College of New Jersey, 5-8, 179
and harm to colonial interests, 14
College of William and Mary, 6, 21, 173
Embargo Act 1807, 136
economic effects of, 138-139
Confederation Congress, 54
Madison's support for 137-138
Constitutional Convention, 29, 36, 42-44, 48, 66, 74, 107, 146, 172, 177-178
repeal of, 144
English Bill of Rights, 83
attendance at, 32
F
and books sent by Jefferson, 33
Federalists, 44, 155, 159
contributions of George Washington at, 40
Federalist Papers, 107, 109, 126
authors of, 56
contributions of James Wilson at, 40
and choice of Publius as pen name, 55
Great Compromise presented at, 38
Continentalist essays as forerunners of, 56
and three-fifths compromise as component, 39
Federalist 9 (Hamilton), 58-59
Federalist 10 (Madison), 57-58, 187
location of, 32
and Madison as most prepared delegate, 34
Federalist 39 (Madison), 60
Federalist 45 (Madison), 61
New Jersey Plan presented at, 37
Federalist 46 (Madison), 61
rules related to, 32
Federalist 51 (Madison), 59-60, 187
and state constitutions as guides, 36
and Virginia delegation, 34
Federalist Party, 104, 107, 111, 115, 117-118, 122, 144, 152, 154, 158-161
Virginia Plan presented at, 35
resolutions of, 35
and resolutions rejected, 37-39
and opposition to War 1812, 155
Continental Congress, 11, 16, 18, 21-24, 32-33, 108, 124
Fenno, John, 93
Florida peninsula
colonization of, 134
D
Franklin, Benjamin, 22, 54
Declaration of Independence, 32
French and Indian War, 4, 13, 23, 92, 126
Jefferson's authorship of, 18
Democratic-Republican Party, 110, 117, 159
French Revolution
impact on early party politics of, 90
District of Columbia Organic Act of 1801, 122
Freneau, Philip, 106, 108
and National Gazette, 91
Duer, William, 54
Jefferson, Thomas, 16, 20-21, 32-33, 77, 86, 113-116, 128, 145-146, 151, 179, 181, 185
G
Gallatin, Albert, 109, 125, 130-131, 147, 164, 168
and concerns with proposed Constitution, 52-53
Gazette of the United States, 91, 93-94
and election as president, 117
Genet, Edmond Charles, 92
as founder of University of Virginia, 173-174
George III, 14, 22-23
Gerry, Elbridge, 46, 158
as mentor to Madison, 21
Grayson, William, 75
and support for bill of rights, 69-70, 73
H
and support for French Revolution, 90
Hamilton, Alexander, 53, 107. 109
vision for national bank of, 88
and views towards slaves, 179
Hancock, John, 22
Jennings, Paul, 182-183, 185
Harrison, William Henry
Judicial review, 124
and Battle of Tippecanoe, 163
Judiciary Act of 1801, 122
and election of 1840, 163
K
Hartford Convention, 161-162
Headright system, 1
Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions, 113-116
Henry, Patrick, 16, 20, 25, 44, 46, 68, 106, 116
King George County, 3
Hopes of Amsterdam 129
King and Queen County, 4
House of Burgesses, 2
King, Rufus, 38, 143, 170
Hume, David
Knox, Henry, 30
and influence on Madison, 11, 58
L
I
Lansing, John, 172
Independence Hall, 32
Lee, Charles, 123
Invisibles, 147
Lee, Richard Henry, 75
Leland, John, 63, 78
J
L'Enfant, Pierre Charles, 119
Jackson, Andrew
Liberia, 180-181, 183-184
and military action in Florida, 135
Lincoln, Levi, 130-131
Jay, John
Livingston, Robert, 127
public service of, 54, 96
Locke, John, 16, 36, 60
Jay Treaty
and Letter Concerning Religious Toleration (1689), 27
formal title of, 95
French opposition to, 98
and Second Treatise on Civil Government (1689), 10
Madison's opposition to, 97
undermined by Hamilton, 96-97
Louis XVI, 90, 92-93
and separation of powers issue, 81
Louisiana Purchase, 126-130, 133, 135
as member of Continental Congress, 21-25
role of James Monroe related to, 128
as member of Governor's Council, 20-21
L'Overture, Toussaint, 128
Lyon, Matthew
as member of Virginia House of Delegates, 25
as political victim of Alien and Sedition Acts 1798, 116
and Memorial and Remonstrance, 26
M
and Virginia Statute for Religious Freedom, 26-27
Madison, Dolly, 108, 161,
brother of, 172
mother of, 3
death of, 186
notes taken at Constitutional Convention by, 171-172
as political wife, 120
son of, 186
playmates of, 4
Madison, James
as President of American Colonization Society, 178-180, 183
birth of, 3
death of, 185
as delegate to Virginia Constitutional Convention 1776, 15-18
and views towards slavery, 175-176, 182-183
as President of U.S.
as delegate to Virginia Constitutional Convention 1829, 176-178
and cabinet politics, 147-148
and as commander-in-chief,
and election of 1808, 143-122
education of, 5, 6-12,
and election of 1812, 158-159
father of, 2
and first inaugural address, 146
as "Father of Constitution," 3, 42, 169, 171-172, 177, 181, 189
last official act of,, 169
and party's nomination, 141
first attempt at elective office by, 20
and second inaugural address, 160
first campaign for congressional seat of, 74-78
and second war of independence, 165
grandfather of, 2
and support for National Bank, 168
great-grandfather of, 1
great-great- grandfather of, 1
war message of, 152-154
health problems of, 12
congressional vote for, 155
as member of Congress, 80
and incentives to boost enlistments, 158
leadership related to Bill of Rights, 82-87
and "Mr. Madison's War" 156, 188
and opposition to National Bank, 87-89
New York Convention, 71
as rector of University of Virginia, 174
Non-Intercourse Act, 1809, 144, 149
as secretary of state,
Northwest Ordinance, 24
challenges faced, 121-129
Northwest Territory, 97, 150, 163
historical ranking, 139
O
nomination, 118-119
Orange County, 2-3, 25, 62-63, 76, 177
reputation, 121
Madison, Reverend James, 21
Orders in Council, 150-151
Magna Carta, 82
Ottoman Empire, 124-125
Marbury v. Madison (1803) 121-124
Marbury, William, 122
P
Marshall, John 122-124, 133, 145, 179
Patterson, William, 37
Payne, Todd, 186
Martin, Alexander, 6
Pendleton, Edmund, 63
Martin, Thomas, 5-6,
Perry, Oliver Hazard, 163
Martineau, Harriet, 183-184
Pichon, Louis-Andre, 128
Mason, George, 21, 23, 73, 45, 62, 83, 78
Piedmont, 2, 4, 6, 17
Princeton University, 5
as most learned Virginian, 16, 18
Proclamation Line 1763, 23
and opposition to Constitution, 66-67
Proclamation of Neutrality, 92
and Pacificus v. Helvidius debate, 93-95
Milan Decree, 150
Missouri Compromise, 181
Monroe, James, 180, 185
Q
and acquisition of Florida, 136
Quasi War, 98, 110-111
and congressional campaign against Madison, 77
and Treaty of Mortefontaine, 99
and election of 1816, 160, 169-170
R
as Madison's choice for secretary of state, 148
Randolph, Edmund, 34-35
Randolph, John, 109, 177
and opposition to Constitution, 66
as political enemy of Madison, 132-133, 142-143, 152, 154-155
presidential candidacy of, 143
Montesquieu, Baron de, 36, 60, 67
Republican Party, 104, 106, 108-109, 112, 115- 117, 121, 132, 151, 159-161, 175
and Spirit of Law (1748), 11
Monticello, 2, 185
Montpelier, 2, 12, 38, 118, 171, 174, 178, 181-182, 184-185
Revere Paul
as colonial propagandist, 13
Morris, Gouverneur, 54
Robertson, Donald, 4-5
N
Rush, Benjamin
and successful attempt to recruit Witherspoon, 8-9
National Gazette, 91, 106, 108
New Hampshire Convention, 69, 71
George Mason as principal author, 16
S
Sawney, 7, 182-183
Madison's contribution to, 17
Scottish Enlightenment, 9, 33
and relationship to Bill of Rights, 83
writers associated with, 10
Section 13 of the Judiciary Act of 1789, 123
Virginia Dynasty, 169
Virginia House of Delegates, 19, 20, 25, 27, 126
Shays' Rebellion, 30, 37
as catalyst for Constitutional Convention, 30-31
Virginia Ratification Convention 1788
foreign policy debated at, 68-69
Sherman, Roger, 38, 45
and Henry's opposition to Constitution, 64-65
Smith, Robert, 147-148
Smith, Samuel, 147
and Madison's persuasive support for Constitution, 67-68
Stamp Act, 13, 64
Stockton, Richard
and Mason's opposition to Constitution, 66-67
and attempt to recruit Witherspoon, 8
and Monroe's opposition to Constitution, 66
Sugar Act, 13
and Randolph's support for Constitution, 65
T
Talleyrand
and vote to ratify Constitution, 70
bribery scheme of, 98
W
Taylor, John (of Caroline), 109
Tea Act, 13
War Hawks, 151-152, 154, 156
Tecumseh, 150, 163
War of 1812, 157-163
Tertium Quids, 132
Washington, George, 22, 92, 104, 116, 184
"The Prophet," 150
Townshend Acts 1767, 13
Farewell Address of, 101
Treaty of Fontainebleau, 127
West Florida, 129, 134-135
Treaty of Ghent, 164-165
Whig Society, 10
Treaty of Paris 1763, 127, 134
Witherspoon, John
Treaty of Paris 1783, 54, 134, 149
academic credentials of, 7
Treaty of San IIdefonso, 127
as academic mentor to Madison, 9
Tripolitan War, 126
academic reputation of, 8
Tyler, John, 163
as member of Continental Congress, 11
V
as signer of Declaration of Independence, 11
Virginia Constitutional Convention 1776
wife of, 7
Madison as delegate, 15
Wills of Founders, 184-186
Virginia Declaration of Rights, 15, 18, 25, 27, 45, 181
X
X, Y, Z Affair, 98
Y
Yates, Robert, 172
Yazoo Scandal, 130-133
and Fletcher v. Peck (1810), 133

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