Nigeria's Republic at Sixty

Name: Nigeria's Republic at Sixty | Dreams, Travails, and Hopes
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Dreams, Travails, and Hopes

Chinyere Rita Agu(Autor*in)

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Nigeria's Republic at Sixty:Of Dreams, Travails and Hopes
Chinyere Rita Agu and Nicholas Idris Erameh,Editors
Nigeria's Republic at Sixty:Of Dreams, Travails and Hopes
Chinyere Rita Agu and Nicholas Idris Erameh,Editors
Academica PressWashington~London
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Agu, Chinyere Rita (editor) | Idris, Erameh Nicholas (editor)
Title: Nigeria's republic at sixty : dreams, travails, and hopes | Chinyere Rita Agu | Erameh Nicholas Idris
Description: Washington : Academica Press, 2024. | Includes references.
Identifiers: LCCN 2024944226 | ISBN 9781680533156 (hardcover) | 9781680533163 (e-book)
Contents
Introduction 1
Chapter 1.Nigeria's Republic at Sixty:Historicizing the Impact of Colonial Legacies on Nation-Building 9
References 26
Chapter 2.Constitutional Development, Constitutionalismand the Nigerian Republic at Sixty 29
References 43
Journals 44
Chapter 3.Constitutional Development and Unending Quest forNational Unity in Nigeria 45
Reference 69
Chapter 4.Regional Disparity and Social Inequalityand its Impact of Human Security in Nigeria 71
References 85
Chapter 5.Nigeria's Republic at Sixty: Regional Disparitiesand Social Inequality in Nigeria 89
References 104
Chapter 6.National Security and Defense:Nigeria's Republic at Sixty - Dynamics, Issues and Strategic Imperatives 105
References 118
Chapter 7.Nigeria's Republic at Sixty
A Reflection on theDefense and Security of the Troubling State 121
References 136
Chapter 8.The Boko Haram Insurgency and Nigeria's Long Path towardsPeace and Security: The Civilian Joint Task Force Experience 141
References 155
Chapter 9.Nigeria's Republic at Sixty: A Critical Examinationof Youth Bulge and Political Participation in Nigeria 159
References 172
Chapter 10.Nigeria's Republic at Sixty: Challenges of the Education Sector 175
References 184
Chapter 11.Issues and Challenges of the Crisis of Governance in Africa:The Nigerian Experience 187
References 198
Chapter 12. Nigeria's Republic at Sixty:A Critical Reflection of the Nigerian State and Human Rights Issues 201
References 212
Chapter 13.Nigeria's Republic at Sixty: Nation Building, Party Politicsand Power Rotation 215
References 231
Chapter 14.Nigeria's Republic at Sixty and the 2023 General Elections:Moving Beyond Democratic Elections to InstitutionalizingDemocratic Principles in Nigeria 235
References 249
Chapter 15.Nigeria's Republic at Sixty: A Historical Reflection onNigeria's Agricultural Transformation Programs 253
References 270
Chapter 16.Nigeria's Republic at Sixty: Information CommunicationTechnology and Economic Sustainability in the Digital Age 273
References 296
Chapter 17.Reconsidering the Passivity of Women in Nation Building andNational Development in the Nigeria's Republic at Sixty 301
References 307
Chapter 18.Nigeria Republic at Sixty and the Populace:From High Expectations to Mass Disillusion 309
References 321
Chapter 19.Navigating the Complexities of Foreign Policy Dynamics and Local Peculiarities: A Rethink of Nation-building in Nigeria 325
Reference 349
Chapter 20.Citizen's Diplomacy and Nigeria's Foreign Policy, 2007-2010 357
References 369
Chapter 21.Unveiling Prosperity: Exploring Security Challenges in Nigeria'sForeign Direct Investment and Legal/Policy Solutions sincethe Republican Government 371
References 385
Chapter 22.Judicial Institutions and Nation - Building onNigeria's Attainment of Sixty Years as a Republic 387
References 398
Chapter 23.Nigeria's Republic at Sixty: Natural Gas andUnending Quest for Sustainable Development 401
Abstract 401
References 419
Chapter 24.Nigeria's Republic at Sixty: A Critical Reflection onthe National Assembly and Democratic Governance in Nigeria 423
References 434
Authors' Bios 439
Introduction
This volume intends offers a comprehensive analysis of Nigeria's sixty years as a republic. Through a meticulous exploration across twenty chapters, the book will critically assess Nigeria's achievements
the obstacles, and present a scholarly vision for a promising future. The book will begin by providing an introduction, providing historical context, and underlining the significance of Nigeria's Republic at Sixty. It will proceed to meticulously examine the nation's journey to independence and
Furthermore, the book will scrutinize infrastructure development, emphasizing the impact of transportation, energy, and telecommunications on national progress. The social welfare and human capital development sectors will be critically appraised, considering educational initiatives, healthcare provisions, social protection programs, and skill enhancement endeavors. The book will also explore Nigeria's cultural heritage and national identity, highlighting the preservation, promotion, and unifyin
The book will dedicate a chapter to governance frameworks and anti-corruption measures, emphasizing the significance of transparency, accountability, institutional reforms, and the ongoing fight against corruption. The challenges encountered in education, healthcare, public health initiatives, agricultural transformation, technological advancements, women's empowerment, gender equality, youth development, and employment will be individually examined, providing in-depth analyzes and proposing evi
Chinyere Rita Agu & Nicholas Idris Erameh, begin by providing an introduction, providing historical context, and underlining the significance of Nigeria's Republic at Sixty (60). They proceed by meticulously examining the nation's journey to independence and the formation of the First Republic, considering the early challenges experienced in the process of nation-building. Additionally, the book will delve into the evolutionary trajectory of Nigeria's constitution, including an analysis of const
In chapter II, Ogunniyi, Olayemi Jacob adopts the descriptive and analytical method of historical reconstruction as the framework of analysis to examine why Nigeria has seen so many regime changes, both military coups and democratic transitions. Why is the Nigerian state, since the post-republican dispensation in comparison with its counterparts in sub-Saharan Africa, not performing creditably well due to the absence of state capacity dealing with the current realities of democratic governance?
In Chapter III, Temitope Olukemi Akande & Rauf Tunde Sakariya relied on secondary sources of data to examine constitutional development and constitutionalism in Nigeria. Specifically, the chapter identifies the lack of effective application as a major bane to the rule of law in Nigeria and recommends that a robust consultative process be employed towards enhancing a democratic constitution. Furthermore, in Chapter IV, Bello Oliade Wasiu examined the contribution of various constitutional develop
In Chapter V, Relying on qualitative method, Adeola Akindoju & Olayinka Sodik Kazeem reflects on the nature of regional disparity and social inequality in Nigeria since it attained a Republic and its simultaneous effect on the citizenry. A central argument in their research is that the vulnerability of the citizens in Nigeria is traceable to historical antecedents to colonialism and military rule, high rate of poverty, misallocation and marginalization of resources, corruption, and crime, as wel
Reflecting on the security situation in Nigeria since attainment of a Republic status, in Chapter VII, Dodeye Williams examined Nigeria's security and defense realities in the context of its security sector reforms, security sector governance, and defense strategy. Using extant literature, Williams presents a robust assessment of Nigeria's security environment, its security architecture, its challenges, and its defense capabilities. It examines the counter terrorism strategies, peace building, a
Generally, some others focused on the emerging challenges facing the Nigerian state upon its attainment of Republic. For instance, in Chapter X, Omosefe Oyekanmi and Victor Obaba adopted a qualitative method of data gathering and analysis, through the use of secondary data in examined the youth demography in Nigeria and its implication for political participation after sixty years of been a Republic. The findings reveal structural barriers within political systems, gross unemployment, limited ac
In addition, as reflected in Chapter XII, Solomon Babatunde Kumapayi, Explored the emerging and contending issues and challenges of governance in Africa with specific emphasis on the Nigerian Experience. Relying on Secondary sources, it critically examined those institutional and political factors that have impeded democratic governance in Nigeria since 1963. It argues that the crisis of misgovernance in Nigeria have led to break down in law and order, weak political institutions, democratic rev
In Chapter XIV, Adebola Rafiu Bakare probed into the issues, achievements, and challenges that have characterized the twenty-four years of legislative experience to identify and celebrate the positive contributions of the institution to good governance and also to identify areas of dereliction of duty with implementable suggestions on how to improve the effectiveness of the National Assembly. The chapter found that much as the National Assembly would want to assure Nigerians about its readiness
Using a qualitative method, Wasiu Balogun in Chapter XVII, provides a comprehensive understanding of the complex relationship between gas and sustainable development in Nigeria, exploring the implications of Nigeria's gas development policy for sustainable development. The chapter also assess existing and prospective strategies and technologies to enhance the resilience of Nigeria's gas infrastructure against internal and external threats while promoting sustainability. By understanding the comp
In Chapter XIX, Agbeyangi et al, provides an overview of Nigeria's Information Communication Technology journey since it attained a Republic, underscoring its central role in sustainable economic prosperity. We explore the potential of artificial intelligence, blockchain, and the Internet of Things (IoT), revealing the remarkable opportunities on the horizon. We stress the urgency of achieving digital inclusivity, bridging the urban-rural gap, and reducing the technological divide, all of which
In Chapter XXII, Wasiu Balogun interrogates the interplay between natural gas infrastructure resilience and sustainable development in Nigeria since the attainment of Republic. Drawing on extensive literature review, the chapter offers a comprehensive understanding of the intricate dynamics linking gas infrastructure resilience and Nigeria sustainable development. The chapter concludes by stating that understanding the complex interplay between natural gas infrastructure resilience and sustainab
For Chapter XXIII, Paul Adesanya, starts by looking at how emerging domestic challenges have led to economic and social hardships for its citizens and hindered foreign investment. Paul goes ahead to explore how connecting foreign policy dynamics to local circumstances can be utilized in Nigeria's nation-building. A mixed method design involving qualitative and quantitative methods will be used to gather data, which will be analyzed through descriptive analysis. The study concludes that collabora
Lastly, in Chapter XXV, Chinyere Rita AGU & Osarenren Chimere Ebuwa examined Nigeria's foreign direct investment landscape since the Republican Government in 1963 and specifically sheds light on the prevailing security challenges. It navigates through these hurdles and examines legal and policy solutions that will be used to fortify the investment climate. The chapter offers a succinct overview of the interplay between security concerns, foreign investment, and the strategic remedies crafted wit
Chapter 1.Nigeria's Republic at Sixty:Historicizing the Impact of ColonialLegacies on Nation-Building
Ogunniyi, Olayemi JacobDepartment of History & International Studies,Faculty of Arts, Lagos State University
Abstract
Nigeria as a country from year 1960 has passed through series of constitutional, political, including administrative changes apart from shifting away from being a three-region federation to more stable political states. Further afield, this made the country to have 36 states and this equally replaces an old parliamentary system with current presidential system with diverse changes made to the constitution so as to end many of the challenges that surfaced after political independence and especial
Introduction
Since the attainment of independence from the British colonial overlords in 1960, Nigeria has been faced with the task of building a stable and virile nation. This herculean task has proved almost impossible because of the heterogeneous nature of the country's population which has been posing a great challenge to the idea of actualizing the 'One Nigeria' dream. The country is divided along tribal leanings and dominated by the Igbo in the East, Yoruba in the West, and Hausa-Fulani in the North, a
Prior to the amalgamation of the Northern and Southern protectorates in year 1914 for easy colonial control, various group of peoples were fused to one entity politically existed independently with autonomous, social and political organizations. The attainment of independence provided an exciting opportunity and towards the process of building a new nation it remain a fresh adventure, and of the rediscovery of the exact identity of development truly, the earlier colonized citizens and of reposit
Post-independent Nigeria soon got enmeshed in series of political crises that continually heated up the polity. These developments served as invitation to the military, who struck on January, 15 1966 in a coup d'état to save the country from collapse. The military take over changed the shape of Nigerian politics in the sense that it implanted political instability in the form of successive military coups and counter coups. These coups and counter coups were aimed each time at stopping the drift
For analytical convenience therefore, the study has ten parts, first part serves as the introduction
second part examines concept and attributes of a nation
part three discusses outlook of Nigeria and challenges of nation-building
part four deals with retrospect on colonial Nigeria from the conquest to colonial rule
part five highlights colonial administrative system, economic and socio-cultural changes
part six is based on ethnicity and national integration in Nigeria
part seven centered
Concept and Attributes of a Country
A country consists of diverse people in a different group that share similar culture, language, origin, history, and ethnic with its own government. It can also be a sovereign entity whose citizens are united by a common language and commonly shared attitudes, religious sense and behavior. It is a sovereign territory with its own laws and government and with no legal authority outside of its territorial limits. Learner's Dictionary of Oxford Advanced defined a country as a group of people having
In the strict sense, a nation denotes a group of human beings that have much in common with ethnic group and ethnicity, but have a more political connotation since it implies the possibility of a nation-state. Although the word nation is used frequently to mean or represent a country or a state a nation is different to a state. Where the social concept of countries within nation looks similar with the concept of state politically is referred to as state of a nation. In this category or are tryin
Under this ethnic heterogeneity, the emergent states faced the onerous task of building a cohesive political base among the people that make up the union, dropping racial, cultural and religious considerations. This has in no mean way posed a great threat to building a nation in Nigeria. The attributes concerning a nation include a common history, which implies that a nation is placed in between a history that is common
that is events recorded chronologically in the time past which their great
This attribute links the nationals in Diaspora with their root. A defined boundary is another attribute of a nation. People of the same ancestry, language and culture tend to live together in a clearly demarcated environment from other people. These factors strongly guarantee their independence and security. A common religion is also an important though contentious factor used in defining a nation. Most African nations maintained their indigenous religious affiliations until the colonial era tha
Outlook of Nigeria and Challenges of Nation-Building
The artificial entity referred to as Nigeria came into being with the amalgamation of the Southern and Northern Protectorates to a single political unit in year 1914 by Lord Lugard. The Nigeria's artificiality boundaries as well as the sharp differences in culture attest to the truth that country is merely a creation of the British. Prior to the period of amalgamation, what is known today as Nigeria was comprised of a vast territory inhabited by peoples of different linguistic, cultural, ethnic
These developments prepared the ground for the colonization of Nigeria. British colonialism paved way for Nigeria to bear a national name that is common, a lingua franca, common city as capital, as well as certain known institutions, but employed divisive measures in the administration of the new Nigeria. Deliberately policies of the colonial masters were targeted at stopping the national unity and growth of the country. Colonial overlords known as the British never regarded Nigeria as one peopl
Today, Nigeria is grappling with political instability and the British government, the very architect of the Nigerian state, has continued to dole out pills for the nation's recovery from this terminal ailment. At independence, Nigerian leaders believed that nation-building was to be easy as an automatic process, as their independence from the British colonial overlords were got on a platter of gold, unlike what obtained in most African states where they paid a heavy price for their emancipation
For proper understanding of Nigeria process of building a nation, it will be pertinent categorizing the nation both as a cultural phenomenon and as a political arrangement that is tied to the state development. However, the British colonial overlords that gave the establishment for the founding of Nigeria deliberately discouraged the national identity formation. Absence of better consensus has led to series of crises politically that eventually resulted in tying one ethnic group against each ano
The heterogeneous nature of the country's population, however, has constituted a challenge to the idea of homogenization, since the division of the Nigerian society, that is to say, the Yoruba dominated West, the Igbo in the East and the Hausa-Fulani in the North has been, incompatible with national unity and has thus weakened the social and political cohesion of the country. This among other factors discussed below, have constituted a clog in the wheel of nation-building in Nigeria (Asike, 2019
Retrospect on Colonial Nigeriafrom the Conquest to Colonial Rule
Middle of the nineteenth century witnessed, British imperial design of the British within the area that was later recognized and known as Nigeria which eventually considerably expanded. By the use of coercion, diplomacy and military conquests, and, the British progressively and systematically occupied territories. Lagos was annexed in year 1861 the event that led to its and proclamation as a Crown colony, by and large with the passage of time additional territories became added to the east of th
Colonial Administrative System,Economic and Socio-Cultural Changes
The road to the establishment of the modern state of Nigeria in year 1912 began when Frederick Lord Lugard assumed position of governorship within the areas and all those territories that had fallen under the control and command of the British, the Protectorate and Colony of Southern Nigeria, as well as the Northern Nigeria Protectorate. Administrative convenience and economic expediency persuaded Lugard to amalgamate the separately governed protectorates in 1914. Thus, what was later establishe
Within the purview of central administration it consisted of council of an executive, though made up mainly of colonial officials of the British, having Governor-general as the main and recognized presiding officer. A number of administrative sections were established such as - public works treasury, railways, telegraphs and post, including the army-that eventually provided enormous services to the government more significantly the army recommended policy for its approval as well as eventual rev
The resident who was answerable to the Lieutenant governors governed and oversee the activities within the confine of the existing regions which had been shared into respective provinces. Within the purview of the administration of officers of the district the provinces were subdivided further to districts, the officer of the colony closer to the nearest to the population of the indigenous. Although time and experience ensured modifications to this administrative system, the general framework re
In essence, this meant that traditional rulers such as Emirs, Obas, Obis, and others who constituted the Native Authority, as it was known, served as agents of the colonial administration to control the subject people. Instructions of the colonial regulations and laws always get to the through the authority and words of the traditional at the same time the traditional authority ensure strict adherence of their words by the people, further they equally ensure maintenance of law as well as every o
In implementing indirect rule, colonial officials retained elements of traditional system as much as possible to the extent that they did not conflict with colonial interest. Where local laws and practices contradicted colonial interest, they were repealed. The British colonial masters really benefited immensely in the Northern part of the country especially from the system of indirect rule in all its ramifications, within the Hausa/Fulani oligarchy. Here, the Sokoto Caliphate as a centralized p
The indirect rule success within the north encouraged Lugard to extend same system to the south. In Yorubaland, it was less successful. Although, the Yoruba was in custody of a system that was politically centralized in the twentieth century which was not all that strong. In many parts of Yorubaland, a system of checks and balances did not permit absolute rulers to emerge. The Obas as Yoruba traditional rulers compared to their northern counterparts known as emirs, were not as powerful. Frederic
Local or indigenous authority most often falls within the possession of elders in the village that lacked any real political power over the people. Realizing this, they appointed warrant chiefs whom they authorized to exercise political authority and rule over a people who had never known such authority. In many places, the rulers so appointed, the "warrant chiefs," as they were known, had no preexisting claim to royalty. This flagrant disregard for Igbo political culture invited opposition to t
In order to achieve this twin purpose and for it to be realized, it was necessary for Britain to put in place a new economic system. The British introduced a system of colonial economic that relied solely on cash crop export production. It was a program that incorporates a massive resource of labor exploitation of Nigerians
Farmers were induced to produce cash crops for export. The major agricultural products included cocoa from western area
kernel and palm oil from the eastern area
also cott
The transportation system for effective as well as exploitation purpose of Nigeria's resources was modernized by the British. Roads in already existence were equally expanded
the British embarked on building of new ones, including railway lines. By design, the railways and roads connected inland regions producing raw material with coastal port cities such as Lagos and Port Harcourt, where new harbors were also built. The transport system not only facilitated wealth transfer, it also opened up n
Consequently, they were able to dominate every facet of the import-export trade, particularly the mining sector. Nigerians also had to compete with Lebanese traders who held an almost complete monopoly of retail trade. Another clement was the monetization of the society within the confine of the colonial economy. The British put an end to all forms of money already in existence, for instance the cowries within Yorubaland, in the belief that they impeded expansion of the economy including trade t
Much of the huge revenue from the export trade was not expended on the colony to develop it, but repatriated to Britain. The exclusive focus on export products ensured the neglect of food crops for local consumption which induced farming in some places (Pawlak & Kolodziejczak, 2020). The mode of agricultural production was not modernized in any significant way and the indigenous manufacturing sector was virtually neglected. In fact, industrial development was not part of the colonial economy unt
Social and cultural changes also came to Nigeria during the colonial period. Western education was a principal instrument of this change. While the colonial authority did not wholeheartedly promote education, it tolerated its growth, especially in Southern Nigeria. It permitted the Christian missions who championed education to establish secondary and primary schools based on guidelines of government. Western education under sole sponsorship of Christian missions such as the Anglican, the Baptis
The colonial period saw the existence of a number of secondary schools and, by 1934, a higher institution, the Yaba College. The schools provided greater opportunities for Nigerians to attain post-primary education. Higher education, however, suffered throughout the colonial period in terms of quality and quantity. First, this system of education was not designed for the sole purpose of training Nigerians within the cadre of professions which will eventually leads to production of manpower for i
In fact, the colonial authority, which did not want to rock the Islamic boat, out rightly, discouraged it. Consequently, it did not permit the establishment of missionary schools. This is the antecedent of the imbalance within educational sector which to this day plagues the country. Nevertheless, colonial education was an agent of social and cultural transformation. It created a new class of literate Nigerians, versed in Western culture and Eurocentric in outlook and habit. The ability to speak
Christianity was closely identified with Western education. Mission schools aimed at producing not only the educated person, but the Christian as well the new elite generally extolled Christian virtues and rejected aspects of tradition. Conversion to Christianity began to erode traditionalism, especially in the cities. In the south, particularly among the Igbo where Catholicism was strong, Nigerians took Christian first names instead of traditional ones.
Colonialism also brought about social and cultural change. The colonial economy, which introduced wage labor, induced rural-urban migration. Rural farm areas were largely abandoned as employment opportunities in commerce and bureaucracy drew many people to cities. Roads and railways connected cities and towns, and aided human migration and movement of goods. Major cities like Ibadan, Lagos, Kaduna and Port Harcourt, swelled in population. A new class of wage earners emerged in the cities with li
The colonial system also provided a number of social infrastructures. Post and telegraph services improved communications. Health facilities like hospitals, clinics, dispensaries, and maternity homes, catered to the health needs, primarily of European government officials, merchants, and their families. The health system also provided immunization against epidemic diseases such as smallpox, leprosy, and measles. However, health services were of incidental benefit to Nigerians. Since they were pr
Ethnicity and National Integration in Nigeria
Ethnicity is used to categorize human groups that have a candid believe that they have a similar identity and goal that is common because they have common origin
traditions, history, language and culture. In pre-colonial Nigeria, what are today nicknamed tribes by the colonists were ethnic nationalities that possessed the attributes of nationhood. Ethnicity is an hindrance concerning the process of nation-building in the country. This is because ethnicity promotes selfishness on the part of the
At the development of nationalist struggle in Nigeria, the Action Group (AG) in the West, the National Council of Nigeria and Cameroon (NCNC) in the East and the Northern People's Congress (NPC) in the North were formed. Historically, first crisis politically that threatened the existence of Nigeria
- the year 1962/63 census as well as the Federal elections of 1964, respectively had their roots in ethnicity. Both events were related by the fact that their results would decide who wielded absolu
Politicians seized this opportunity to cause mischief in order to achieve their selfish interests. Records of census crises in Nigeria abound starting from the 1962 census crisis to the 1963 census which also came with its own controversies. Former governor of the Eastern region, Dr. M. Okpara and his Mid-western counterpart, Chief Dennis Osadebey in collaboration with the Action Group (AG) rejected the census figure on the grounds that the figures were highly inflated in favor of the northern r
The embers of political controversy and disquiet in Nigeria were again fanned in 1964 during the Federal elections of that year. There were political alliances among salient and notable political parties
the Action Group (AG) and the National Council of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC) metamorphosed into 'the United Progressives Grand Alliance' (UPGA), while the Northern People's Congress (NPC) and the New Nigerian Democratic Party (NNDP) formed the Nigerian National Alliance (NNA). The election was ch
The 1964, 1979, 1983, 1998/99, 2003 and 2007 elections in Nigeria were marred by electoral malpractices. The 1993 election that was adjudged the freest and fairest election in Nigerian history was adjudged by the military government of General I. B. Babangida. The hope of having a credible election in Nigeria in the near future is turning into a chimera, unless the recommendations of the Justice Mohammed Uwais headed Electoral Reform Commission is implemented to the letter. These political crise
Military Intervention in Politics and Threat of Secession
Nigerian political development is bedeviled with military coups and counter coups d'états that have stagnated the pace of socio- political and economic development. The political crisis that rocked Nigeria in the early years of her independence served as invitation to the military. The military had to strike to save the country from collapse. Since the successful coup of January 15, 1966, there had been successive military coups and counter coups
the July 1966 coup, July 1975, February 1976 bot
These developments exposed the country to political instability as there were constant changes in government which hindered continuity in government policies. There were ethnic undertones in all the coups in Nigeria. The Northerners saw the Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu led coup of January 1966 as a coup masterminded by the Igbo and thus retaliated, in the July, 1966 coup that brought General Yakubu Gowon to power. The North continued to hold sway in both military and civilian governments of Nigeria u
The issue of secession was an offshoot of inter-ethnic rivalry, which had its root before independence. The Chief Anthony Enahoro's 1953 motion for self- government for Nigeria in 1956 triggered resentment from the Northerners, hence the secessionist threat from the Northern region. The proposal to separate Lagos from Western region, which the Egbe Omo Oduduwa rejected, almost made the Westerners to moot secession. The most prominent secessionist move in Nigerian history was the move by the East
These developments led to the declaration of the Republic of Biafra by General Ojukwu, the then Governor of Eastern Region. This culminated into a thirty-month civil war that almost destroyed the unity of Nigeria. In the present day Nigeria, secessionist movements still exist. The Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB) led by Chief Ralph Uwazurike has made several representations to the United Nations (UN) and other world bodies for the recognition of the Biafra
Religious Intolerance and Constitution
Nigeria is a complex society made up of diverse cultural and religious groups. According to Agbodike
Religious diversity has tended to generate mutual suspicion, distrust, intolerance and conflicts among Nigerians which has, at times, threatened and endangered the corporate existence of the country. The nation- building process in Nigeria is well identified with much trouble of violence and conflicts which have been promoted by unmitigated display of jingoism in religious term. Religious intole
There were also the Kano riot of 1991 directed against the proposed crusade of Reverend Reinhard Bonke, the Funtua crisis of 1993, the Bauchi riot of 1995, the Kaduna Sharia riots and the consequent reprisal attacks in Aba and Onitsha. The Jos, Bauchi and Borno religious crisis also claimed lots of lives and properties. Prominent and noticeable of the crisis under religion in the country was that of February, 2009 Jihad of the Boko Haran Islamic sect in Borno and Bauchi States of Nigeria. The na
The state religion adoption and the consequent institution of Legal System of Sharia in few states of the Northern federation have continued to promote disintegration in Nigeria. Sharia Legal System was first adopted in Nigeria by the former Governor of Zamfara State, Alhaji Yerima Ahmed Sani in 1999. Many other States in the North followed suit and this development led to series of crises that led to several loss of lives as well as properties. The establishment of State religion and law is aga
A people oriented constitution is one of the basic ingredients for effective nation building. In Nigeria, the issue of the drafting and amending constitution since independence was done by the military. Apart from the 1963 constitution, all other constitutions of Nigeria were made under military tutelage and oversight. The military governments had in various situations prepared and handed down constitution to the civilian governments without the peoples input. A cardinal principle in constitutio
Be that as it may, Nigeria since independence lacked a national leader. Leadership in the Nigerian context demands extra skill, political maturity and wisdom, selflessness, and the ability to rise above one's ethnic group and approach problems from a national perspective. This cannot be realized in Nigeria with the clamoring for zoning of the presidency, as the political leaders are not working towards having a de-tribalized leadership, rather every ethnic group is craving to have test of the co
Revenue Allocation, Resource Controland Crises in the Niger Delta
The clamor for resource control as well as a workable revenue allocation formula is issues that are contentious which continue threatening the Nigerian state unity state. The problem of an acceptable revenue allocation formula, to a greater extent, promoted the clamor for resource control. At the entre stage of the main agitation for resource control in the country are the nationalities minority of the Region of the Niger Delta who are producing oil that form Nigeria's revenue mainstay base. The
The crises in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria took different dimensions as the people who produce the wealth of the nation have took up arms in conflict with the government demanding for a better living condition. This crisis has lingered with no meaningful and sincere measure put in place to address the demands of the Niger Delta people. The creation of a Ministry of Niger Delta and amnesty program of President Umar Yar'Adua has not made any meaningful impact on the lives of the people. This
Conclusion: The Way Forward
The nation- building process in Nigeria has suffered more setback than success, and thus efforts should be made to reinvigorate the struggle for a united Nigeria. Various governments have put some measures on ground towards national integration. These measures include creation of state, the Federal Character Commission and the National Youth Corps Service Scheme, among other government policies geared towards achieving the 'one Nigeria' goal, These measures have made little or no impact towards
Proper delineation of electoral wards and constituencies should be done for equal representation at the National Assembly while electoral reforms and the conduct of free and fair elections should be guaranteed. Creation of equal states among the six geo-political zones for equitable distribution of the national cake should be done as a matter of urgency. The government should create enabling environment for investors, employment opportunities for youths and as well provide the basic amenities of
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Chapter 2.Constitutional Development, Constitutionalism and the Nigerian Republic at Sixty
Akande, Temitope Olukemi&Rauf Tunde SakariyauDepartment of Political Science Nigeria Police Academy,Wudil - KanoCorresponding author: topmoststar@gmail.com08030903855
Abstract
Nigeria operates the 1999 constitution (as amended) which is written, rigid and invariably difficult to amend. The constitution became formalized on May 29, 1999 and has been perceived to be poorly and hurriedly drafted as a legal document. Also, the contents have been found to be unsatisfactory as certain lacuna keep arising. The constitution was an imposition by the military and is viewed as the foundation of the problem of contemporary Nigeria. Despite series of constitutional conferences tow
Keywords: Constitution, Constitutionalism, Development, Nigeria
Introduction
Overtime, Nigeria has had series of constitution which was written and necessary to address and correct the inherent fundamental problems of the emerging Nigerian state. Nigeria's constitutional development can be traced back to the Nigeria council of 1914 up until 1999 when Nigeria had its last constitution. From 1922 through 1963 when Nigeria became a Republic, it could be recalled that the constitutions adopted for governing the polity were inherited from the colonial masters. As a way of cor
The first is the introduction, and the second part examines the concept, constitution and constitutionalism. The third section deal with the evolution of Nigerians past constitutions up until the present one. The fourth section objectively discuss constitutional conferences, the outcomes of the deliberations, and some of the recommendation put forward by these conferences. Section five examines constitutional amendments, the process and the functions of all stakeholders involved. Section six the
Review of Related Literature
Before going further into this discourse, it will be important to clarify certain concepts. The chapter seeks an understanding of the following terms:
Constitution
A constitution can be said to be a legal or formal document. Egwu (2003), defined a constitution as 'a body of fundamental principles according to which a State is organized.' To Ben Nwabueze, a renowned professor of constitutional law, constitution is described to be an act of the people provided it is made by them. This is achievable through direct referendum, or via convention or constituent assembly that emanated from election (Nwabueze, 1982). Based on the above position, constitution remai
The following are the different sources of constitution:
1 A written constitution
2 Organic laws
3 Judicial decisions
4 Philosophers
5 Constitutional customs and conventions and
6 Experience
The constitution can be classified into six
they are as follows
(a) Written and Unwritten Constitution: - This type of constitution being the fundamental principles concerning the functionality of government and its agencies vis a vis specifications of citizens right is documented in a single file. This implies that written constitution is properly documented. Nigeria constitution is written and this enhances the country's operation of written constitution. Similarly, the United States of America is a very good example of a country that adopts written consti
(b) Rigid and Flexible Constitution: - constitution may also be classified according to the method of their amendment. A flexible constitution is one which can be changed within a short period of time. An example of a country that has a flexible constitution is Britain. A rigid constitution on the other hand is one which requires some lengthy or difficult process to amend it. Examples of countries with rigid constitution are Nigeria, United States of America, Canada, Australia, India, and France
(c) Unitary or Federal Constitution: - In a unitary constitution, sovereignty is undivided. This indicates power concentration on the central government. The law making and application remain sacrosanct responsibility of the national authority. This implies centrality of powers. Ghana is a good example of a unitary system. A Federal constitution, on other hand, is a political arrangement of allocating powers so that the regional or state government and the central government are each, within the
Constitutionalism
According to Oluyede (1992:34), constitutionalism is a principle, which emphasizes that those who govern the society do so in accordance with laid down rules of public behavior. The other notion associated with the principles of constitutionalism is that constitutions themselves should be designed fairly, rather than give undue advantages to one particular group. As distinguished from dictatorship where government and its officials do whatever that pleases them, constitutional government refers
Under constitutionalism, power is proscribed and procedure prescribed. This entails elaborate rules of political procedure and jurisdiction: rules and regulate what decisions may be made and what authorities have powers of actions in various circumstances.
Therefore, constitutionalism is a general belief and principle which maintains that the exercise of political power shall be bounded by rules which lay down the procedures and determines the actions of the legislative and executive organs of government. By and large, the rules have the effect of curbing the arbitrariness of political power in a given state. In essence, constitutionalism is application of the constitution.
The Evolution of Nigeria's Constitution
Nigeria experienced series of constitutional development which could be traced to colonial and post - colonial era. For clarification purpose, this section links Nigerian constitutional development to various political leaderships in the country.
a. The Clifford Constitution (1922)
In 1917 in the former Gold Coast now Ghana, some African educated elites under the leadership of Mr Caseley Hayford, a Ghanaian Lawyer, established the National Congress of British West Africa with the aim of struggling for the independence of the British West Africa Colony of Ghana, Sierra-Leone, Gambia, and Nigeria. In 1920, the congress sent a delegation to London to present its demands to the secretary of state for the colony. The two major demands that were made by the congress are
(1) the
? It existed nearly to rubberstamp the wishes of the colony Governor which were subjected to the approval of the colonial office in London.
? The council did not legislate for the whole country despite the amalgamation process of 1914 as the governor ruled the Northern Province by proclamation. The Clifford constitution created a legislative council made up of members, 27 of whom were official members and 19 un- official members, 15 were nominated by the Governor while only 4 were elected of which 3 members represented Lagos and 1 member represented Calabar. Franchise was restricted to only male adult who had resided in Lagos and Ca
b. The Richards Constitution (1946)
The major aim of Richard constitution was to promote the unity of Nigeria, enhance increased participation of the people in the discussion matters affecting them and provide for the diversity of the country. Basically, the constitution was able to divide the country into three (3) regions and also established regional houses of Assembly and the House of Chiefs. Both the Western and Eastern Regions operated unicameral legislature comprising a House of Assembly and House of Chiefs. Furthermore, th
Thus, apart from establishing regionalism, the Richards constitution is significant because for the first time in the history of the country, the North and the South were bought together under a single legislative authority. The constitution was the foundation of Nigeria's federalism. It expanded the scope of Nigerian representation in the legislative council from 4-10. The constitution also provided for a Nigerian unofficial majority for the first time while the British members were minority. B
c. Macpherson's Constitution (1951)
The uniqueness of Macpherson constitution revolved around the increase participation and involvement of Nigerians in both central and regional legislative bodies. It also replaced the existing legislative with House of Representatives vested with power to ensure peace and order within the society via effective legislation. Asides increment in Nigerian membership, the Macpherson's constitution witnessed for the first time in the political history of the country, composition of Nigerians as the ma
The Macpherson's constitution also ensured and boosted regionalism by enhancing the capacity of the regions to be fully incorporated as political entities vested with both legislative and executive powers, rather than being mere administrative units. Furthermore, the unbalanced nature of the federation institutionalized instability and conflict. The North was larger than the other units combined which thus created a defective political framework for nation-building (Report of political Bureau, M
d. Lyttleton's Constitution (1954)
The Lyttleton's constitution of 1954 was preceded by two constitutional conferences aimed at reviewing the constitution
'the London constitutional conference of 1953 and the Lagos constitutional conference of 1954.' The major significance of the Lyttleton's constitution centers on its adoption of a federation with the three Regions that were independent of the center. In this regards, all legislative and executive powers were transferred to the regions with some exclusively reserved, and others
Invariably, both the Western and Eastern Regions achieved self-government on August 8, 1957, while the Northern Region was to attain its own in 1959. Also significant is the post of Prime Minister, which was established and Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, the Northern People's Congress (NPC), parliamentary leader in Lagos, became the first occupant, with his installation in September 2, 1957. Thus, this paved the way for the country's independence in 1960 and Republic in 1963. As Okoi Arikpo submits
e. The 1960 Independent Constitution
One of the important decisions of the 1958 London constitutional conference was that Her Majesty's government would pass a bill to enable Nigeria become independent on 1st October, 1960. As a result of this, the British parliament passed the bill and Nigeria became a sovereign state on 1st October, 1960. The constitution recognized the Queen of England as the Head of State. She doubled as a constitutional monarch. As a constitutional monarch, she was guided by the constitution in performing her
The power was divided into three categories-Exclusive, Concurrent and Residual legislative lists. As agreed at the 1958 constitutional conference, the constitution contained a long list of fundamental human rights. These human rights were in line with the 1948 United Nations Organization's General Assembly Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The Constitution also created a bicameral legislature in line with 1957 London conference which resulted to creation of bicameral legislature namely the
f. The Republican Constitution of 1963
There was very little difference between 1960 and the 1963 constitution, except that it is written in Nigeria by Nigerians. It was largely the 1960 constitution that was re-written. But it severed political powers completely (whether directly or indirectly) from the British. The Queen was no more represented by the Governor-General. Interestingly, the constitution replaced the Queen of England as Head of State and as well removed the last vestige of monarchism imposed by the British authority. F
g. The 1979 Constitution
The 1979 constitution seems to be the closest to solving the problems Nigeria was facing. Even before the Constitution Drafting Committee (CDC) started work, the Military regime issued directive that the new constitution must adhere to a federal system of government. So, the 1979 constitution embraced presidential system of government that allows the use of executive president. The constitution was emphatic on unacceptability of coup d'état as a means of change of government. There was in the co
h. The 1999 Constitution
Since 1999, Nigeria operates on the Fourth Republican constitution, the 1999 Constitution therefore did not follow another meaningful pattern as there seems to be no significant difference compared to the previous constitutions. On coming into power in June 1998, the administration of General Abdusalami Abubakar Rtd promised Nigerians that within twelve (12) months, a new constitution would be ready. Actually, Abdulsalam's transition remains the shortest in Nigeria's political history. Despite t
Constitutional Conferences in Nigeria
There had been series of constitutional conferences organized for the main aim of amending the constitution for the nation-state, Nigeria. The history of constitutional engineering in Nigeria can be traced back to 1914. Considering the evolution of constitutional development beginning from 1914, one can ascertain the fact that there was some significant improvement which enhanced Nigerians involvement in the political scenes. The Lugard's constitutional arrangement of 1914 institutionalized the
Although as observed by scholars and analysts, the pre-1950s constitutions were more of colonial impositions without consulting the Africans. Nevertheless, the tone of the Macpherson Constitution changed the narration as many more Nigerians across spheres were carried along in the representation at the legislative levels. As Lawal (2000:37) lucidly puts it, "in Nigeria as elsewhere, the process of colonial reforms and eventually decolonization included constitution making." Subsequently, the 195
The present political dispensation in Nigeria which falls under fourth republic started on 29th May, 1999. This was after years of military autocratic regimes. The presidential election of 1999 produced Olusegun Obasanjo and after his emergence, he promised to look into the constitution for any possible amendment. In fact, a presidential committee was set up purposely to point out lacunas in the 1999 constitution. However, despite series of meetings and deliberations on contending issues such as
The clamor for constitution review necessitated President Jonathan's response to the pressing agitation from the populace for a National Dialogue. He set up a robust Committee to explore the issues raised by the Justice Belgore's led 'Constitutional Conference' of 2014. Basically, the committee was saddled with the responsibility of reviewing reports of previously organized conferences and drafts on the subject matter and come up with policy guideline document for proper implementation. To be pr
Admittedly, president was quoted to have said that: 'we cannot continue to fold our arms and assume that things will straighten themselves out in due course, instead of taking practical steps to overcome impediments on our path to true nationhood, rapid development and national prosperity' (Vanguard March 18 2014:1). Unfortunately, like his predecessors, Jonathan could not change the dimension as the 1999 constitution could not be amended as agitated due to antidemocratic forces. This prompts Sa
After years of application of the 1999 constitution, some areas of weaknesses have been identified and as such, efforts have been made to correct them particularly using the mechanism of National Constitutional Conference. Very notable (as stated above) was the 2014 National Conference set up by President Goodluck Jonathan and the National Political Reform Conference (NRPC) of Feb 2005 which was convoked by former President Olusegun Obasanjo was substituted for Sovereign National Conference (SNC
In line with the above, past constitutional conferences in Nigeria still remains an effort in futility because there seems to be no improvement in the existing status quo. There is an urgent need for the government to look inward and see to how they can correct or amend some part of the constitution to meet the needs of the citizens of Nigeria. Areas like power problem and its effects on the National Economy, Parliamentary/Presidential system, the Powers of the Federal Government in a Federation
Constitutional Amendment
The Nigeria's 1999 constitution has been amended severally and the amendment cutting across several segments within polity. The section 9 of the 1999 constitution states clearly the authority to amend Nigeria's constitution and the need for two-thirds majority vote in both the Senate and the House of Representatives. This must be followed by the resolution of not less than two thirds support by the state houses of assemblies (PLAC, 2019). Usually, the amendments of the constitution can either be
A bill could either be a private member bill or an Executive Bill. The Proposals for amendment to the Constitution usually comes as a Bill. A private member Bill is that Bill initiated by a member of the National Assembly. We need to note here that such bill could be initiated by pressure groups or civil society groups and forwarded to the National Assembly for it to be sponsored by member of the Senate or the House of Representatives. Any bill emanating from the president, the Chief Justice of
In constitutional amendment, the stakeholders like the Executive, Judiciary, Legislature, Citizens/Interest groups and the Media are not left out because their inputs are also very important. However, the presidential assent to bill is paramount for any amendment to become law. For the principle of separation of power, the judiciary plays the role of law interpretation. This invariably implies that proper interpretation of the constitution vests within the judiciary. The issue of constitutional
During constitutional amendments over the years, instances have been recorded were about thirty two (32) Bills passed into law. For instance the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, (Fourth Alteration) Bill, No. 1, 2017, (Composition of Members of the Council of State), Bill, No. 3, 2017 (Devolution of Powers), Bill, No. 7, 2017 (State Creation and boundary Adjustment), Bill, No. 9, 2017 (Political Parties and Electoral Matters), Bill, No. 9, 2017 (Political Parties and Electoral Mat
Impact on Government
The impact of constitutional amendments and constitutional conferences on Nigeria can never be over emphasized especially since she became a Federal Republic in 1963. Presently, Nigeria operates on the 1999 constitution (as amended) even though the contributions of Nigerians were never adequately pronounced in the making of that constitution in the first place. As such, the inadequacies in the running of the affairs of government can directly or indirectly be linked to it. The beauty of democrac
This legitimacy is required to ensure popular support for government action and inactions as the constitution remains the guiding document. Part of the problems Nigeria is facing now in the polity can be said to be as a result of the 1999 constitution (as amended). The existing practice in the present political dispensation has to do with the people especially the lawmakers, legal practitioners and the ruling class twisting the constitution to suit their own personal ambition. Electoral democrac
For instance, Nigerian citizens always have the fear of been attacked or arrested whenever embarking on a peaceful protest. A very good and recent example was the October 20, 2020 end sars protest in Lagos, the attack on the labor leader, Comrade Joe Ajaero in Imo State, and, the raid on Obafemi Awolowo University, Ife male hostel in October 2023 by the EFCC can be considered as a gross misconduct on the part of the law enforcement agency and a serious violation of the student's fundamental huma
A very good instance is the River state crisis. Some of the problem associated in today's development in Nigeria goes simultaneously with factors like legitimacy crisis, political violence, corruption and mismanagement of public resources, lack of participation in policy formulations, abuse of the rule of law, to mention a few. One of the most important factors that could help Nigeria to achieve sustainable development is the effective implementation of the rule of law. Without the rule of law,
Conclusion
This paper, has examined the latest attempt at constitutional amendments, conferences and phenomenon of constitutionalism within the Nigerian scenario. The Fourth Republican constitution was filled with a lot of inadequacies which can be linked to the fact that the constitution was a military promulgation and was made in a hurry with little or no input from the different stakeholders. The preamble to the 1999 Constitution which states that the people of Nigeria adopted that document is wrong in
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Chapter 3.Constitutional Development and Unending Quest for National Unity in Nigeria
O. W. Bello, Ph.DDepartment of Political Science and International RelationsChrisland University, Abeokuta, Ogun State, Nigeriabellowasiu68@gmail.com +2348028285457&Rahman, Ibrahim AbiodunDepartment of Political ScienceUniversity of Ibadan, Oyo State +2348120738387
Abstract
Nigeria's history of drafting and amending its constitution began with attempts to unite the country for administrative and political convenience throughout the colonial and post-colonial periods. The paper reviews the various constitutional procedures in Nigeria from 1914 to 1999 and identifies their contributions to the national unity in the country. To provide explicit explanation on the study under investigation, three objectives were drawn from the study such as
the influence of colonial a
Keywords: Constitution, Constitutionalism, Colonial, Post-colonial and National Unity.
Introduction
Nigeria is a multi-cultural, multi-religious nation, therefore its nature necessitates unity for the sake of progress and prosperity. A polity needs a strong constitution as a legal framework to create laws and policies that would ensure good governance and peaceful cohabitation of its members, both as individuals and as groups. This can be ensured by an impartial, fair, and dispassionate organization that specifies the rights of people and groups, guarantees those rights, restrains excesses, an
According to Ojo (2009), this led to particular issues that no state in the world, past or present, has ever faced. The creation of a constitution is the primary tool that should be considered in this kind of situation since it is essential to maintaining national unity. This was the action taken by the British colonialists, and it means that the Nigerian State will always be searching for an appropriate form of government through the development of new constitutions. This is because the goal of
Thus, the 1960 Independence Constitution marked the beginning of Nigeria's post-independence constitutional growth process, which was further cemented when the Republican Constitution of 1963 granted the country even more sovereignty. Many people believed that since political actors united to demand independence, the post-independence constitutions would have resolved and managed the nation for national integration and unity. However, in reality, political actors began deploying ethnicity and re
The nation therefore saw more despotic rulers during this period of instability since the peace was in jeopardy. Thus, military rule was introduced, and due to the protracted military incursion, the never-ending quest for an appropriate constitution was revived, leading to the adoption of the 1979 and 1999 constitutions, the outcomes of which failed to adequately balance the various interests. It is on this basis that this study examines the contribution of various constitutional process to the
Conceptual Justifications
A constitution is a framework for "the governing of men," according to Alabi (2022). It is a document or collection of documents with a unique legal status, apart from any other legislation, that lays out the framework for government as well as the composition, authority, and duties of the main branches and institutions of government, as well as the interactions between the government and the people who live in a particular political system. A country's constitution, according to Maduabuam (2008
In his own contribution, Bamgboye (2003) defines the term as the entirety of a nation's political system
the body of laws that create, control, or oversee the nation. These rules are both legal and extra-legal in that they take the form of usages, understandings, customs, or conventions that courts do not recognize as laws but that are just as effective at regulating government as the so-called laws. The legal rules are those that courts will recognize and apply. From the definitions above, som
On the other hand, applying the letter and spirit of the constitution is known as constitutionalism. Given that man cannot fully realize himself outside of an organized community, it follows that everyone agrees that government is necessary (Maduabuam, 2008).
According to the Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy (2001) and Uwem (2019), constitutionalism is the theory that is frequently linked to the political theories of John Locke and the American republic's founders, according to which the government's legitimacy or authority depends on its ability to uphold legal limits on its powers. Constitutionalism, according to Osifeso (2011), involves upholding the letter as well as the spirit of the law. It maintains the supremacy of the constitution and ma
(i) the acknowledgement and defense of basic freedoms and rights
(ii) the division of authorities
(iii) an impartial court
(iv) the examination of laws for constitutionality
(v) the authority over constitutional amendments
and
(vi) establishments promoting democracy.
Odukoya and Ashiru (2007) defined national unity as the reasonable coexistence of diverse communities or groups within a conglomerate of various human social collectives coexisting under a politically recognized international organization and constitutionally enacted political jurisdiction. Stated differently, the issue of national unity is essentially a relational, existential, and political economy issue. The best way to understand it is in terms of the need to manage the conflicts, tensions,
Momoh (2005) call the attention of national unity to the ethnicification of the national issues in Nigeria. That is, there is an increasing conflation of the national unity as an ethnic question. This is because the totality of national unity has to do with the issue of social justice. And social justice non-exclusive
it is an umbrella concept that covers all, irrespective of ethnic, religious or cultural background. According to Maduabuam (2008), Nigeria's constitutional evolution refers to th
Importance of National Unity
Nigeria is a varied nation, and peaceful coexistence and progress depend on national unity. National unity, according to Ojo (2009), is the sense that all citizens have of being a part of a single, shared entity. It comprises fostering tolerance, understanding, and respect between various racial, religious, and cultural groups. Evidence from every direction has demonstrated that the quest for national unification through different constitutional developments has not yet produced conclusive outco
a. Promotes Peace and Stability:
Civil unrest, coup attempts, and other types of political instability are less common in a united country. Because of this stability, the government is able to concentrate on other problems, like poverty and health care. It is impossible to overstate how crucial national unity is to Nigeria since it fosters stability and peace within the nation. A sense of security and stability emerges when various ethnic groups and religions unite, which promotes the advancement of society as a whole.
b. Encourages Economic Growth
The country's economy can expand in tandem with national unity. The growth of trade, commerce, infrastructure, and other economic activities that can support economic expansion follow unity. Because there is more trade and investment within a united nation, the economy is more likely to be robust. The population gains from a stronger economy as well because more jobs and opportunities are available.
c. Encourages Social Unity
Strong social ties and a common set of values are more prevalent in a united country, and these factors can promote mutual trust and cooperation. This promotes social cohesion which is crucial for the overall well-being of the society. With unity, Nigerians can work together to address common difficulties, and there is a sense of belonging and connection to the greater Nigerian community.
d. Strengthens Democracy
National unity is important to the growth of democracy in Nigeria. It emphasizes inclusion, justice and equity which are the essential principles of democracy. A united nation ensures that every citizen has a voice and a sense of belonging in the democratic process. This of course is attainable when constitutional provisions serve the interest of the people
e. Preserves National Identity
National unity is crucial in preserving the cultural identity of Nigeria. Nigerians are encouraged to embrace and be proud of their cultural history when the country is united. Additionally, it aids in halting Nigeria's cultural identity from being lost to globalization.
f. Encourages Integration Across the Nation
National integration, or the process of uniting disparate groups to form a coherent nation, is facilitated by national unity. The various ethnic and religious groups in Nigeria benefit from this integration by developing a sense of appreciation, respect, and understanding for one another.
g. Encourages Acceptance and Tolerance
Tolerance and acceptance of variety among Nigerians are fostered by national unity. It inspires people to value their uniqueness while cooperating to achieve the shared objective of advancing the country.
Types of Constitution
Constitutions have been categorized in a variety of ways. These include the structure of the text or documents, the way the legislative, executive, and judicial branches of government interact, the nature of the executive branch, the process by which constitutional amendments are implemented, and the distribution of governmental authority among the several branches of government. A constitution can be unitary, federal or confederal, written or unwritten, presidential or parliamentary, stiff or f
Written or unwritten
When a society's desired form of government is outlined in one or more documents, such as a constitution, it is said to be written. USA, Cote d'Ivoire, Nigeria. The vast majority of nations in the globe have written constitutions. Nonetheless, an unwritten constitution can exist, in which case the nation's government has created numerous acts that include the constitutional provisions rather than codifying them in a single document. New Zealand, Israel, and Great Britain.
Rigid/Flexible
Constitutions are also categorized based on how changes are made: if a change necessitates a special process or if it may be made through the regular legislative process. A constitutional instrument is considered inflexible if it requires a special method to be followed in order to alter it
it is considered flexible if no such procedure is required. It should be emphasized that whereas unwritten constitutions are frequently flexible, written constitutions are typically inflexible
nevertheless,
Federal, Con-federal, or Unitary
Constitutions are occasionally categorized based on the vertical distribution of governmental authorities, or the types of connections that exist between and among the different governmental tiers. Consequently, a constitution can be federal, con-federal, or unitary. Unitary governance assumes that there is only one government for the entire nation, with other governmental power divisions serving merely as the central government's administrative apparatus. Prior to 1954, Nigeria, Ghana, the Gamb
The distinction between a federal and a con-federal constitution is not very wide. As stated by the traditional federalists, symbolized by K. C Wheare. Therefore, under a federation's constitutional arrangement, the right to secede is typically denied, as in the cases of Nigeria, Canada, Australia, the United States, Germany, and Russia. Each central and component unit of a federation has its own jurisdiction and is equal, separate, and coordinated with the other units of the federation. Convers
Presidential and Legislative
The organization and division of governmental authorities, especially the dynamic between the executive and legislative branches, is another factor used to categorize constitutions. Constitutions can be categorized as either parliamentary or presidential from this perspective. The idea of division of powers is one feature that sets the former apart from the latter. A parliamentary system, such as that of Nigeria (1954-1966) and Great Britain, results in a fusion of authorities rather than a tota
The characteristics and attributes of constitutions
There are some universal traits or qualities shared by all constitutions, regardless of their classification. Any state's constitution lays forth how the various branches of government are to be organized. It outlines the characteristics of the constitution itself, including the declaration of ideals sometimes found in what has come to be called the "Preamble." The division of governmental authorities between or among the several levels of government is another thing that a constitution explains
Roles of Constitutional Development on National Integration
The 1999 Constitution's Chapter II, Sections 14 and 15, and Subsections 1-3 a, b, c, and D, all expressly mentioned achieving the aforementioned goal. Unambiguously, Section 15(2) stipulates that "discrimination on the grounds of place of origin, sex, religion, states, ethnic or linguistic association or ties shall be prohibited" but "national integration shall be actively encouraged." In order to promote inter-ethnic marriages between individuals from all portions of the country, subsections 3
The Section specifies, among other things, that the state shall, in order to foster national integration, provide sufficient infrastructure for and promote unrestricted movement of people, products, and services within the federation. (b) Ensure that every citizen has the full right to reside throughout the federations
(c) promote interfaith, ethnic, and linguistic unions
and (d) support the creation of associations that transcend linguistic, religious, and other barriers that divide people ba
Itua, (2017) argued that creating a constitution is an exercise in democratic empowerment and has a big impact on nation-building. A considerable number of important stakeholders at all levels must be included in the constitution-writing process in order to guarantee and accommodate the marginal voices, majority articulations, and minority desires. Concord on the creation of the constitution should also be reached by all political groups, as well as reconciliation between opposing and mainstream
This research highlights how inclusive constitution creation can potentially help Arab Spring countries respond to their citizens' aspirations and forge consensus in divided societies, provided that the necessary conditions are met to facilitate a participatory process. Leaders and people of the Arab Spring might draw inspiration from the past 20 years of contemporary constitution writing, where people have been given a significant say in creating their own social agreements, even though there i
A Historical View of Nigeria's Constitutional Development
The evolution of Nigeria's constitution can be split into the following three major stages. First, the British "amalgamated" Nigeria into a single colonial entity between 1914 until independence, progressively converting the new state into a parliamentary federation with three major ethnic regions. Second, the military government of Nigeria changed the nation's constitutional institutions between 1960 and 1999 in reaction to the collapse of the First Republic and the start of a civil war. In con
The 1914 Lugard Council
In 1914, the Northern and Southern Protectorates of Nigeria were combined. This led to the establishment of the Lugard body, a legislative body, in 1914. The Legislative Council was important because
(i) It consists of all executive members, unofficial members, and African minorities
(ii) It resulted in the sharing of resources between the Northern and Southern Nigerian administrations. The nationalists essentially attacked the 1914 constitution on the grounds that different nationalities were forcibly united to form a nation-state and that the illiterate chiefs and obas in the council could not understand English. The Clifford Constitution was created as a result of this (Suberu, 2019).
The Constitution of Clifford (1922)
In 1922, Sir Hugh Clifford took over as Nigeria's governor general, succeeding Sir Lord Frederick Lugard. The following were the constitution's key provisions:
(a) It consists of:
(i) A legislative council, which would enact laws pertaining to peace and order and authorize the provinces' estimated spending.
(ii) An executive council, or governor-general advisory body.
(iii) It established the elective principle by granting the electorate in Lagos and Calabar their first-ever right to vote. However, the ability to vote in Lagos was restricted to residents of the neighborhood and those who could afford 100.
(iv) As a result, political parties were formed. The Nigerian National Democratic Party (NNDP) was founded on June 24, 1923, by Herbert Macaulay and his allies with the intention of granting Lagos municipal status and local self-government, as well as higher education facilities in Nigeria.
(v) It also paved the way for the creation of publications like The Nigerian Daily Times and The Lagos Daily News.
(vi) Nigeria reintegrated Cameroon, a former German colony. As a result, the constitution came under fire for isolating the north from the south and for not giving enough consideration to issues that affected Nigerians in the executive council (Suberu, 2019).
The 1946 Richards Constitution
Following Sir Bernard Bourdillon, who served as governor general from 1935 to 1943, was Sir Arthur Richards. When the Richards' Constitution went into force on January 1, 1947, it included the following noteworthy elements:
(a) The creation of regional chambers of assembly, which will also have unofficial majority chosen by the North, West, and East electoral colleges.
(b) The country is divided into three regions as part of the regionalism policy's introduction.
(c) By uniting the North and South, the constitution set the stage for eventual national unification.
(d) It connects the regional assembly and the indigenous authority.
Some nationalist leaders severely criticized the constitution for its regionalism structure, calling it irksome and seeing it as a means of enforcing the divide and conquer strategy. The regionalism principle that Richard introduced into Nigerian body politics, which is still regarded as one of Nigeria's greatest drawbacks, also contributed to the constitution's rejection.
In 1951, Sir John Macpherson was appointed Governor-General of Nigeria. The following were the Macpherson Constitution's noteworthy features:
(a) Nigerians were involved in the constitution's formulation from the local to the national levels for the first time.
(b) It created the nation's central legislative, central executive, and central legislature.
(c) It formed a ministerial council tasked with creating policies and overseeing executive activity. It should be mentioned that the regional executive council was established by the ministers, the lieutenant governor, the civil secretary, and the secretaries of law, finance, and development.
(d) It established the primacy of central law. Since regional and central law are superseded by one another on certain constitutional issues, the central law will take precedence.
The Macpherson Constitution's drawbacks included: the absence of a federal structure
the lack of a federal minister position or regional premiers
an unreliable central government
the requirement that ministers be nominated by their respective regional legislatures, requiring them to be loyal to their parties and regions
and issues brought on by Chief Anthony Enahoro's Action Group's 1956 independence movement. The result of all of these was the 1954 Lyttleton Constitution (Asaju et.al, 2014)
The 1954 Lyttleton Constitution
After the London and Lagos Conferences to address the issues raised by the call for independence, the Lyttleton Constitution was implemented in October 1954.
The following were the constitution's key provisions:
(a) Nigeria adopted federalism as its form of governance.
(b Three legislative lists were used to establish the distribution of powers:
Lists that are (i) exclusive, (ii) concurrent, and (iii) residual
(c) Regional courts and the Supreme Court were founded.
(d) Ministers and premiers were appointed in each of the several regions, and federal ministers were now assigned ministries.
(e) The constitution ushered in a period of direct elections for the federal and regional legislatures, with separate polls held for each.
(f) The courts and civil service were both regionalized by the constitution.
The Lyttleton Constitution had several drawbacks, such as not creating a position for the prime minister at the national level, failing to establish a consistent voting system across the nation, dividing the nation into three regions without giving each one constitutional recognition, issues facing minorities, and growing calls for independence. Many political decisions and actions were made, including the establishment of the Eastern House of Chiefs in early 1960 and the self-government of the
The 1960 Independence Constitution
The London Constitutional Conference, which took place from May 23 to June 26, 1957, and the continued conference, which took place in Lagos from September 29 to October 27, 1958, under M. Alan Lennox Boyd., produced the independence constitution. As Chairman, Alan Lennox Boyd served as the colonies' Secretary of State. The Independence Constitution's salient characteristics were:
(a) It gave Nigeria independence
but, since Nigerians were still subject to the Queen, the Governor General represented the Queen of England.
(b) It established a parliamentary form of governance, separating the functions of head of state and head of government.
(c) It made provisions for the establishment of the state to soothe minority' anxieties.
(d) In order to protect the rights of the populace, fundamental human rights were established.
(e) It made Nigerian citizenship available.
Despite Nigeria's independence, the Queen of England remained the country's ceremonial head of state, and the supreme court was actually the London privy council rather than the highest court in the land (Maduabum, 2008). These were the limits of the Independence constitution.
The 1963 Republican Constitution
On October 1, 1963, the Republican Constitution was adopted, making Nigeria a republic. This constitution's salient characteristics were:
(a) The Queen of England resigned as Head of State of Nigeria, ending the hegemony of British authority. The position of Governor-General was abolished and replaced with that of the President, a ceremonial head of state who was elected.
(b) Nigeria's Supreme Court rose to become the country's highest court of appeal.
(c) It stipulated that the Federal Electoral Commission would be established in order to oversee national elections.
(d) After the establishment of the Mid-Western Region, Nigeria continued to be a federal territory and a federation of four regions.
(e) In the event of violence or a disturbance of the peace, the federal government was authorized to proclaim a state of emergency in any area.
Nigeria became an independent nation-state after the Republican Constitution went into effect. The first republic's politicians rose to prominence in politics, but sadly, they were unable to control the British transfer of power to them. The military took over the administration on January 15, 1966, as a result of the misrule and careless way the politicians handled the country's issues. The period of military control in Nigeria, which lasted from 1966 until General Olusegun Obasanjo returned it
The Constitution of 1979
The second republican administration of Nigeria was established by the 1979 Constitution. The following were the constitution's key provisions:
(a) It established a presidential form of government in which the president served as both the head of state and the head of government.
(a) It established a division of powers between the legislative, executive, and judicial branches of government.
(c) In an effort to promote rural areas, it established a unified local government system as the third tier of government.
(d) To protect chiefs from party politics, the House of Chiefs was abolished.
(e) It established a unicameral state legislature and bicameral federal legislature.
(f) It declared the constitution to be supreme in order to prevent disputes and arbitrary rulings (Oyeleye, 2007).
The Constitution of 1989
The Nigerian state saw yet another trauma of military control in 1983, as General Muhammadu Buhari staged a military coup that overthrew Alhaji Shehu Shagari's Second Republic government. It was clear by 1985, when General Ibrahim Babangida toppled the Buhari administration, that the case against military participation in Nigerian politics based on corruption was no longer credible. Nonetheless, General Babangida implements a political transition plan that results in the third republic's 1989 co
(a) The continued federal status of Nigeria.
(b) The presidential form of government will remain in place in Nigeria.
(c) Nigeria would use the federal character to uphold national allegiance and foster national unity.
Notably, the Babangida regime purposefully directed the political and ideological commitment of Nigerian politicians without taking into account their ethnic background, under the guidance of constitutional and transitional laws. This resulted in Nigeria's first largely regarded and hailed free and fair presidential election. It was regrettable that the declared election winner was unable to carry out that mandate, putting roadblocks in the way of Nigeria's march towards growth and unity as a na
The Constitution of 1999
It is convenient to say that, as of right now, Nigeria can be considered among the democratic countries of the world because its current political leadership is democratically elected, in spite of evident difficulties, and subject to the 1999 Federal Republic of Nigeria Constitution rather than executive orders and decrees (regarding the federal and state governments, respectively). According to Suberu (2019) and the 1999 Constitution, the following are the basic provisions of the 1999 Constitut
(a) Supremacy of the Constitution and Federation Power: This refers to the fact that, since 1999, no constituent entity of the federation has put the nation's sovereignty, indissolubility, or indivisibility in jeopardy. While the national and state assemblies, respectively, have the authority to adopt laws on behalf of the federal and state governments. In a similar vein, the president and governors, respectively, carry out the laws passed by legislators at the federal and state levels.
(b) Basic Goals and Directive Principles of State Policy: The chapter mandates that all individuals exercising governmental authority adhere to its provisions and use them accordingly when carrying out their duties.
(c) Citizenship: The legal rights that a person obtains as a result of becoming a citizen of a certain nation might be defined as citizenship. Thus, the notion of citizenship pertains to the process by which a nation ascertains its citizenry.
(d) Fundamental Human Rights: Nigeria's peaceful coexistence and survival as a nation state are enhanced and complemented by fundamental human rights. Every Nigerian citizen is guaranteed the protection of their life and property under these rights. These rights include the following: the right to life (Sec. 33)
the right to human dignity (Sec. 34)
the right to personal liberty (Sec. 35)
the right to a fair trial (Sec. 36)
and the right to one's own space and way of life (Sec. 37). The other
(e) The legislative, which is made up of the house of representatives and the senate. As a result, the house of representatives will have 366 members representing approximately equal segments of the nation's constituencies, while the house of senate would have three senators from each state and one from Abuja, the federal capital territory. According to the constitution, members of both chambers will elect a president and a deputy president for the senate and a speaker and deputy speaker for the
(f) The Executive: The Nigerian Federal Republic's constitution calls for the appointment of a president. The Independence National Electoral Commission (INEC) is required by the constitution to conduct presidential elections in accordance with the specified conditions (including citizenship, age, political party affiliation, and educational attainment). According to sections 131-135 of the Constitution, the term of office of the validly elected President is four years, with the possibility of a
(g) The Judiciary: The judiciary is the group of attorneys who make up the third estate of the realm, including judges and solicitors on benches and in bars. The nation's constitution is essentially the ultimate legislation that governs how we conduct business in both our private and public spheres. There are four sections in this chapter. Federal Courts are covered in Part I, State Courts in Part II, Election Tribunals in Part III, and Supplemental in Part IV.
(h) The Federal Capital Territory: There are four sections in this chapter on Federal Capital. Sections 297 to 304 comprise Part I. This section describes the Federal Capital Territory's (Abuja) creation as the nation's capital and seat of government. The Federal Capital Territory is granted the status of a state under this section of the constitution.
Section II of the chapter consists of Sections 305 through 308. There are various provisions in this section. Several of them include the process for establishing a state of emergency and the president's authority to do so. In addition, it deals with restrictions on the rights of specific types of individuals, forbidding them from holding elective or appointed offices for a predetermined amount of time, and provides for the resignation of any official who is elected, picked, or appointed.
Sections 309 through 317 of the chapter, which deal with transitional arrangements and savings, are part of Part III. This section guarantees Nigerian citizenship to individuals who have acquired it through naturalization, registration, or birth. Sections 318 to 320 comprise the chapter's final section, which addresses interpretation, citation, and the effective date of the 1999 constitution, which is May 29, 1999. As a result, since democratic rule was restored in 1999, the political elites in
However, because the committee was advisory in nature, the National Assembly Joint Committee on Constitution Review (JCCR), which was established in May 2000, was unable to bring about any changes (Joseph, 2008). The National Political Reform Conference (NPRC), which had 400 participants, was called by President Olusegun Obasanjo in 2005 with the goal of developing a national agreement on a new constitutional framework for "reinforcing the unity, cohesion, stability, security, progress, developm
The Northern delegates contended that giving in to this demand in an oil-dependent economy would push the area and the federation as a whole towards insolvency. The National Assembly made another attempt to review the 1999 Constitution after the first attempt failed in 2006, but ultimately the Niger Delta delegates rejected the 17% "compromise" that was reached. In 2007, a new civilian administration was sworn in. As before, this work has been assigned to a Joint Committee of the National Assemb
Nigeria's Constitutional Development:Consequences for National Unity
The origin of Nigeria can be linked to British influence and trade with the pre-colonial region known as the Niger basin. Following this journey, Lagos was annexed, forcing the British administration to aggressively infiltrate from the south. This ultimately forced Lord Lugard to establish colonial control in 1914 by uniting the northern and southern protectorates (Ezra, 1964). Because most of the official members of the Legislative Council were white, it was essentially a rubber stamp for colon
The National Congress of British West Africa, a nationalist organization, had a significant influence in the creation of the Clifford Constitution by 1922. Following the adoption of this constitution, political parties and the elective concept were introduced, establishing the foundation for the federal government. Although the nations had the opportunity to participate in national matters for the first time, this was not a reality due to the governor's veto authority and limited franchise (Itua
The 1947 Richard Constitution replaced the Clifford Constitution after it collapsed. According to (Otoghile, 2001)
(Oyeleye, 2007), the goals of the Richard Constitution were to secure greater participation of Nigerians in the debate of their own affairs, to promote unity of Nigeria, and to provide proper provision from varied groups that comprised the country. The House of Assembly and an executive council comprised the national legislative council established by the Richards Constitution. Reg
When the new constitution was being drafted, political concerns brought up by the previous one were taken into consideration. For this reason, the Macpherson Constitution of 1951 was marked by extensive consultation, with participation from a wide range of nationalities. By creating a central legislative (the House of Representatives) and giving it a chosen membership from the regional members of the Regional legislative, it attempted to promote national unity. It is important to note that Niger
The fact that the Nigerian state could only exist under the federal system of governance was recognized by this constitution. Because the Constitutional conferences of 1953 and 1954, held in London and Lagos, respectively, brought in the constitution after taking certain issues among the representatives of the nationalities into consideration, it was a turning point in the state's shaping for the purpose of alleged national unity among the nationalities. As events transpired, Nigeria gained inde
The 1979 Constitution, which introduced the presidential system for the first time, brought fresh modifications to the evolution of the Constitution and was shaped by military incursions. Significant amendments to the 1979 Constitution had a profound effect on maintaining national unity. This included, among other things, the creation of the federal character and the adoption of a new federal structure that granted the states greater authority. Giving the various ethnic groups more autonomy and
The CRC examined pertinent documents, including the 1979 Constitution, the 1963 Constitution, the political/Bureau Report and the government's perspective on it, and the various decrees that suspended or amended the various sections of the 1979 Constitution. After then, the CRC made a number of adjustments, including the following:
(i.) While advocating for the establishment of additional local governments, the process for their creation stipulates that in order to reduce the constant requests for their creation
(ii.) That rather than being confirmed by the Senate or a house of Assembly, the appointment of ministers and commissioners should merely be subject to consultation with these authorities
(iii.) That before to taking office, all public servants should disclose their holdings.
(iv.) That in order to account for experience and maturity, the legal age for public elective seats should be raised
(v.) The provision of a one-six-year chief executive term at the federal and state levels
(vi.) That the ordinary courts not be used to decide election results
(vii.) That a mayoralty be created for the federal capital territory (FCT) so as to confirm its status and not as a state.
These proposals, while not released to the public by the government, aim to capture the views of the majority of Nigerian civilians. In May 1988, a new Constituent Assembly (CA) of 563 members was established. The government granted the CA disproportionate terms of reference in an effort to temper the high-minded proposals put forth by the (CRC). This opinion was supported by Oyeleye (2007), who stated that the Assembly had been warned not to discuss specific topics, or "no go Areas," as they we
The 1999 Constitution did not come about in a novel way. Abacha was replaced as head of state by General Abdusalami Abubakar (Rtd). Less than a year and a half was allotted to his administration to draft and implement a new constitution. The sweeping characteristics of constitutional making in Nigeria which is non-participatory attracted the common reference that the 1999 Constitution is a fraudulent document in the sense that unlike what the constitution says in its opening paragraphs, "The peo
At that time, neither of us created, enacted, or gave ourselves a constitution of that kind. Numerous analysts of the 1999 constitution have pointed out certain shortcomings, particularly in the way the document was drafted to foster national cohesion. The complaints all centre on the fact that the document was conceived and delivered by the military, and as such, it is unable to properly and completely advance the ambitions of the Nigerian people as a whole. Some even believe that the document
According to Asaju et al. (2014) and Osifeso (2011), the federal character was introduced in the constitutions of 1979 and 1999 to address the imbalanced structure and ethnic domination in government. However, its application has not been successful in addressing these issues, nor has it allowed for the achievement of national integration. Therefore, it hasn't been able to stop centripetal agitations and inter-ethnic violence in Nigeria. It failure led to the emergence of various ethnics agitati
The 1999 constitution's adoption of the current 774 Local Government Areas as federating units contains a number of fundamental conflicts. The constitution's Chapter 1, Section 2(2), which clearly declares that "Nigeria shall be a Federal Republic consisting of States and a Federal capital Territory," is obviously broken by this. A portion of the nation benefits politically and financially by this anomaly and is unwilling to give it up. Therefore, inequality and all of its unpleasant effects are
According to Oni and Ayomola (2013), the framers of the 1999 Constitution attempted to enshrine provisions for nation building through political parties in Nigeria, as evidenced by the parties' membership, logo, offices, officers, and finances. In fact, when it came to the officer composition, fair sharing and equitable formulas were adopted to ensure that the officials are representatives of various Nigerian characters in accordance with section 14(3) of the 1999 Constitution. However, in the l
Conclusion and Recommendations
The article comes to the conclusion that Nigeria's diverse constitutional developments have not succeeded in bringing the nation's ethnic groupings together because they are elitist rather than popular and far more exclusive than inclusive. This may be explained by the fact that, up until recently, military rulers or colonial overlords originated, oversaw, and guided the processes. Second, these initiators typically had preconceived notions about the desired result, particularly during military
People all over the world have realized in recent years that the best way to meet the basic needs and aspirations of the populace and create stable polities is through democratic modes of governance that are based on credible constitutions, made by actual representatives of the people, and involve the populace actively in the process. In the majority of post-colonial countries, particularly those in Africa, undemocratic and unconstitutional forms of governance have resulted in heedless mismanage
In order to make the aforementioned a reality, public involvement is required to create a constitution that all Nigerians can proudly declare as their own as they were participated in its creation. The constitution must be the result of the greatest possible public involvement and citizen contributions, not the labor of a small number of specialists or even political party heavyweights. Stated differently, Nigeria's situation calls for a bottom-up strategy in order to avoid the pitfalls of previ
Furthermore, the ability of local governments to act as independent hubs of development should be guaranteed by the constitution. Building a robust federation that can hold the complex nation together without suffocating its constituent units requires adhering to the logic of the constitution's division of powers and duties. The National Assembly should assess the country's mood in the interim, review the recently rejected bill on state devolution of powers, and revise the 1999 Constitution to r
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Chapter 4.Regional Disparity and Social Inequality and its Impact of Human Security in Nigeria
Adeola Akindoju adeolaakindoju@gmail.com& Olayinka Sodik Kazeemolayinka.effect@yahoo.comNigerian Institute of International Affairs (NIIA),Lagos, Nigeria
Abstract
Nigeria is a large nation home to more than 200 million people. This diversity makes it difficult to develop and implement policies that benefit everyone equally, which has played out in the form of regional disparity and social inequality, as its manifest in different ways with attendant impacts on the affected regions and social strata of Nigeria. Emerging as pertinent issues of national and international discourse, these two problems are closely linked, which often leads to social inequality
Keywords: Social Inequality
Regional disparity
Social economic gap
Marginalization
Inclusive development
Introduction
The character and evolution of social inequality and regional disparity in West African countries, has its origin in colonialism, which created the structures of post-colonial states in Africa, and Nigeria in particular. The undemocratic nature of the colonial state encouraged allocation of resources without commensurate deliverables. Nigeria is a large country with an estimation of over 200 million people (Fawole, 2018). This diversity makes it difficult to develop and implement policies that b
Couple with the fact that, Nigeria does not have a strong social safety net to protect people from poverty and hardship. The Nigeria Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI) 2022 shows that poor people in Nigeria experience over one quarter of all possible deprivation (NBS,2023). Sixty five percent (65%) of multidimensionally poor people - 86.1million live in the north, while thirty five (35%) - nearly 47million live in the south (NBS, 2023). This means that people in poorer regions are more vulnera
Regional disparity and social inequality are two of the most pressing problems in Nigeria. Regional disparity refers to the unequal distribution of resources and opportunities across the country's different regions. Social inequality refers to the unequal distribution of wealth, power, and status among different social groups. These two problems are closely linked. Regional disparity often leads to social inequality, as people in poorer regions have less access to education, healthcare, and othe
To interrogate these claims, this paper relies on the content analysis, employing secondary sources to test the implications and impacts of claims of regional disparity and social inequality on security in Nigeria. The first section provides a brief introduction to social inequality and regional disparities while attempting to explain how the fault lines that are now so evident in the nation's political, religious, cultural, and economic fabric became deeply ingrained prior to the country's inde
The second section looks at the trends and dynamics and ways of addressing the social-conomic gaps, that have been created as a result of the divide, focusing on the aspect of security, this paper investigates the extent to which the disparity portends security challenges as well as what other causal factors are also contributing to its occurrence.The third section examines the Nigerian Crisis and its human security impacts from the perspective of the level and roots of the Nigerian crisis, incl
The fourth section outlines the consequences of inequality and disparities in Nigeria's current situation, which is best explained for us as inclusive development and marginalized communities, and how this led to the institutionalization of the north-south divide. The paper discusses the problems of widespread corruption, poverty, unemployment, and marginalization in Nigeria and how the contrast between the relatively wealthy north and the increasingly impoverished south gives rise to social unr
Regional Disparity and Social Inequality:Theoretical Considerations
For the purposes of this analysis, Nigeria's over 300 ethnic groups can be roughly categorized as "dominant" or "non-dominant" classes. The Hausa-Fulani of the north, the Yoruba of the southwest, and the Igbo of the southeast are the main ethnic groupings. Approximately 50% of the country's inhabitants belonged to these three prominent ethnic groupings (Chukwu and Udem, 2023). The remaining ethnic groups represent varying degrees of non-dominant status. The 1950s tripodal regional administrative
Regional disparities and social inequality can contribute to social unrest and instability, if People in the poorer regions feel marginalized and neglected by the government. This can lead to protests, riots, and even armed conflict. Regional disparity in Nigeria refers to the unequal distribution of resources and opportunities across the country's different regions. Marginalized communities are those that are excluded from mainstream society and do not have the same opportunities as other group
It is about ensuring that everyone has the opportunity to participate in and benefit from social and economic development. Nigerian women and girls struggle with discrimination, lack of access to healthcare and education, and scarce work possibilities. In Nigeria, discrimination in the workplace, lack of access to healthcare and education, and other difficulties affect people with disabilities. In the context of inequality, minority groups in Nigeria, face a number of challenges, including discr
Understanding the Trends and Dynamics
Nigeria is a large country with a diverse population. This diversity makes it difficult to develop and implement policies that benefit everyone equally. The country was colonized by the British for over a century, and this legacy of exploitation has had a lasting impact on the country's economy and society. It is arguable that the poorest states in Nigeria are typically located in the north and northeast of the country, while the richest states are located in the south and southwest. The literac
According to Adesina et al. (2022) there are 54.740 baby deaths for every 1,000 live births and 821 maternal fatalities for every 100,000 live births. Additionally, there is a notable difference in healthcare availability between the country's north and south. For example, the number of doctors per capita in the northern states is 0.2, while the number of doctors per capita in the southern states is 0.8 (Okafor and Ibor, 2022). The infrastructure in Nigeria is also very poor. The roads are often
Addressing Socio Economic Gaps
In Nigeria, in particular, disputes between the North and South about unequal political inclusion and socio-economic engagement have greatly increased intergroup violence and political instability. A parliamentary-style government was overthrown as part of the nation's voyage of ethno-political instability first republic (1960-1966), devastating civil war (1967-1970), and two protracted military regimes (1966-1979 and 1984-1999), the abortive transition to the third republic following the collap
The model to addressing socio-economic gaps in Nigeria is a complex and challenging task, but it is essential for the country's long-term development. Nigeria is extremely important strategically to both Africa and the rest of the globe. Nigeria, which has the largest population in Africa, is rich in mineral resources. Nigeria is Africa's second-largest producer of gas and oil. Nigeria is still regarded as a poor country with a Gross Domestic Product (GDP) despite its abundant resources with a g
Ofochie (2012) contended that irregular administration, insufficient policing, and subpar public service delivery are all caused by weak institutions. Infrastructure, social services, law, and public order are examples of community goods that the political elites and the central government have failed to provide. Nigerians look on politicians for certain amenities when there isn't a reliable and impartial supplier of public goods. Politicians engage in corrupt behavior and favoritism in order to
This was further strengthened by Alex Peru's (2010) position that Nigerian politics are zero sum, which severely disenfranchises the people. The issues and deficiencies stem from a past of tainted elections, the hegemony of the ruling party, and a dearth of proof of political responsibility. These have weakened the case for democratic governance. Therefore, robust institutions like the legislative, executive branch, court system, military forces, and civil service are necessary for democracy to
Religious extremism is a growing problem in Nigeria, and it has contributed to social unrest and violence. Social inequality in Nigeria refers to the disparities and inequities that exist among different social groups within the country. These disparities manifest in various aspects of life, including income, education, healthcare, access to basic services, and opportunities (Langer and Stewart, 2015). Several factors contribute to social inequality in Nigeria, and addressing these disparities i
Addressing social inequality in Nigeria requires a multifaceted approach that includes policy reforms, investments in education and healthcare, job creation, social safety nets, and efforts to promote gender equality and inclusivity. Good governance, transparency, and accountable institutions are essential for implementing and monitoring these policies effectively. Reducing social inequality not only improves the well-being of marginalized populations but also contributes to greater social cohes
The Nigerian Crisis and its human security impacts
Human security refers to the protection of individuals and communities from various threats to their well-being, including economic, health, environmental, and political challenges. In Nigeria, human security is impacted by a range of factors. Nigeria is a diverse country with 36 states and the Federal Capital Territory, and these regional disparities have historical, cultural, economic, and political roots. The disparities are characterized by variations in income, access to basic services, inf
Regional disparity and social inequality in Nigeria have significant implications for human security.The Niger Delta region, which is rich in oil, often experiences environmental degradation and a lack of economic development (Bamidele and Erameh, 2023), while other regions benefit more from resource revenues. Northern regions, in particular, face challenges in providing basic services such as education, healthcare, and clean water,which can lead to poorer health and educational outcomes. As arg
Regions with high poverty rates often experience greater insecurity, as poverty can lead to desperation and vulnerability to crime and conflict. Northern regions generally have higher poverty rates compared to the southern parts of Nigeria. Odalonu (2022) alluded to the connection between poor level of living and insecurity by arguing that, high levels of youth unemployment, particularly in the north, can contribute to social unrest and insecurity as young people facing limited economic opportun
These conflicts often lead to displacement, loss of lives, and destruction of property, undermining human security. Nigeria faces numerous security issues as a result of various circumstances, including political violence, kidnapping, banditry, ethno-religious conflicts, terrorism, and the massacre of farmers by Fulani herdsmen. Humanitarian difficulties have been brought on by the terrorist organization Boko Haram's camp and operations, which are primarily concentrated in Nigeria's northeastern
The northeastern region of Nigeria has been a hotbed of terrorist activities, mainly by Boko Haram due to lack of education and employment opportunities, which made it a fertile ground for radicalization and insurgency. As a result of these, people often migrate from disadvantaged regions to urban centers or more prosperous areas in search of better economic opportunities, leading to, internal migration which strain resources in host regions and contribute to urban slums and social tensions (Nog
Disparities in food production and distribution can lead to food insecurity in some areas, which is a fundamental threat to human security, in addressing these disparities and their impact on human security in Nigeria requires comprehensive policies and strategies that promote equitable economic development, access to education and healthcare, and social cohesion. Regional development plans, investments in infrastructure, and efforts to reduce income inequality and promote inclusive growth are e
One of the primary drivers of regional disparity is the unequal distribution of the country's vast natural resources, particularly oil. Most of Nigeria's oil reserves are located in the Niger Delta region, which has not seen commensurate development benefits. This disparity has resulted in environmental degradation and conflict in the region. Nigeria's southern regions, particularly the South-South and South-West, tend to be more economically prosperous than the northern regions. Lagos, in the S
This disparity affects transportation and trade, hindering economic development in some areas, thus leading to insecurity in the northern part of Nigeria. Northern states often have lower literacy rates and fewer educational institutions, which limits opportunities for residents and contributes to disparities in human capital development (Madu, 2009). Healthcare facilities and services are more developed in the southern regions, while northern and rural areas face challenges in providing adequat
High levels of youth unemployment, particularly in the northern regions, contribute to social unrest and insecurity. Lack of employment opportunities and economic prospects can lead to frustration and disillusionment.
Regional disparities can contribute to insecurity, as marginalized communities may become vulnerable to crime, communal conflicts, and radicalization, particularly in areas with limited economic opportunities. The urban-rural divide is another factor that exacerbates regional disparities. Urban areas, particularly in the south, tend to have better access to services and employment opportunities, while rural areas face challenges such as inadequate infrastructure and limited social services. Nige
Access to quality education varies widely in Nigeria. Children in rural and marginalized areas often have limited access to good schools, qualified teachers, and educational resources. This disparity in educational opportunities contributes to a cycle of poverty. While urban areas and wealthier populations have better access to healthcare facilities and services, many rural and undeserved communities lack adequate healthcare infrastructure and suffer from preventable diseases (Balogun, 2022). Ni
Officially known as "Jama'atu Ahlis Sunna Lidda'awati Wal Jihad," or "People committed to the Propagation of the Prophet's Teachings and Jihad," the group is sometimes known by its colloquial moniker, Boko Haram. "Boko Haram" is the name (Bello et al., 2017). The consequences of these divisions have affected population security and well-being by causing infrastructure devastation, community uprooting, and fatalities. Despite numerous factors that may have suppressed the movement, Boko Haram has
Marginalized Communities and Inclusive Development
The term inclusive development has emerged in the 21st century and has been adopted in a series of scholarly and policy documents. Its roots, however, can be traced to different concepts in different disciplines. While some see inclusive development as only combining social aspects with economic growth through political approaches, we define inclusive development instead as focusing on social wellbeing and protecting environmental services of nature through redefining political priorities.
The Nigerian government has made modest attempts to improve inter-ethnic relations since 1966. One reason is that, while ethnic representation has been ensured within the government, this does not mean that each official's performance of their tasks has been influenced by national or ethnic factors. Personal, not community, advancement is often the purpose of political and bureaucratic power. The Nigerian state has undergone significant transformation as a result of reforms, yet ethnic strife an
But one could counter that the true issue is not the marginalization of one group over another, but rather the politicization of prior reforms, their poor design and/or execution, and the growing weight of poverty. Attempts to establish inclusive institutions have not always been successful, to sum up Nigeria's experience with these many reforms. More ethnic participation in the executive and legislative branches has been relatively easier to achieve than the development of true social inclusion
Individualistic aspiration has largely taken the role of the previous regional mentality that encouraged party formation. Since 1985, political party structures have been increasingly individualized, following the growing trend of the military personalizing power and using ethnicity as a tool rather than as the basis for party political mobilization. The reforms of other state institutions in Nigeria have not been nearly as successful, especially in those that place an equal emphasis on knowledg
Whatever these drawbacks, we must acknowledge that Nigeria has come a long way since the 1960s in terms of integration. Civil war experience has created a psychological and political barrier that makes ethno-regional mobilization unavoidable.The chance of a significant threat to Nigerian nationhood is moderate to low, despite the fact that the Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra appears to be boosting the prospect of secession (Onwubiko, 2023). Furthermore, a lot of n
Every ethnic group in Nigeria keeps bringing up some grievance or another, which is a reflection of how unfinished the nation-building processes are. Obasanjo encountered strong opposition from the north after winning the presidency in 1999 and implementing several public sector reforms because they believed that he was favoring his Yoruba ethnic group and "marginalizing" the north (Ogunbanjo, 2022). Vice President Atiku outlined the reasons for the reforms, stating that certain northern states
Examinations prior to employment or promotion have been instituted for civil personnel. They contended that intentional measures meant to keep the south east from holding positions of power in the government and business were reducing them to the status of second-class citizens (Makama, 2013). The south east also grieve that the Petroleum Trust Fund (PTF), established by Abacha to implement nationwide infrastructure development, essentially disregarded their needs. For example, the northeast rec
The south east have been ambivalent about the government's privatization strategy, in part because they don't think their gains will be safe in other regions of Nigeria. Similarly, they assert that they were marginalized when foreign companies underwent indigenization in the 1970s, with the south west acquiring the majority of the assets. As per the widely recognized author Chinua Achebe (Gikandi, 2001), the only consensus among the other ethnic groups in Nigeria appears to be that they ought to
The Federal Capital Territory Ministry, the Ministry of Defense, Mines and Power, Security Printing and Minting Corporation, the Passport Office, the heads of immigration and excise and customs, and the Chief of Army Staff were among the notable institutions that were purportedly protected from southwest leadership. More so, related literatures have also established that, the southwest (yoruba) people have experienced excruciating repression (under Abacha), marginalization, and persecution (Udum
For example, the Christian Association of Nigeria (Igbashangev and Abdullahi, 2023), a representative of the predominantly Christian northern ethnic minority groups, accused the regionally held Bank of the North of having a purposeful policy of hiring Hausa-Fulani Muslims at the expense of other ethnic minorities. Saro-Wiwa's biography, an Ogoni leader, is illustrative of how ethnic minorities in the South, particularly those in the Niger Delta (Mai-Bornu, 2020), have demonstrated against severe
Minority delegates from the South left the National Political Reforms Conference in the middle of 2005, feeling that they were being ignored by most of the attendees, especially those from the North (Isumonah, 2015). The issues mentioned above imply that there is still more attention to be committed to Nigeria in order to construct inter ethnic discourse. Some of the primary challenges, identified, such as: distortions of the governing structures caused by political motivations brought up by the
The necessity to create a powerful center to offset the regional divisions in the early 1960s has guided Nigerian system improvements since 1966. By reducing local initiative and uniting the nation into a virtual unitary system, this process has come full circle. In the face of the central authority, many ethnic groups and small communities feel helpless and angry (Wariboko, 2019). The issue of ethnic mobilization has gotten worse due to the concentration of political and financial resources at
These two dictatorships' unaccountable deeds have been connected to a number of grievances from minority ethnic groups in the south and even the northeast. Furthermore, it has not been simple to fix the distortions that occurred after 1999 (NPC, 2019). The ease with which political considerations can be applied to the Federal Character Principle indicates that some logical parameters for its application need to be worked out. However, since 1980, when it was 28.1% of the population (Bakare and E
According to Nigeria, 133 million of its citizens are currently living in poverty. Nearly 12% of the world population in extreme poverty lived in Nigeria in 2023, considering the poverty threshold at 1.90 U.S. dollars a day (Statista, 2023). As much as 55.5% of respondents, according to Khambule (2022), believe that the government should be primarily responsible for guaranteeing the well-being of citizens, which is the context in which this growing wave of poverty is taking place. Consequently,
In conclusion, regional disparity and social inequality are complex problems, but they are not insurmountable. Addressing regional disparity in Nigeria is essential for the country's long-term development which requires a comprehensive and coordinated effort from the government, civil society, and international partners. Strategies should also include conflict resolution and peace-building, investment in education and healthcare, job creation, environmental conservation, poverty alleviation, and
It is recommended therefore, that Nigeria should have a strong social safety net to protect people from poverty and hardship through resilient measures by providing employment opportunities and skilled training for the youths and most vulnerable people. This means that people in poorer regions should be less vulnerable to economic shocks and other misfortunes. Also, the socio-economic gaps between the poor and rich should be closed, by practically discouraging any act of marginalization, inequal
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Chapter 5.Nigeria's Republic at Sixty: Regional Disparities and Social Inequality in Nigeria
Olusegun Hassan, PhD
Abstract
As Africa's most populous nation, Nigeria is characterized by a rich diversity of cultures, languages, and ethnic groups. This diversity has given rise to pronounced regional disparities and persistent social inequality, which have far-reaching consequences for the nation's development and social cohesion. One of the key factors contributing to these disparities is the uneven distribution of resources and opportunities across Nigeria's 36 states and the Federal Capital Territory. Economic dispar
Keywords: Regional Disparities, Social Inequality, Diversity, Identity, Nigeria.
Introduction
Social class stratification might be a global phenomenon, it assumes a deeper and more profound dimension in Nigeria. A country referred to as the "giant of African" Nigeria is a nation of striking contradictions. Beyond being Africa's largest population, it boasts of having the largest and one of the fastest growing economies, offering great potentials for exponential progress and prosperity. Yet, beneath the surface of this promise lies a complex and persistent challenge that had for decades,
This paper embarked on a comprehensive exploration of the intricate web of issues surrounding regional disparities and social inequality in Nigeria by dissecting the multi- faceted dimensions of the issues rooted in historical, geographical and structural factors that predated the country's independence. These disparities and inequality are largely derived from prolonged educational imbalances, economic inequality and unequal access to medical and healthcare facilities. These, coupled with the v
As a root cause of other forms of inequality, the educational imbalance in the country remains the most significant impediment to progress and development especially in northern Nigeria. The deliberate blocking of western education in the north by the northern elites during the pre-independence era, resulted in the systemic educational imbalance and disparities between the North and South which later transformed into a deficiency in human capital development over the years. Today, access to qual
At its core, economic disparities in Nigeria are stark and pervasive. Some regions particularly in the South have emerged as economic power houses driven by industries like oil, finance and manufacturing. Others in the North however, grapple with underdevelopment, unemployment and limited economic opportunities. The economic divide exacerbates social inequality as it hinders the upward mobility of millions and perpetuates cycles of poverty. Similarly, healthcare disparities persist as a pressing
Efforts to address these disparities and inequalities had been made at various levels of government. The Federal Character Principle (FCP) was enshrined in Nigeria's constitution of 1979, to prevent the predominance of people from a section of the country in government's arrangement and the constitution of its agencies, while the Federal Character Commission (FCC) was created in 1996 as an enforcement machinery for the FCP, thereby ensuring social inclusion in the country. Other federal interven
This paper will further scrutinize the governance and policy responses designed to mitigate these disparities, shedding light on both the efforts made and the obstacles faced. It underscored that talking regional disparities and social inequality is not merely an academic exercise but a fundamental imperative for Nigeria's sustainable development, stability and social cohesion.
Elements of Regional Disparities and Social Inequality
Educational Imbalance
Education is the cornerstone of a nation's progress, shaping the future of its citizens and driving socio-economic development. Educational imbalance in Nigeria has however, remained a persistent challenge. At the root of educational imbalance in Nigeria, as highlighted earlier, was the deliberate impeding of formal education in northern Nigeria in contrast to its acceptance in the South. Western education came into the country through Christian missionaries' activities in the mid-nineteenth cen
The Islamic religion and Qur'anic education were both introduced and established in northern Nigeria by historical accident the same way Christianity was in southern Nigeria. Prior to the creation and amalgamation of both protectorates in 1914, the Islamic religion, strongly backed up by the feudal monarchical structure of the Northern Emirates system, had taken solid root. Arising from the way that formal education was predicated initially on the Christian religion, the Muslims, predominant in
Several years down the line after the country's independence, the disparity in educational advancement when comparing northern Nigeria with south Nigeria, persisted in spite of several activities undertaken by government to tackle the deficiency in educational development in the North. The Universal Free Primary Education (UPE) was initially launched in 1976 in Sokoto States, with the aim to provide and maintain free quality education at the primary school level, while making available the requi
As Akpan (2021) highlighted, inaccurate data and lack of proper planning constituted the crux of the problem faced by the UPE policy. Lack of adequate educational planning led to the underestimation of over 30% of the turning up of the children enrolment resulting in shortage of classroom spaces, teachers and equipment and ultimately, an underfunded program. Although the execution of the UPE program came with the removal of tuition fees and other PTA charges, many children failed to access the f
The Universal Basic Education (UBE) established by the Obasanjo administration in 1999 did not prove to make any significant difference, similarly. Set up with the aspiration to ensure free and qualitative education for every Nigerian child qualified to go to school, and to vigorously promote a strong commitment to educational advancement within the entire populace, the policy fell short of expectation in its attempt to extensively address the basic deficiencies in educational development, parti
As Mayah (2017) opined, the inability of adequate funds allocation for a program remains the greatest challenge that any program can have. This can be said to be the case with the funding of the UBE in Nigeria. Between the year 1999 and 2009, the federal government claimed to have spent more than 1.2 trillion naira on the educational sector alone, with very little to show for such huge expenditure (Mayah, 2017).
Another cause of sustained educational imbalance in Nigeria Stems from some cultural/ religious practices in northern Nigeria that prevents the girl child from going to school and seeking qualitative education like their male counterparts. According to Olibe (2013), the preference for male children over female in some African societies results in the provision of educational opportunities for only the male child to the detriment of their female counterpart. She stressed that women in Nigeria, an
Economic Inequality:
As the economic power house of Africa with the continent's largest and fastest-growing economy, Nigeria is a nation of immense promise with abundant natural resources, a massive population and rich cultural heritage blessed by mother nature and positioned for widespread prosperity. Beneath the glittering surface however, lies a stark reality of an ever-increasing economic inequality. About fifty percent of the country's population are in abject poverty, while a minute group of elites enjoy expon
As at 2010, just 52 people in the country had equal amount of wealth as the rest of the poorest half of the country, and the richest one percent was far wealthier than the rest of the population of the country altogether. He stresses further that at least, 2 million poor Nigerians can be lifted out of poverty for a year, by the annual earnings of the wealthiest in the country. Rescuing the generality of poor Nigerians out of poverty for 1 year will cost about $24 billion whereas, the total amoun
Nigeria's poverty situation is particularly antithetical because it escalated in spite of the country's thriving economy which benefitted just a few, selected number of people. According to Nwosa (2019), yearly economic growth reached over 7% in the 2000s, in spite of this, Nigeria remains one African country where the number of people living below the national poverty line, increased from 69 billion in 2004 to 112 billion in 2010, equivalent to 69% of the population. In the same period, the num
Economic inequality in the southern part of Nigeria may be staggering, it is nowhere compared to what is obtainable in northern Nigeria. It translates into higher rates of poverty particularly in the north-western States of the country. For example, in Sokoto State, 81% of the entire population are poor, though poverty incidence is much lower at 34% in Niger State at the North-Central. Additionally, in most parts of northern Nigeria, economic and gender inequality are interconnected and reinforc
For instance, women are usually, only employed in casual, low-skilled, low-paid informal jobs
women are less likely to own landed properties and 75.8% of the poorest of women never attended schools, compared to 28% of richest men. Ninety-four percent of women in Jigawa State are illiterate compared to forty-two percent of men. Resulting from these disadvantages, women will continue to be excluded from participation in the country's socio-economic and political life and therefore are more likely
The extent of poverty depends on the income level in addition to the inequality in income distribution. Thus, a critical approach to address income inequality is oftentimes viewed as very vital as a poverty reduction measure. In analyzing the link between poverty and inequality, Ogbeide (2015) posited that the essence of poverty is inequality, i.e., the basic meaning of poverty is relative deprivation. She argued further that the polarization in income distribution contributes to increased pover
Nigeria's challenge of Poverty and unequal distribution of resources are not a product of lack of resources, but to the miss-use and misappropriation of it. Underlying resource management in Nigeria is the tradition of State stealing and prebendalism in addition to a ruling class that is insensitive to the hardship and suffering faced by the generality of Nigerians. The machinery of government is utilized to allocate resources and opportunities based on vested interest to further enrich the rich
According to Mayah (2017), what the average legislature earns annually at $118,000, was the same as 63 times what the entire country earned as GDP per capita in 2013. Government expenditure over the years were highly inflated by over staffing, bogus salaries and benefits, excessive numbers of government parastatals and commissions, unnecessary allowances and oversized relief and severance packages. These extravagant spending on governmental bodies increased the inherent level of inequality becau
The inequality gap is more pervasive in the northern parts of the country. The political/elite class monopolizes the very few socio-economic opportunities available. Their children attend the best schools both home and abroad and ultimately get the best jobs in the country's Ministries, Departments and Agencies and other private establishments, re-enforcing the cycle of poverty and inequality. In 2016, between 12.1% and 21.5% of Nigeria youths were without a job. The lack of available jobs for t
As applicable globally, and particularly in Nigeria, unequal access to economic resources generates social tension among the people, with citizen's frustration resulting in social disorder, civil unrest and all other diverse forms of criminal activities. Widespread insecurity in the forms of kidnapping, banditry and terrorism prevalent in the country at the moment, particularly in the North-west, North-east and South-east are glaring testaments to this. Other forms of violence in the likes of co
Governance and Policy responses towards addressingRegional Disparities and Social Inequality
While regional disparities and social inequality are global phenomenon, it assumes a more critical posture in Nigeria. As discussed earlier, although more than fifty percent of the country's population live in abject poverty and under development, very few elites enjoy astonishing levels off affluence dominating the very limited benefits and opportunities available for economic growth and prosperity. There was therefore a need for government to critical overhaul the system, by transforming the n
a. The Federal Character Principle
The federal character principle was an invention of the 1979 constitution. The constitutional drafting committee (CDC) that drafted the constitution believed strongly that the constitution could be used to reduce and minimize the fear of predominance of some regions over others in the country's polity. Therefore, the concept of federal character as provided by the 1979 constitution stipulated that "the composition of the federal government and the carrying-out of its affairs shall be conducted i
Consequently, the federal character principle is thus given a final cause definition as the distinctive desire of the people of Nigeria to promote national unity, foster national loyalty and give every citizen of Nigeria a sense of belonging to the nation notwithstanding the diversities of ethnic origin, culture, language or religion which may exist and which is their desire to nourish and harness to the enrichment of the federal republic of Nigeria (Ayoade, 1998). The federal character principl
After sixteen years of the FCP's existence however, the expectations of the principle had not been met as regional disparities and social inequality still persist even with greater intensity in the polity. Imbalance and lopsidedness in the federal bureaucracy still reigned supreme. Thus, a wave of reforms in 1995 precipitated the establishment of the Federal Character Commission (FCC) to serve as the watchdog for the federal character principle by enforcing its implementation and ensuring the fa
However, in spite of its strong institutional framework, the FCC also failed to meet the desired expectation of adequately enforcing the FCP. Problems of inadequate funding, primordialism, corruption and undue interference from government strangulated the commission making it ineffective. The government therefore needs to improve its commitment to the commission, providing adequate funding and tackling the corruption and racketeering that had undermined the integrity and effectiveness of the com
b. Niger Delta Development Commission
To proffer a sustainable solution to the social economic challenges of the Niger Delta region and to facilitate the rapid and sustainable development of the region into an economically prosperous, socially stable, ecologically regenerative and politically peaceful one, the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) was established in the year 2000 by the President Olusegun Obasanjo administration. NDDC was established as a response to the yearnings of the people of the Niger Delta, a people who h
During the 1990s, some of the minority ethnic group that made up the Niger Delta most notably, the Ijaw and the Ogoni, established organizations to confront the Nigeria government and multinational oil companies for their neglect and failure to compensate the oil-rich communities for the negative consequences of the exploration activities on their land and marine resources which had largely disrupted their farming and fishing activities and denied the community of their productive livelihood. Th
This was at extreme costs to the government, that largely depended on oil proceeds for the most substantial part of the country revenue. The NDDC was therefore created to address the lingering problems bedeviling the Niger Delta area and subsequently, the Niger Delta ministry was established with representation at the federal executive council to oversee activities and consistently address other emerging challenges.
The NDDC had partially improved environmental and socio-economic conditions of the Niger Delta communities with active participation and investment in youth empowerment programs, support schemes for disabled and vulnerable groups, improvement in road, electricity and other rural infrastructure, hydrocarbon pollution remediation program and other environmental cleanup programs particularly in the polluted Ogoni land. For the larger part of the Niger Delta communities however, the effect of the ND
c. Universal Basic Education Program
The Universal Basic Education Program came into existence in 1999 as a creation of the federal government of Nigeria to replace the Universal Primary Education Program that was aimed at providing greater access to, and ensuring the quality of basic education throughout the country. It was part of the federal government's initiative to address the problems in the educational sector particularly the educational imbalance between the northern and southern parts of Nigeria. Operationally, the purpos
This was necessary to eradicate illiteracy, ignorance and poverty, thereby stimulating and accelerating national development and national integration in Nigeria. Against the backdrop of regional disparities and social inequalities in the country partly caused by the educational imbalance, government believed it was the right of every Nigerian child to get basic education and this being qualitative education that would build up the foundation level of the educational system so as to facilitate im
Despite the bogus budgetary allocation to fund the implementation educational policies, it had been largely inadequate, while the cost of education had been reported to be on the increase yearly. Thus, providing adequate funds to effectively implement UBE programs had been a major challenge. A joint partnership funding program had been suggested to mitigate the problems of funding for the UBE. Joel (2020), argued that the local community was expected to be mobilized to provide the needed infrast
d. National Social Investment Programs
The National Social Investment Program (NSIP) is a social welfare initiative created by the Federal Government of Nigeria in 2015 under the supervision of the Federal Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs, Disaster Management and Social Development (now renamed Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs and Poverty Alleviation). The NSIP was designed to facilitate greater resource distribution to less privileged people, including children, youth and women. It aimed at changing the conditions of vulnerable Nige
Five areas of interventions were designed under the NSIP to uplift millions of the poorest Nigerians from extreme poverty. These are
N-power, National Home-grown School Feeding Program (NHGSFP), Grants for Vulnerable Groups (GVG), Alternate School Program (ASG), and Government Enterprise and Empowerment Program (GEEP).
N-Power: The N-Power program is Nigeria's new effort at addressing the unemployment of youth and the re-invigoration of public service delivery in
Education, Agriculture, Health and Vocational training. This was realized through the provision of adequate training and employment for numerous young Nigerian graduates and non-graduates alike, ages 18-35 who are unemployed, across the 774 local governments of the federation. The N-power program is sub-divided into two categories which are the graduate and non-graduate programs.
National Home-Grown School Feeding Program (NHGSFP): The Home-grown school feeding program was designed to provide a balanced and nutritious meal, once a day to school children grades 1 to 3. The program aimed to increase the enrolment of primary school children and by extension, facilitate the reduction of school drop-out rates currently estimated to be over 30% (Ojo, 2023). The out of school children problem is mostly due to poverty and partly to insecurity, especially in northern Nigerian. In
Grant for Vulnerable Groups (GVG): The National Cash Transfer Office (NCTO), provides assistance for deprived and less privileged citizen through cash transfers, capacity building, coaching, mentoring and livelihood support. The targeted cash transfer to the poorest of households is in the long-run designed to lift millions out of poverty. A monthly stipend or ?5,000 naira is disbursed to households in very poor communities, along with additional ?5,000 for families designated as priorities or e
Government Enterprise and Empowerment Program (GEEP): This NSIP scheme was designed to make credit facility available to small-scale traders, artisans, agricultural workers, farmers and other enterprising youths including those living with disability who are vulnerable, poor and at the bottom of the economic pyramid. They are categorized as Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises (MSMEs). Through the provision of low-cost micro-lending to deserving vulnerable small-scale entrepreneurs, the GEEP prov
Alternate School Program (ASP): This is a program designed to provide a flexible learning and education process to out-of-school children. The purpose here, is to reduce the incidence of child stealing and trafficking, recruitment of children into criminal activities, drug abuse and involvement of children in other abusive/nefarious activities. The ASP is aimed to provide basic education to these children for them to be equipped with the education and requisite skills needed to be part of the so
There is no gain saying that the motive behind the establishment of the NS IP is noble and laudable. However, the implementation has been enmeshed in swirling controversies and massive corruption to a level that the wife of the immediate past President, first lady Aisha Buhari, had publicly decried the program as one that had failed woefully, stating that the impact of the program was invisible in her home State Adamawa and another significant northern State, Kano (Ojo, 2023). Simultaneously, th
The incidence of widespread corruption and public funds mismanagement that permeates Nigeria's political, social and economic sectors are alarming, and these are the pitfalls that continue to discredit and undermine the government's interventions and policy responses to address social inequalities in the country. The extent to which the "renewed hope" mantra of the present administration will live up to its bidding, only time will tell.
Conclusion
It is clearly evident that the issues surrounding regional disparities and social inequality in Nigeria are complex, deeply-rooted and interconnected. Nigeria as a nation stands at a critical juncture where addressing these issues is not only a matter of social justice but a fundamental necessity for sustainable development, political stability and social cohesion. The multi-faceted nature of the issues, as analyzed in the paper, is a stark reminder of the challenges the country faces. The econo
The policies and initiatives undertaken by the government to address regional disparities and social inequality have not made significant progress, particularly in the area of poverty alleviation, education and infrastructural development. A myriad of challenges bordering on corruption, mismanagement, inefficient implementation of Programs and political interference persists, and have succeeded in preventing the successful realization of these policies. For the policies to be truly effective, th
To bridge educational disparities, a continued focus on improving educational infrastructure and increasing access to quality education particularly in northern Nigeria is essential. Also, the government must continue its effort to diversify the economy and reduce dependence on oil revenue. Initiatives, aimed at promoting agriculture, technology and other sector should be encouraged. Finally, addressing security concerns particularly in regions affected by insurgency is vital for the successful
Nigeria's journey towards addressing regional disparities and social inequality is a continuous process that require steadfast commitment, proactive measures and unwavering determination. By implementing these recommendations and addressing the persistent challenges, Nigeria can aspire to become a more equitable and harmonious society where opportunities are accessible to all, regardless of their region and background. In doing so, the nation can fully unlock it vast potential and work towards a
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Federalism and Political Restructuring in Nigeria. Eds, Amuwo Et. Al, Ibadan, Spectrum 101-118.
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Chapter 6.National Security and Defense: Nigeria's Republic at Sixty - Dynamics, Issuesand Strategic Imperatives
Dodeye Uduak WilliamsAssociate ProfessorDepartment of Political Science,University of Calabar.williamsdodeye@yahoo.com
Abstract
The extent to which a state can secure its population from threats, fear, and dangers is directly proportional to its ability, capability, and capacity to create security. This is the critical nexus between security and defense. While national security often refers to the state protection of its citizens, economy, and other institutions, against threats - imminent, potential, or existential, national defense is the ability of a country's armed forces to defend the sovereignty of the state and th
Introduction
Terrorism, human trafficking, kidnapping, insurgency, xenophobia, drug-related crimes, transborder crimes, armed conflict, and unconstitutional changes in power are common features that characterize the African security landscape with significant implications for human security, state stability, national economic growth and development as well as regional and continental development and integration. While not suggesting that African states are not homogenous, the origin of the security features
In line with this, Mustapha (2013:1) rightly asserts that the root of the challenges in security sector governance within the continent can be traced to pre-colonial Africa history where "the colonialists brought in their own system, instruments, and institutions and used force, not for security, but for political and economic exploitation." At independence, many of these states, anglophone, and francophone, inherited colonial structures of administration that had been set up, not for the econom
The Berlin Conference of 1884-85, directed the partition of Africa and defined the colonial political geography of the continent to reflect the European sphere of influence (Griffiths, 1986:204). Without adequate knowledge of the geography, history, and ethnic composition of the lands and communities in Africa, population groups were split by colonial partitions (Gashaw, 2017), creating distortion and disruption, in the original ethnic and cultural compositions of existing groups and borders. Th
European colonialism lumped together people of diverse cultures and traditions sometimes leading to secessionist movements and civil wars (Griffiths, 1986). Also, pastoralists and nomads, for instance, were suddenly forced into limited mobility and herding resulting in resource competition and confrontation for limited land and water resources (Gashaw, 2017). Although post-independence Africa has a part to play in creating its security environment, for a correct perspective, it is impossible to
Nigeria is the most populous country in Africa, the largest country in the West African sub-region with a vast endowment of attractive natural and mineral resources. The country is known for its diverse ethnic and cultural makeup with the Ibo, Yoruba, and Hausa being the major ethnic groups. In 1960, on October 1, Nigeria gained independence from British colonization which began about 1884 with the Partition of Africa after the Berlin Conference. The political, constitutional, and administrative
In addition to the inherited colonial challenges, there are those created by the Nigerian political elite through poor governance, corruption, and unhealthy party politics, as well as years of military rule which Abdu (2013) rightly observes have militarized civil society itself and treated the military not just as a specialized state institution but as a special category with implications for the country's security and stability. Sixty years down the road from Independence, post-colonial Nigeri
Nigeria's Security Environment: A Critical Assessment
National security often refers to the state's protection of its citizens, economy, and other institutions, against threats - imminent, potential, or existential, while national defense is the ability of a country's armed forces to defend the sovereignty of the state and the lives of its citizens. Globally, the threats many states face are both traditional and non-traditional
as such well-meaning states employ both traditional and non-traditional security approaches to tackle these threats. Nige
By security environment, we refer to a combination of the internal, regional/subregional, and global security threats a country faces, its military defense capability to combat these threats, as well as its supporting frameworks for security cooperation. Its capacity to respond to these threats is a function of its security priorities, as reflected in clear security policies
the national resources available and dedicated to combating the threats, as reflected in defense spending technological a
National, Regional, and Global Threats
Terrorism, violent extremism, insurgency, banditry, and organized transborder criminal trade and activities are arguably Nigeria's greatest security threats. Since 2009, terrorist groups like Boko Haram and ISWAP, with regional and international terrorism connections, have posed a threat to the security of lives and property in the Northern part of the country. At the same time, banditry, kidnapping, and ethnoreligious and sectarian violence also thrive. Local conflicts between herders and farme
In the South-East secession threats loom with the activities of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) group who want to create a separate state, Biafra. In recent times violent clashes between government security agencies and the Eastern Security Network (ESN), the militant wing of the IPOB threaten the peace and stability of the region. In the South West the Oduduwa Republic, a political group seeking the secession of the ethnic-Yoruba people from Nigeria, continues to gather support but also
Security Policies/Strategy
The Grand Strategy for National Security, the major security policy document developed by former President Olusegun Obasanjo in 2000, clearly spells out the country's appreciation of what it considers its security threats and forms the basis of the National Security Strategy documents reviewed in 2014, 2019, and 2023. Its purpose as stated in the written documents is to guide, organize, and harmonize national security policies and efforts. It is the provision of these documents under the office
Defense Spending
There is no doubt that the Nigerian state commits a significant portion of its budget to defense. The broad scope of Nigeria's defense policy has implications for increased military spending (Ezeani and Ezeibe, 2011:234). Nigeria is known for very high defense spending. This is significant because it reflects the understanding of national security to be almost limited to military responsibility of territorial sovereignty and protection. The origin of this strategic culture is Nigeria's history o
Technological Attainment, Economic and Industrial Capacity
A national science and technology policy was formulated in 1986. The objective of this policy which emphasized the transfer of foreign technology to local firms, technical assistance arrangements, research and development, training, and operations, was to increase public awareness of science and technology and their vital role in national development. This marked the beginning of the recognition of science and technology efforts as a vehicle for successful industrial development in Nigeria. Ther
The industrial sector in Nigeria (comprising manufacturing, mining, and utilities) accounts for a tiny proportion of economic activity in Nigeria (Chete, et al, 2016). The Defense Industries Corporation of Nigeria (DICON) was established by an act of parliament in 1964. After making significant contributions to the civil war effort of 1967-1970 in line with its objective of producing arms and ammunition, the lucrative arms market for DICON ended (DICON Website). To remain in business, DICON deci
Strength and/or Weakness of Political Institutions
Political institutions are "rules on how to organize the polity, how authority and power are constituted, exercised, legitimated, controlled and redistributed" (Kilishi, 2017). Institutions are the formal and informal rules of the game, the humanly devised constraints that structure political, economic, and social interactions and contain, within them, enforcement mechanisms (North, 1990). The strength of political institutions is therefore measured by the extent to which these rules govern poli
Level of Social Justice and Equity
Equality and social justice are the heartbeats of democracy (Enuke, 2019:26). The inability of the Nigerian political system to adhere to social justice in the administration of public affairs is one of the developmental hurdles the state continues to grapple with (Aluko et al, 2022:181). The ability of the government to ensure that the voice of the people is heard, their interests equitably represented and their needs and aspirations satisfactorily is crucial in creating and maintaining stable
Nigeria's Security and Defense Architecture: Complex Components, Coordination Challenges and Inadequate Cooperation Mechanisms
The Security Architecture of a state is made up of the institutions and agencies that contribute to national security management by way of management, decision-making, and oversight (Bearne et al, 2005).
Complex Components
The security sector architecture of the Nigerian state involves core security agencies, law enforcement and justice agencies, and other civil agencies with responsibilities in the area of security. There is also the non-state security sector which includes the private security organizations. Among the core security agencies, we have the following: The DSS (or SSS) is the agency with the responsibility to prevent and detect, within the state, any crime against the internal security of the state,
/
Figure 1: Nigeria's Security Architecture
Source: Thomas and Aghedo (2014:32)
The DSS deals with the maintenance of internal security, counterintelligence, counterterrorism, and surveillance through intelligence and information gathering (Madobi, 2022). The NIA is the agency responsible for the general maintenance of external security issues concerning matters of a military nature and other matters of national intelligence outside the state as deemed necessary (Bodunde et al, 2019). The DIA provides intelligence to the Military and Defense Ministry (Madobi, 2022). It is t
Coordination Challenges
Given the scope and overlapping roles of these security agencies, they are saddled with the responsibility of working together within the security sector to deliver security and the protection of lives and property within the Nigerian state. A failed security sector is a threat to democracy and good governance hence it is clear that these agencies need to interact, cooperate, and collaborate for effective delivery of their individual and collective mandates. As several agencies within the sector
As Abioye and Alao (2020:47) rightly observe, interagency collaboration is encouraged as global best practice in the security sector for maximum productivity. Another challenge in this area is poor strategic communication. As Ijide (2020:12) observes, "it was disclosed that one of the reasons for poor strategic communication in Nigeria's counterinsurgency operation is as a result of squabbles between the Defense Headquarters (DHQ) and National Orientation Agency (NOA) as to which of them should
Inadequate Cooperation Mechanisms
Given the volatile security environment in Nigeria, and the peculiarities of the internal security challenges, the Nigerian army has worked tirelessly, almost as the first line of defense, to maintain internal security, as well as the defense of the country's territorial integrity, as expected (Williams, 2023b). Others like the police force are stretched beyond their limits and the implication has been the proliferation of private security guards which are preferred to public security agencies (
The cooperation required from local communities to support the security architecture, is further threatened by extremely low levels of trust in security agencies as they are accused of corruption, heavy-handedness, politicization, nonmeritocratic leadership, management overlap, and weak oversight (Okenyodo, 2016). The inability to properly integrate these community policing groups deprives the security sector of harnessing the positive contributions they make seeing they seem to have more legiti
Evaluating the National Security and Defense Landscape in Nigeria's First, Second, Third, and Fourth Republic 1960-2023
The security challenges in Nigeria since independence have given rise to certain security, and defense strategies that have consistently been featured in policy documents that must be understood within the context of Nigeria's political experience. Nigeria's security strategy, as presented in relevant documents, can be seen to be divided into two parts the first part addresses issues that impact national security, and the second deals with the strategies to combat those issues.
Nigeria's First Republic 1960 -1966 andsubsequent Military Government 1966 -1979
Existing ethnic tensions, divisions, and competition, which deepened during the pre-independence characterized Nigeria's first republic giving rise to political instability, national census crises (1962), political/electoral violence and irregularities (1963-65), and leadership crisis (1962-63), after political independence in 1960 (Haruna et al, 2023). By January 1966, the government of the First Republic had collapsed with a military intervention after some members of the armed forces plotted
Military rule lasted from 1966 to 1979. The Nigerian Civil War impacted negatively on the unity of the country as the ethnic tensions and divisions that were created still contribute to current conflicts and tensions like the secession threats of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB). The first republic represented early patterns of resorting to military force to solve internal security challenges given the inability of the police to deal with these challenges. The involvement of the military i
Nigeria's Second Republic 1979-1983and subsequent Military Government 1983 - 1992
The political dispensation of Nigeria's Second Republic began with the end of military rule and the presidential constitution of 1979 but collapsed with another military coup in December 1983 (Fashagba, 2018). The anti-democratic practices, pre- and post-election violence of the 1983 national elections, and the attendant loss of lives and property, manipulation of political structures, corruption, bribery, and embezzlement of public funds by politicians and political officeholders (Alemika, 2011
By 1985, August 27, another coup led by the Chief of Army Staff, Major-General Ibrahim Babangida took place. However, the promise of change by the military was not delivered but a plan was put in place for transition to democratic rule. This period was also marked by internal and external borrowing which plunged the country into debt (Michael and Ebenezer, 2020). By the early 1990s militancy in the Niger Delta region, one of the earliest forms of organized rebellion and insurgency, as Adeyeye (2
Nigeria's Third Republic 1992 - 1993and subsequent Military Government 1993 - 1999
After a lengthy process of transition midwifed by the military government, Nigeria was set for the third attempt at democratic rule (Agbese, 1990). However, the expectations of Nigerians were cut short by the annulment of the June 12, 1993, presidential elections by the then-military head of state President Ibrahim Babangida. Under pressure from the Armed Forces Ruling Council (AFRC), President Babangida stepped down and instituted an interim government headed by Chief Ernest Shonekan to supervi
Nigeria's Fourth Republic 1999 to date
The journey of Nigeria's Fourth Republic began with the democratic leadership of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999, and has been the longest so far in Nigeria's political history. While there has been no military intervention, the security challenges faced in this period have been enormous and have pulled relentlessly on the fragile seams of the country's political stability and unity. These security challenges include but are not limited to the following: Boko Haram's activities which
Factors that enable and sustain Security Challenges in Nigeria
Many security strategies have been adopted, prominent among them are counterterrorism, peacebuilding, and border security strategies. However, over the period of 60 years, what can be observed is that certain factors continue to consistently thwart and cripple the efforts of the government to stem the tide of insecurity in the country. Despite the best intentions of past and current governments, the inability to deal with these factors has meant that insecurity continues to plague the Nigerian s
Poor leadership: At all levels of government, poor and bad leadership has affected the delivery of security and defense.
Corruption: The brazen corruption of past and future government officials and political officeholders has meant that resources meant for development have been embezzled or misused.
Lack of transparency and accountability: The lack of transparency and accountability has enabled endemic corruption as political and public officeholders are not held accountable even when acts of corruption are exposed.
Weak and politicized judiciary: Over the years, Nigeria's judiciary has continued to be weakened as a result of undue political interference in the conduct of judicial affairs. Justice must be seen to be done for peace to be sustained in any society. However, this is not the case in Nigeria.
Regional insecurity: No country is an island and will always be affected by the events that take place outside its borders. Nigeria is not immune to the insecurity in the West African sub-region and has been so affected because of its porous and unguarded borders. The Proliferation of small arms and light weapons, drug trafficking, banditry, transnational crime, terrorism, and other security concerns in the region contribute to the dynamics of insecurity in Nigeria and in the absence of effectiv
Inadequate security cooperation among security agencies: While there are several security agencies saddled with the responsibility of providing security and defense, the lack of cooperation and coordination as well as inter-agency fighting, hinders the effective provision of security and protection of lives and property.
Undemocratic political culture: Despite all the periodic elections being held in the country, Nigeria's political culture is characterized by a high level of parochialism that is not consistent with a democratic order. Elections take place in a toxic 'do or die' political environment. The result is electoral and/or post-electoral violence almost always during election seasons. Ethnic politics continues to create division and deepens hatred among groups. Religion is manipulated for political supp
Government-centered system: The apathy towards the plight of the people is one consistent characteristic of Nigerian politics. The people tend to be there only to be used during election seasons. Promises are only made for change during campaigns and after that change eludes the people. The high cost of governance in the face of growing poverty and lack is a factor that creates and sustains resentment towards the government making the environment volatile. Ignoring the poor and vulnerable, while
Widening economic inequality: Despite being the largest economy in Africa, Nigeria is experiencing extreme levels of economic inequality. This is one of the factors that causes social tensions, violence, and increased crime rates in the country. Unemployment levels remain high amid rapid social dislocation and a youth bulge.
Absence of the rule of law: The rule of law is one key prerequisite for good governance and any society that has no respect for the rule of law is a society that will be unable to uphold equity, fairness, and justice. In Nigeria, it appears that some people are above the law and arbitrary decisions are made by those who hold power to favor their contemporaries.
Breakdown of societal values: Dignity, freedom, equity and justice, integrity, honesty, truth, dignity of labor, responsibility, patriotism, and religious tolerance are some of the values the Nigerian society upholds (Osalusi and Ajayi, 2021). However, the rapid breakdown and sacrifice of these societal values on the altar of wealth accumulation, have led to greed, violent crimes, dishonesty, and all forms of social vices. This moral problem has contributed to insecurity, as seen in money-making
Conclusion
Regardless of the security strategies being implemented by the various governments over the years, the inability to improve the well-being of the people remains at the center of the failure of these strategies, in addition to the flaws in the institutional make-up of the security sector and the implementation of security programs. Wrong policy targeting has been at the core of the failure to deal with the predisposing factors necessitating the persistence and deterioration of security challenges
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Chapter 7.Nigeria's Republic at Sixty
A Reflection on the Defense and Security of the Troubling State
Enoch Ndem Okon, PhDDepartment of Political ScienceUniversity of Calabarenochokon@gmail.com
Abstract
Nigeria has the manifest destiny to lead Africa since her independence. This is due to its natural endowment, demographic density and geostrategic location on the continent. indeed, Nigeria has been a leading actor in the defense and security arena in sub-Saharan Africa as illustrated in the Congo crisis in the early 1960s, the condemnation of the twin evils of settler colonialism and Apartheid in southern Africa, as well as the resolution of Mano River crises in the 1990s, amongst others. The r
Keywords: Nigeria, defense, security, insurgency, terrorism, banditry.
Introduction
Nigeria has the largest population of black people in the world, she is also blessed with abundant natural resources on the continent, especially crude oil and natural gas. Hence, global actors and entities look to Nigeria to provide leadership to the black continent. Such leadership include the deliberate task of integrating the diverse continent, as well as undertaking all measures to defend and promote the dignity of the black race globally. In the 1960s, the biting issues on the black contin
A Nigerian, Major General Aguiyi Ironsi was nominated by the United Nations (UN) to lead to stabilization force in Congo. The Congolese experience and subsequent internal security challenges, security architectures (Imam & Nuru, 2018). They have also highlighted the strengths and weaknesses of Nigerian security architecture as well as the capacity of the Nigerian Armed Forces to play their constitutional role in different theatres of defense and security challenges across the globe. This chapter
An overview defense and security inNigerian State: Conceptual Overview.
The concept of defense gives a sense of protection against attacks and threats of harm. It centres on prevention against adverse eventualities common to every facet of individual, group and national existence. Hence, defense is the shielding power of an object, entity, system, and infrastructure against perceived or potential threats to the well-being of an individual and groups within a polity. As a concept in strategic and security studies, defense equates to national defense and may be define
Although this definition is rooted in the traditional primacy of armed forces in the protection of the territorial integrity and sovereignty of states, it however captured so many variables relevant to the stability and survival of modern states. For instance, 'policies and strategies' refer to coordinated decisions and actions toward the achievement of desired objectives, and the means of achieving the set objectives. Within this context, such capabilities and strategies focus on the effective
The combination of the hard and soft powers of a state is what is considered the National Smart power of a state at a given time (Nye, 2013). Military resources include serving personnel of the armed forces (Army, Navy and Air Force), as well as those in reserve (vibrant retired service personnel) and the air, land and sea platforms and weaponry required for effective operations of the Armed force. Diplomatic expressions are sets of activities engaged by states in bilateral and multilateral fora
National security may be summarized as measures adopted to alleviate threats to cherished entities and values of a nation (William, 2008). Historically, it is associated with the realist perception of military power as the centre of interaction between states, hence, the primacy of military capability, in deterring and containing adversaries to national survival. Perceiving the state system as anarchical, the realist accepts power as a zero-sum currency, which must be acquired at all times. This
However, with the lull in Great Powers wars and the end of the Cold War in the early 1990s, interdependence between states increased, especially within regions. This led to the proliferation of regional organizations across the globe. Coincidentally most of the post-Cold War threats to national security emanated within states themselves, but have spill-over effects on neighboring countries. This is due to the reality of the regional security complex (RSC) that forced states to accept the securit
Besides, the ascendancy of regional security in security discourses to include non-military threats by Barry Buzan and his contemporaries, amongst others have facilitated the founding of human security as a paradigm shift from the traditional state-centric model (Buzan, 1991
UNDP, 1994). Human security is designed to address those threats which are generated within states and are inimical to the stability of the state itself. To this end, economic, political, health, environmental, community, f
On the other hand, the defense and security of apparatuses of a state are instruments for the promotion of 'national development' seen as a collective socio-economic and political advancement of any state or nation (Lawal & Oluwatoyin, 2017). National development is grounded in the availability of natural resources, technology and human capital: especially visionary leadership with the capacity to effectively manage all resources within a polity for the common good. Thus, the protection and util
Checking external threats toNigeria's Defense and Security at 60
In the making of the Nigerian defense policy, the state adopted two complementing principles, namely: Afrocentrism and good neighborliness (Imam & Nuru, 2018). Africa has been the centrepiece of Nigeria's foreign and defense policies. In its defense policy, Nigeria focuses on the security of African countries, especially those plaque by conflict, and the twins' evil of settlers' colonialism and Apartheid in Southern Africa during the inglorious days of the Cold War. To achieve this objective in
However, the end of the Cold War coincided with the outbreak of 'new wars' in the subregion. It started in Liberia in 1989 when Charles Taylor went into an armed struggle against the state's late President Samuel Doe. The humanitarian crisis in the conflict was alarming, as refugees fled to other countries across the subregion. When the United Nations and other entities in the international system failed to send Peace Support Operations (PSOs) to the country
Nigeria led ECOWAS to form the ECOWA
To concretize ECOWAS's focus on conflict management and regional security projects, Nigeria facilitated the ratification of the ECOWAS Conflict Prevention Framework (ECPF) by member states. The ECPF ratified in 2008 incorporated two earlier protocols: Mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Management, Resolution, Peacekeeping and Security (1999)
and its Supplementary Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance (2001). ECPF therefore becomes the coordinating protocol to all existing instruments on reg
ECOWAS has indeed evolved into a security community whereby
it has become unthinkable and unacceptable for member states to carry armed attacks on one another. It has also become unconventional for any member state to sponsor insurrection in another's territory. These developments have checked external aggression against the Nigerian state by potential aggressors. They have also facilitated an amity security complex between Nigeria and her Francophone neighbors (Okon & Ojakorotu, 2022). Andzans
Apart from armed conflict, Nigeria has been able to galvanize other members of ECOWAS to ratify the protocol on the trafficking of hard drugs and organized crime. This was necessary given the geostrategic location of the subregion as the transit point between South American cocaine producers. The danger of illicit drugs in every polity is understood to include the increase in the number of citizens with mental health challenges, as well as the geometric increase in violent crimes among the youth
Similarly, the danger associated with the smuggling and proliferation of small arms and light weapons (SALW) was also checked by the ECOWAS convention on SALW, their ammunition and other related materials in 2006. This forbids the trafficking or selling of SALW to non-state actors across the subregion (Ebo & Mizal, 2013). Furthermore, the Nigerian defense and security sector has benefitted from the ECOWAS political declaration and common position against terrorism as captured by the ECOWAS count
In reflecting its good neighborliness policy, Nigeria accepted the decision of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) over the disputed Bakassi Peninsula. The poor demarcation of colonial boundaries by Europeans, and intrigues of colonial treaties led to violent disputes between Nigeria and Cameroon over the Bakassi Peninsula. Both countries went into armed struggle over the ownership of the peninsula. Howbeit, Nigeria's troops were in control of the area when the ICJ passed the verdict. Niger
Despite Nigeria's Afrocentrism and good neighborliness, Nigeria has the strongest Armed Forces in the West African sub-region. The essence of building a strong military amid weaker countries is grounded on the principle of deterrence in Nigeria's Defense Policy. Deterrence prevents an individual or groups from initiating perceived harmful action due to the fear of punishments or consequences (Schelling, 1966:71). Within Nigeria's defense policy, deterrence entails the acquisition of superior mil
As a hegemon within the sub-region, the Nigerian Armed Forces is the largest in West Africa and has been instrumental in the maintenance of stability in the subregion. Besides, the sophisticated platform of the Nigerian military has not only deterred potential threats to its territorial sovereignty but has also facilitated the security of Nigeria's territorial waters and assets against piracy in the Gulf of Guinea. As observed by Schelling (1966), sophisticated weapons and well-trained troops ha
Containing internal threats toNigeria's defense and security at 60
The security of the Nigerian State has been severally and consistently threatened internally by three basic variables in her 60 years of nationhood namely. insurgency, terrorism and organized crimes. Each of these variables is discussed below
Insurgency
One of the recurring themes in this volume is the historical amalgamation of Southern and Northern Protectorates by Lord Lugard in 1914. The reality of this event is the formation of a multi-ethnic state without due consultation with the constituent units. The relics of the cleavages along ethno-religious and regional divides continue to threaten the existence of the Nigerian state. This is particularly intensive during the electioneering process and its aftermath. The discontentment is rooted i
However, the first insurgency in Nigeria took place in the Eastern part of the country with the twelve-day revolution led by Isaac Adaga Boro. He advocated for true federalism and the control of the newfound oil resources by the Niger Delta people. Barely, a year later, Colonel Ojukwu led the entire Eastern region to secede from the Nigerian State. The thirty-month Civil War was characterized by propaganda, armed struggle and all the bizarre inherent in asymmetric warfare. However, superior fire
Howbeit, the Civil War had a domino effect on Nigerian society, especially in the southern part of the country, which was the theatre of many battles. Firstly, the Civil War increased the circulations of SA\LW and their ammunition in the country. This increased the rate of armed robbery in the country. Travelers were no longer safe on the road, and bank robbery was very common in the Nigerian state. Secondly, the Civil War promoted the militarization of the civil society. This was illustrated by
Between 1970 and 1979, there was relative stability and security in the Nigerian state. Although, the period was characterized by political uncertainty surrounding military coups and counter-coups
insurgency and insurrection were effectively managed by the military. However, there were post-election protests after the 1983 General Elections. This again justified the 31st December 1983 military coup. The nationwide riot due to the implementation of the Structural Adjustment Program (SAP) was que
Niger Delta Insurgency was the dominant theme in security discourse in the first decade of the Fourth Republic. It was the reminiscent of Adaga Boro revolts in mid mid-1960s. However, the Fourth Republic insurgency can be traced to the crisis in Ogonicland in 1994, which led to the hanging of Kenule Beeson Saro-wiwa and eight others in 1995 by the Nigerian state. The major offence of Saro-wiwa and his kinsmen, was the struggle for environmental justice in their homeland. The struggle arose from
Initially, the militant groups were known for kidnapping and threatening oil workers, especially, expatriates. However, the militarization of the region by the Nigerian state escalated the crisis. Subsequently, the militants demanded the withdrawal of oil-producing companies from their region. This was followed by the bombing of crude oil pipelines and other infrastructures in the region. Nigerian state's attack on the Odi Community and the massacre of locals was globally condemned, even though,
This not only threatened the corporate existence of the Nigerian state, but it also led to a massive loss of oil revenue by the government. Besides, the military operations by the belligerents further polluted the environment. These led to the relocation of communities, as the environment was no longer capable of supporting human habitation. In sum, the Niger Delta conflict led to various human security deficits. These include food insecurity which arose from poor crop yield due to pollution
he
Terrorism
Terrorism was a strange word in Nigeria's lexicon before the second decade of the new millennium. Bomb explosion was rare except for the parcel bomb which killed the late Mr. Dele Giwa in 1987. The were a couple of bomb explosions during the days of late Gen Sani Abacha, but no group claimed responsibility for these criminal activities. However, by 2010, Boko Haram and its allies had metamorphosed into a deadly terrorist group in Nigeria. the Independence Day bomb explosion in 2011 and the earli
This did not come as a surprise, since, the founding leader of the sect, the late Mohammed Yusuf was an indigene of the area. He was also a known Islamic teacher with a large followership. His radicalization and subsequent radicalization of his followers were the only surprises. Specifically, Yusuf's decision to challenge the Borno state government was responsible for state suppression of the sect. Many scholars believed that the death of Yusuf in a questionable circumstance in police custody wa
To achieve the set goals, the sect embarked on an attempt to carve out part of the Northeast of the country as a caliphate for itself. It also hoisted its flag on the captured territories instead of the Nigerian flag. Several women and children were abducted, and many more citizens and aliens were forced to pay taxes and levies to the leadership of the sect. Schools were closed and destroyed, and millions of Nigerians were forced to seek refuge in Chad, Cameroun, and Niger Republic. The humanita
Besides, many women were raped and underaged girls were forcefully married by the terrorists. Similarly, underaged boys were forcefully recruited, radicalized, drugged and deployed by Boko Haram as fighters and informants. Indeed, the Islamic sect was an existential threat to every layer of security in the Nigerian state. The kidnappings of the Chibok and Dapchi school girls in 2014 and 2016 were very traumatic and defining moments in terms of security in schools and other public institutions in
Organized Crimes
As the Nigerian state was grappling with the twin evils of insurgency and terrorism, several organized crimes emerged in different parts of the country. These include herdsmen invasion of communities, banditry, oil theft and piracy.
Herdsmen's invasion of farming communities in the north-central part of the country emerged as a threat around 2015. Benue, Taraba, Nasarawa and Plateau states were the epicentre of these attacks. Killer herdsmen ransacked communities, maimed and killed farmers. The Akatu community massacre in Benue state marked the zenith of these cynic attacks, where the whole community was almost wiped out by herdsmen. Such attacks spread to Plateau, Nasarawa, Taraba states and parts of South - East region. T
Some scholars blamed the conflict on the southward migration of the herdsmen due to incessant drought and the shrinking of Lake Chad in the Northeast of the country. These environmental insecurities are traced to climate change, orchestrated by global warming (Okon & Ojakorotu, 2021). However, many believed that Fulani herdsmen attacks were the continuation of Islamic jihad in the North since most of the communities attacked by the herdsmen were dominated by Christians. This perspective generate
Amid the threat of killer herdsmen came banditry as a security challenge in the Nigerian state. Banditry involves violent raids of communities and trade caravans by armed men. The sole objective of a bandit is to rob, kill and destroy the victims who may be in their homes or on a journey (Okon, 2022). This security threat emanated from the illegal gold mines in Zamfara state and spread to other parts of the Northwest. The March 2021 dramatic attacks on the Kaduna International Airport and the Ni
Other organized crimes threatening the Nigerian states include piracy in the nation's territorial waters and across the Gulf of Guinea. Armed men attack ships and other vessels laden with goods and crude oil off the coast of the country. Pirates' attacks on sea vessels are replicas of bandit attacks in terms of objective Such attacks lead to loss of lives and investment. They also reduce the attractiveness of the country to maritime businessmen and investors. The net impact of piracy is the loss
Countering internal threats to security in Nigeria at 60
The Nigerian state is applying carrot and stick approaches to its internal security challenges. Carrot's approaches include dialogue and consultation with the militants. These are done by successive Nigerian governments to assess their demands, and possible means of win-win solutions to such demands. This method facilitated the granting of amnesty to militants in the Niger Delta and terrorists in the Northeast as well as their rehabilitation and resettlement. The stick approach focuses on the de
During the civil war, the Nigerian state negotiated with the Biafran secessionist severally. The most outstanding negotiation led to the Aburi Accord being signed in Ghana. Reneging on the accord by the Nigerian state was the major reason for the elongation of the crisis. However, when negotiation and mediation failed
the superior military assets of the Nigerian state, and their deployment were decisive in forcing the secessionists to surrender (Achebe, 2012). Bandying 'no victor not vanquish'
On the other hand, the Amnesty Program of late President Yar'Adua instituted in 2008 has brought relative peace to the Niger Delta. The resettlement phase of the program is problematic
since the number of militants and their groups continues to increase by the day. Besides, the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) and the Ministry of Niger Delta Affairs have failed to develop hard and soft infrastructures in the region. They have not also contained the environmental pollution associated wi
The main strategy for countering Islamic terrorism in Nigeria is majorly kinetic approach. This is because extremists are not easily amendable to government inducement and negotiation. For instance, President Jonathan's attempt to negotiate with Boko Haram failed woefully, as the terrorists were not willing to negotiate with a secular state. More importantly, it is unthinkable for the Nigerian state to cede part of its territory to an extremist group, as a caliphate (Onuoha, 2014
Aderonke, 2015
Arising from the transnational nature of terrorism and Boko Haram activities around the Lake Chad region, the Nigerian state spearheaded the formation of a Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF) with Chad, Cameroon, Niger and the Benin Republic. The MNJTF is saddled with the responsibility of countering the Boko Haram insurgency in the Lake Chad region. Its operations have contributed immensely to the decimation of terrorist groups in the region (Zamfiri, 2015
Aderonke, 2015).
More so, the Nigerian state also established the North Eastern Development Commission (NEDC). The essence of this commission was to rebuild and rehabilitate the victims of Boko Haram insurgency, and the repentant terrorists, as well as reconstruct those facilities destroyed during the insurgency. The success of this initiative is commendable since there is a reduction in the number of IDPs and their camps in the region. In addition, the effort is ongoing in the reconstruction of social amenities
Conclusion
The chapter focused on the defense and security of the Nigerian state in its sixty years of independence. It defined national security as the total of resources, policies and actions aimed at containing military and diplomatic threats emanating from the internal and external environment of a state
and security as the stability of the polity, as well as the general wellbeing of individuals and groups within the polity. The major security challenges highlighted include the Nigerian Civil War, the
Efforts were also made to outline both kinetic and non-kinetic measures initiated by the Nigerian state to contain these security threats. However, most of the measures adopted by successive Nigerian governments cannot generate permanent solutions to the security challenges. This is because the root causes of the security challenges reside in the contradictions inherent in the socio-economic and political structures of the state, which are left untouched. It is therefore desirable to effect poli
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Chapter 8.The Boko Haram Insurgency and Nigeria's Long Path towards Peace and Security:The Civilian Joint Task Force Experience
Seun Bamidele, PhDDepartment of Sociology, Faculty of Humanities,University of Johannesburg, South Africa
Abstract
This chapter is coming amidst increasing spate of insecurity in Nigeria and the over-internationalization of the collaborative roles of the civilians within the counter-insurgency operations in the north-eastern region of Nigeria. Inhabitants agitations in the north-eastern region, established local counterinsurgency group in Borno State, Boko Haram insurgency in the State, and region have caused serious security challenges in the country in recent times. In response to these challenges, the inh
Introduction
The Nigeria state is under the grip and vortex of its worst security nightmare in living memory. This paper examines the multiplicity of internal security operations in the country against the backdrop of the rampaging activities of non-state armed groups bestriding the entire landscape ranging from urban youth gangs, ethnic militias, armed herdsmen, cattle rustlers, kidnappers and terrorists. The security of locals amid local insurgency is a core responsibility requiring action of the State, es
The need to ensure stability and protect civilian populations in Borno State saw the local security outfit - the Civilian Joint Task Force (CJTF) engage in armed interventions in the early 2012 with strong humanitarian objectives in Borno State, first and subsequently in the north-eastern region. Moreover, according to the Bamidele and Pikirayi, (2023), over 3 million locals were displaced by local insurgency after 2009, while in 2021 UNHCR reported 4.5 million women refugees. Although the Borno
Scholarly debates have evolved querying the threats posed by the local insurgency to State and non-State groups and conventional and unconventional intervention styles (Onapajo and Ozden, 2020,). Security principles are explained in the works of Mitchell and Hancock (2012), Moore (2013), Philipsen, (2022) and Millar (2016), who highlight the need to prevent exposure to atrocities, to understand the context of the insurgency and not to undermine the locals' strategies to secure themselves from in
The dire statistics about the various harms that locals face not only in insurgency but also in armed local security interventions insurgency serve as a reminder of the need to be creative in finding ways to improve local security outcomes. This is particularly true when insurgents' cross borders, which in the north-eastern area of Borno State borders are porous, with insurgency groups, legal and illicit trade and people crossing them daily. This suggests a need to examine local security through
This chapter provides an overview of the CJTF's advantages and disadvantages, as well as the host locations and communities. It is the result of both the more formalized approach of local groups acting in contexts of local insurgency and violence, as well as a desk-based assessment of scholarly literature on local security and unconventional techniques. Furthermore, the chapter provides answers to the following queries: What does the community know about CJTF security operations? What effects do
This chapter begins with the study outlining different definitions and approaches to local security as documented in the literature, emphasizing the ambiguity around the term as well as the discrepancy between rhetoric and reality. The chapter summarizes knowledge regarding strategies for CJTF security interventions in the next section, with a focus on their advantages and disadvantages. The chapter closes with observations about gaps in the literature and points out areas of complementarity, in
Insights from literature into the CJTF's local security initiatives
Mac Ginty (2011
2015), Mac Ginty and Richmond (2013), Mitchell and Hancock (2012) and Millar (2016) define local security as all activities aimed at obtaining respect for the individual following the letter and spirit of the law. However, Macaspac (2017), Millar (2018) and Russo (2022) have different definitions. The topic of local security during the insurgency has received significant attention in different works (for example, Mac Ginty, 2011
Mac Ginty & Richmond, 2013
Millar, 2016) from a
Local security strategies
In the face of the Boko Haram insurgency, which has affected Nigerian households in Borno State, the population has not been idle because it has a locally established group, the CJTF, which follows strategies to secure locals and their loved ones. The strategies are implemented to avoid, contain or manage threats and, in some situations, struggle against and resist actively (Bamidele, 2016). Rubin (2020) views local security in terms of physical, life-sustaining strategies, which could be both c
Obtaining and disseminating information via affinity group networking constitutes another avoidance strategy (Bamidele, 2017). To keep access to their farmland, some people bargain, decide, or pay money for protection, hiring the help of neighborhood armed organizations like the CJTF and hunters' groups. In other cases, the best course of action for security is to remain silent or to give in to pressure for allegiance. Locals may even rely on assistance or eat fewer meals until security is resto
A series of factors, including human capacities and perceptions of the atrocious activities of perpetrators, influence the strategies and tactics that locals choose to ensure security in their areas (Leonardsson & Rudd, 2015) where not only their lives and physical safety are threatened but also their livelihood, basic medical care and social networks. For example, Bamidele and Pikirayi (2023), mention the relocation of locals from their farmland in the interests of security, which directly affe
Positive and negative outcomes of local security
Local security ensures the physical safety, lives and livelihoods of those who are vulnerable to insurgency and is thus life-sustaining. If it were not for security, the ultimate price the locals would pay would be death from starvation, illness and exposure, which would not have occurred under normal circumstances. These deaths far outnumber direct battle deaths and must be included in the calculation of the cost of the Boko Haram local insurgency. Local security, therefore, encompasses not onl
Negative outcomes result from various local security strategies. For example, in seeking to secure their lives, locals may resort to begging for support and assistance. Others with significant properties face the opposite problem since locals may become the target of the CJTF's insurgent peace strategy of destroying their properties (farmland and houses) to deter Boko Haram local insurgency in Borno State and prevent and use them. In situations when locals flee from violent Boko Haram local insu
Other examples include child- and early marriage in their localities to reduce household or family expenditure during times of insurgency. In addition, some locals send family members away as house maids in exchange for local security and an income. These security strategies result from a choice made in favor of short-term gains, despite their high human costs (Bamidele & Pikirayi, 2022).
However, several local security strategies have positive outcomes and prevent abuse and violence in the urban of Borno State, where locals supported by the government have established security from the Boko Haram local insurgency through engaging the services of the CJTF. Moreover, locals in these areas are insurgency-free areas that are unaffiliated with local insurgency groups. Research conducted by Bamidele (2020) in Borno State, the Borno State Government revealed the positive effects of the
Some local security strategies, however, do not indicate positive or negative outcomes, and those who face the threat of an insurgency attack must weigh up the risks of a particular action. For instance, in Bama, Bamidele, (2017, 2018, and 2020) found that developed strategies to cope with the risk of being tortured and killed when going to market: Households have reported making a conscious choice that local women would take produce to market instead of men, even though locals in their localiti
In the study carried out by Bamidele (2021) in Konduga on the displacement of people, which is typically seen in the context of threats to locals in the areas, the study identified positive outcomes because the refugees had connections in the now locale and they could earn a livelihood. Moreover, the study revealed that, as mentioned before, locals engaged hunters called "Banga" for local securing, which indicates tailored local security strategies (Bamidele, 2021). In other instances, local sec
However, the use of other local security groups had mixed results since they reflected the tribal and ethnic groups of the particular section of the localities which they inhabited. Though some perceived the CJTF members as spies and collaborators rather than as security, many Borno State residents viewed the group as the eyes and ears of their community. Locals may therefore view persons who are not from their communities with mistrust and view them as incompetent local security managers. Simil
Locals as active security or predatory agents
Locals can function as proactive security guards as well as predatory agents
occasionally, they can change from being defenders to harm-doers. As a result, throughout the Boko Haram insurgency, the people perform a variety of overlapping roles as witnesses, survivors, protectors, and enablers of violence. Strangers are frequently welcomed by residents, dispelling the myth that they are entirely settled. As a result, in the majority of local insurgency contexts, examples of local security interv
In a progression of contextual analyzes, Bamidele (2020) considered the interventional job of local people through the CJTF in Borno State, with the point of better comprehension their commitments to neighborhood security in the State and the conditions under which these local people sabotage the State. Due to the CJTF's neighborhood associations, language abilities and relevant information, they frequently appreciate more prominent authenticity and a superior comprehension of nearby insurrectio
The CJTF started as a self-defense group in Borno State, formed in their localities as a result of Boko Haram local insurgency under the control of Abubakar Shekau and the government's military operations involving abuses, that were justified as measures to fight insurgency (Bamidele, 2017, 2020). As the locals belong to more than one ethnic group in various localities of the Boko Haram insurgency, the CJTF comprises multiple ethnicities and religious groups. In some cases, the locals serve as s
Osumah (2013) and Osazuwa, (2021) illustrates the effects of insurgency dynamics on the evolution of the CJTF self-defense group whereby they protect and secure locals but treat those who became supporters of Boko Haram as collaborators. Similarly, locals in Mali and South Sudan changed from being victims of forced displacement due to the insurgent groups that preyed upon them to supporters of these groups that threatened them. Thus, locals in the form of the CJTF are simultaneously a protective
In another study, the chapter identified a similar dualism with local defense groups that aimed to decrease violent local insurgency on the part of the government authorities by using locals to identify insurgents and to control locals who target locals and government authorities. In the study, the chapter describes this complex interaction between groups like the CJTF and the locals (Bamidele, 2021) who exploit the uncertainty in their localities and engage in opportunistic behavior (Bamidele,
Many of these locals are deeply divided, although they still manage to prevent and mediate local insurgency, which has the potential to escalate, and contribute to the security of their localities through countering rumors and disseminating information. Importantly, however, outsiders must not idealize the locals since it is often local ties that incite or perpetuate violent local insurgency. Moreover, the reliance on the CJTF group is a double-edged sword (Bamidele, 2021). It encourages local i
The context of local threat
Effective local security at any level requires a nuanced and thorough understanding of the context of the local threat, which determines the risk, vulnerability and opportunities for or challenges to intervention. The context of the threat to locals is usually their households and families, which humanitarian agencies and the State (military) need to understand especially in terms of traditional, sociocultural values, roles and beliefs. These are basic both to characterizing nearby dangers and t
Regardless of whether they need sane avocation they can have impacts that are similarly all around as genuine as the feeling of dread toward nearby revolt in the territories. Local people should be gotten from things that they don't be guaranteed to perceive as nearby dangers, however ought to, similar to the dangers of succumbing to self-destruction aircraft.
Simultaneously, it is basic not to exoticize dangers to local people and their survival methods, since a considerable lot of these cut across social and public limits. Hurt from bombings, torment and attack as massacre all comprise dangers to local people not extraordinary to a period, regardless of whether their particular indications contrast across existence. Additionally, those impacted by rebellion frequently interface their psychosocial wellbeing to security. Local people talked about thei
.at the point when you are compelled to reside in an unpleasant climate when you need more fundamental conveniences for your families and you live in consistent anxiety toward the following siege, and looking great becomes urgent to your regard and your capacity to adapt and make due (Bamidele and Pikirayi, 2023).
Such psychosocial survival methods, similar to restoring a feeling of predictability is many times key to the capacity of local people to make due and adapt to vulnerability and danger in their territories (Bamidele and Pikirayi, 2023). Instances of nearby security feature the significance of otherworldliness in how they might interpret neighborhood security. This holds both as far as how confidence and petitioning God capability to help neighborhood endurance and from an illustrative perspectiv
In concentrating on the legislative issues of neighborhood revolt, particularly Boko Haram nearby rebellion, Bamidele (2017, 2020) records the causal connection among religion and uprising among local people in Borno State (Bamidele, 2018). A strict comprehension of causality and obligation gives a space to envision a future in Borno State, including the circumstances that would make it conceivable to be gotten. These models diverge from mainstream humanist framings of neighborhood security that
Oddly, in any case, an emphasis on local people through the CJTF may likewise darken a more extensive view. In his neighborhood security research in north-eastern district, Bamidele (2017, 2018 and 2020) noticed, in the nearby revolt emergencies surveyed, contextualized neighborhood security situational examination was greatly atomised with a couple of safety establishments having an outline of the developing neighborhood security issues well defined for specific nearby uprising emergencies. In
Extended security networks
Studies on the CJTF and local security identify a myriad of security groups, including extended security networks, security agencies and local security groups. Households and security networks play critical supportive roles for locals during an insurgency in terms of resources and psychosocial assistance and support to the victims and non-victims (Bamidele & Pikirayi, 2021). Remittances and family members also help to determine whether those affected by violent local insurgency remain and the ci
Local leaders in Borno State earn legitimacy through their ability to negotiate and defend the interests of their households or families. Locals enhance their status through initiatives to provide security for their households and families (Bamidele & Pikirayi, 2021), while the CJTF provides control and co-opts crucial social security and other services, such as basic social amenities (education, healthcare and shelters). In some localities in Borno State, the CJTF supported peace development pa
In the Bama local government area, the CJTF created a sense of tranquillity and provided security for households' lives, livelihoods, culture and identity. Thus, the CJTF was responsible for displaced status determination, psychosocial/moral support and advocacy work. Bamidele (2017) discovered that locals through the CJTF repeatedly emphasize these psychological sources of local security as akin to physical security in terms of importance. As with the other examples of local security, locals di
In many situations in Borno State, the CJTF provided shelter to locals when they became the targets of violent insurgency at the hands of Boko Haram, while in other circumstances, the CJTF lacked the resources to provide adequate support and assistance and the locals have to fend for themselves. For example, during the attacks in 2020, when Maiduguri was a site of horrific suicide bombings but also of local security, many locals risked losing their lives in support of their households (). Nevert
In other studies, chapter focused on the dualistic responsibility of locals and the CJTF in the fragile State of Borno during the Boko Haram crisis in Nigeria. For example, locals built a security network that partnered or collaborated with the military, which, however, put local security at risk by threatening the credibility of the CJTF as representatives and the major symbolic resource of the locals and, ultimately, their control or recognition in their localities (Onuoha et al., 2021). The s
Different understandings of CJTF-based security
Every one of the works about local security underline the centrality of the CJTF in distinguishing nearby security procedures and in making them powerful. Besides, rules on privately based security techniques accentuate commitment with and the support of local people (Bamidele, 2020), which empowers the definition of practical and proper security methodologies that mirror the lived real factors of local people, dodges incidental damage and adds to local people's feeling of organization (Bamidele
At the very least, neighborhood commitment empowers local people to consider their chiefs responsible, which can at last further develop security results. For instance, an examination of CJTF security in Borno State featured an absence of information about its legitimate freedoms, which thwarted its capacity to consider obligation conveyors responsible for infringement and mischief. Accordingly, the CJTF laid out designs to address this, which drew in government experts in certain and non-angry
Likewise, reflecting on its status as representative of victims in Borno State, the study observed that the CJTF has the most to gain from peace and the most to lose from the continued violent local insurgency. In these ways, participation and engagement allow the group to hold the government accountable for its actions, thereby contributing to a positive local security outcome. The Bamidele's works on CJTF engagement also point to the responsibility of security agencies in ensuring local cohesi
Bamidele, (2017, 2018, and 2020) on local security emphasizes the importance of strong leaders in determining the CJTF's ability to negotiate effectively with the state security agency of the military.
Bamidele, (2017, 2018, and 2020) on Borno State concluded that locals affected by the Boko Haram insurgency were better at negotiating and confronting local threats when they had strong relations with the military during operations and the local resources they needed to respond. In addition, the behavior of locals can encourage suicide bombings or discourage violence. For example, in many localities in Borno State, locals expressed opposition to the increasing polarization that preceded the geno
The locals' obedience to authority in the context of local insurgency facilitated resistance to participation in the violence. In other words, when the Boko Haram local insurgency started, very few locals joined in, and locals attributed this to the clarion call of Islamism or jihadism having alerted locals to the temptation of acceptance of strange religions and inoculated them against participating. Thus, as the chapter illustrated owing to the oversight of the State authorities, the locals tr
Specifically, the part highlighted the impediment impacts of neighborhood disciplinary strategies and disgracing by local people as critical in restricting maltreatments. Additionally, various investigations recognized territory attachment as integral to nearby security. The investigation of local people's protection from uprising underlines the obligation of attachment as a deciding element in the choices of local people to oppose the savage revolt. Utilizing contextual analyzes from Borno Stat
Conclusion
The topic of this chapter was locals during the insurgency, and it highlighted the diversity of groups involved in local security during the insurgency and the range of their strategies. However, the observations made suggest a need for further study. However, until now, there has been much work on local security and the activities of locals. The studies on local security focus more on security activities and less on the outcomes of these local activities. Moreover, they catalogue the many strat
The chapter referred to the locally established and representative CJTF to counteract the Boko Haram insurgency in Borno State. Often, locally based security is marginalized in favor of established conventional security operations despite the mismatch between the rhetoric of the State military and the reality of local security. However, development through the establishment of the CJTF represented a shift, as security outcomes were defined as a reduction of risk and the assertion of the rights o
The chapter related particularly to the efforts of the locals' collaboration with the military, evaluated in terms of their capability and ability to secure the locals. Collective security-based initiatives focus on security outcomes, thereby meeting the challenges through an approach that starts with the locals' responsibility for securing the area, which is achieved in partnership with the military operation. Studies have shown how the State has supported these collective security initiatives,
The part, in any case, keeps up with that it is vital to try not to portray nearby security as usual or intrinsically great or better since all guard methodologies a few local people in danger. Similarly, privileging some nearby safeguard activities and exercises over other neighborhood ones propagates sayings that are both misdirecting and possibly testing. Accordingly, investigations of neighborhood security should move past homogenous categorizations and towards additional deconstruction and
The section infers that security exercises actually will generally observe a guideline design, subsequently inadequate with regards to an essential concentration and the sort of all-encompassing investigation that could feature the variety of mediations by various security gatherings, including those framed by impacted local people. Furthermore, the part featured the absence of information about by what means neighborhood bunches draw in or don't draw in with the capricious security design. Give
These are important but neither necessarily indicate specific strategies for local security. Furthermore, scholarly works address security within a defined State or local context, as opposed to a local context with local dimensions, whereas in Borno State, for example, security groups often have to prevent threats within several localities where locals connect with the CJTF for security and change. The part examined proclivity gatherings and support ties as far as nearby security, which was sign
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Chapter 9.Nigeria's Republic at Sixty: A Critical Examination of Youth Bulge andPolitical Participation in Nigeria
Omosefe Oyekanmi, PhD1 and Victor Obaba2afefekudu@yahoo.comPan African Women Studies Unit, Institute of Pan AfricanThought and Conversation, University of Johannesburg & Nigerian Institute of Social and Economic Research (NISER)
Abstract
This chapter examines the youth demography in Nigeria and its implication for political participation. The youth bulge, which represents the demographic predominance of young people, presents both opportunities and difficulties for the political system of the country. Nigeria, which has a sizable youth bulge, faces a complexity between its growing youth population and political engagement. Despite youths accounting for 70% of the 217 million population, there remains a significant underrepresent
Keywords: Decision-making, electoral violence, political participation, representative governance, youth bulge
Background and Context of Nigeria's Youth Demography
Nigeria, the most populous country in Africa, is a country of great diversity and potential. With a population of more than 217 million people, it is a promising model for the African continent. However, one particular demographic feature sets Nigeria apart, one that brings both opportunities and challenges to its political landscape - the youth bulge. This demographic phenomenon, marked by the predominance of youth in the age pyramid, constitutes a central element of Nigeria's political and soc
This demographic has the potential for both positivity and negativity. A growing youth population gives Nigeria invaluable human capital, creativity and endless energy, which when harnessed effectively, can serve as a driving force for national development. The ideas, innovation and dynamism that youth brings, have the potential to shape a better future for Nigeria. On the other hand, ignoring or marginalizing this youth population could sow seeds of discontent, instability and untapped potentia
Notably, in the 2023 general elections, youths accounted for 39.65% of registered voters (Suleiman, 2022), marking them as pivotal stakeholders in shaping elections and representative governance in Nigeria. Nonetheless, many young people find themselves drawn into the less savory aspects of politics, thereby functioning as political thugs and enablers of electoral violence all in the bid to attract/wield a sphere of influence in politics. The failure to actively engage youths in the political pr
This article seeks to examine the intricate interaction between Nigeria's youthful population and the political sphere, by critically examining the implications of the youth bulge on political participation. It aims to contribute to the ongoing discourse on youth participation in Nigerian politics, offering recommendations and insights that can facilitate a more inclusive and representative political system for the benefit of Nigeria's youth and the nation as a whole.
Historical Perspective of Youth Involvement in Nigerian Politics
Youth involvement in Nigerian politics has been shaped by series of historical events and policies. In fact, the clamor for independence from British colonial rule was marked by the active participation of young Nigerians. Organizations like the National Youth Movement (NYM) and the Nigerian Youth Congress (NYC) played a significant role in mobilizing youth, raising political consciousness, and advocating for self-governance. These youth-led movements challenged the colonial establishment and co
The post-independence era witnessed fluctuating levels of youth involvement in Nigerian politics. The early years were characterized by a degree of optimism and engagement among youth, who sought to contribute to nation-building and social transformation. However, these aspirations were gradually eroded by various factors, including the rise of military dictatorships, economic instability, and political corruption. During these turbulent times, the youth often found themselves at the forefront o
The protests was led by the National Union of Nigerian Students (NUNS) and was characterized by lecture boycotts and public demonstrations. This protest was one of the most violent student agitations in Nigeria, sparking political crisis of the 1975-1979 Mohammed/Obasanjo military administration. In addition, the annulment of the June 12 1993 Presidential elections saw the youth population playing a decisive role in protests and agitation which pressured the then Head of State, Gen. Ibrahim Baba
With the return to democratic governance in 1999, Nigerian youth anticipated a more active role in shaping the country's future. However, the transition brought its own set of challenges, including issues of representation, corruption, and limited youth inclusion in decision-making processes.
Youth Bulge Demography in Nigeria
The term youth bulge refers to a demographic phenomenon characterized by a significant predominance of young people within a population's age structure. According to the United Nations (2022) world population prospects, Nigeria's population was estimated at around 219 million individuals with youths constituting about 151.9 million. Demographic projections show that the Nigerian population might experience a constant increase in the next decades with the population growing to over 377 million wi
This demographic feature, which signifies a substantial percentage of its population, is concentrated between the ages of 15 and 34. The higher forecasted population growth is also due to increased birth rate in Nigeria (Alaba, Olubusoye, and Olaomi, 2017) and a sharp reduction in life expectancy rate due to the predominance of insecurity, inadequate health facilities and harsh economic conditions (Lawanson and Umar, 2021). According to Statista (2023) nearly 12 per cent of the world population
The youth population forms a critical mass of the country's demographic landscape and carries both potential and challenges for attaining development. One of the primary opportunities it presents is the abundance of human capital. With over 70% of Nigeria's population falling within the youth category (National Population Commission of Nigeria, 2021), the country possesses a vast pool of energetic and potentially innovative individuals eager to deploy their talents for national development and n
In the 2023 general elections, over 200,000 Corps members were deployed as ad-hoc staffs of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) playing major roles in the actual process of casting votes. The problem however is that youth involvement is often limited to subordinate roles in major sectors and industries of government, especially since a youthful population has the potential to drive technological advancements, adapt to evolving industries, and position the country competitively o
Conversely, neglecting or marginalizing the youth bulge can lead to a multitude of challenges stemming from high rate of unemployment. A frustrated and idle youth may become a source of social unrest and instability (Adejumobi, 2017) ready to indulge in various ventures available at their disposal. The consequences of unemployment can extend beyond economic factors, impacting the social fabric of the nation. The 'End SARS' movement serves as a poignant illustration on the negative effects of neg
This incident underscores the importance of addressing the grievances and aspirations of the youth bulge to prevent the escalation of social discontent into larger movements. The exclusion of young people from meaningful participation in political and economic spheres can result in a disenchanted population loosing confidence in formal political processes and institutions. This can potentially push the youths towards alternative, and sometimes disruptive, forms of political participation.
Comparative Analysis of Global Youth Participation
Several countries have made notable reforms at engaging their youth population in political processes, and in fostering a culture of active citizenship. For instance, countries like Canada, Sweden, and New Zealand have implemented policies that encourage youth involvement, ranging from lowering the voting age to providing platforms for youth representation in decision-making bodies (Eichhorn & Bergh, 2021). In Austria and Scotland, the voting age has been lowered to 16 (Eichhorn & Bergh, 2021),
Nigeria could draw inspiration from these countries in adopting strategies such as lowering the voting age, introducing youth quotas, and establishing youth parliaments. Promoting political education and awareness, enhancing youth access to information technologies, and supporting youth organizations and networks are further steps towards greater youth engagement. Nigeria can consider these unique challenges and opportunities. Tailoring strategies to the local context and learning from both succ
Political Participation in Nigeria
Political participation is one of the major indicators for gauging the effectiveness of a country's democracy. It refers to the degree of citizens' involvement in the political process of the country. Falade (2014) conducted a study to gauge political participation among his respondents. The study found that 57% of the participants were not actively involved in political activities, it also revealed that the majority (53%) of the respondents had no confidence in their political leaders. Whilst a
The turnout in elections can be seen as a reflection of citizens' faith in the democratic process. The 2019 general elections witnessed a turnout of 43.4%, while the 2023 presidential election saw a turnout of 34.1%. While these figures indicate a relatively low level of electoral participation compared to some other countries, they also highlight the potential for increased civic engagement.
Hence, high turnout of voters generally indicates a more engaged and participatory citizenry, reinforcing the democratic credentials of the ruling authorities. On the contrary, low levels of political participation may signal civic apathy or a growing disillusionment with the political system, posing a potential risk to democratic erosion. While the legal structures define the parameters of governance, true legitimacy is derived not just from the law but from public opinion. The ballot box becom
Political participation, however, extends beyond the act of voting. Civic activism, community involvement, and participation in advocacy efforts are equally vital components of a robust democratic culture Civic activism, such as participation in protests, demonstrations, and campaigns, allows citizens to actively express their political views and influence public policy. Community involvement, including engagement in local governance, neighborhood meetings, and volunteer work, fosters a sense of
Despite its significance, political participation in Nigeria faces several challenges. Apathy and disengagement among a significant portion of the population hinder active participation. Structural barriers, such as limited access to political opportunities, financial constraints, and lack of representation in decision-making structures, disproportionately affect marginalized groups, particularly youth and women. Neopatrimonialism and godfatherism, deeply entrenched in Nigerian politics, undermi
Role of the Media in Shaping Youth Perceptions
The media plays an undeniable role in shaping the perceptions and understandings of individuals, particularly young people - it is one of the primary agents of political socialization. Media are not simply passive influences on children, but rather active participants in their socialization (Livingstone, 2009). From a very young age, children are bombarded with media messages, whether through television, radio, the internet, or social media. This constant exposure to media content can have a pro
With the advent of the internet and social media, the dynamics of information consumption have undergone a revolutionary transformation. Social media platforms, such as X (Twitter), Facebook, and Instagram, have emerged as influential spaces where political narratives are created, shared, and debated. The youth, being early adopters of digital technologies, are particularly active on these platforms, making them powerful channels for political communication. Hashtags, trending topics, and user-g
Movements like the '#EndSARS' protests gained momentum through social media, transcending geographical boundaries and fostering a sense of collective action among the youth. This was a potential the Buhari led administration didn't foresee. This perhaps led to a paranoia where the government sought ways to control the X (twitter) platform and even place a ban on its usage within the Nigerian airspace.
While digital media presents opportunities for political engagement, it also brings the possibility of challenges such as the spread of misinformation, fake news which could lead to digital manipulation to mislead youth perceptions. The echo-chamber effect, where individuals are exposed to information that aligns with their existing beliefs, may contribute to polarization rather than fostering informed political discourse.
Youth Participation in Nigerian Politics
One of the primary challenges in youth participation is the substantial underrepresentation of young people in Nigeria's political landscape. Despite their considerable presence in the electorate, young individuals often find themselves marginalized in decision-making processes, both within political parties and formal institutions. This underrepresentation limits their influence on policy decisions and compromises the inclusivity of the political system. When the perspectives and concerns of yo
This shift, highlighted by Dougherty et al. (2016), underscores the need for political leaders to adapt and recognize the potency of organic, youth-led efforts for social change and good governance. As Zohdy (2017) suggests, acknowledging and engaging with the changing dynamics of youth participation is crucial for bridging the trust deficit and fostering a more inclusive political environment. In the 2023 general elections, where young individuals constituted 39.65% of registered voters, their
Instances of youth functioning as political thugs and enablers of electoral violence highlight the challenges associated with their engagement in the political process (Obi & Maiangwa, 2019). Addressing this issue is paramount in fostering a democratic environment which upholds the principles of fairness and transparency. To this end, youth face structural barriers within the political systems and parties that restrict their entry and influence. Established political structures often favor older
No doubt, Harold Lasswell's definition of politics as who gets what, when, where, how, and why is taken forward in Nigeria to mean an attempt to grab power by all means. High levels of youth unemployment further exacerbate this issue. The lack of economic opportunities leaves many young people disillusioned and disengaged from the political process, driving them towards alternative activities or discouraging them from actively participating in politics. Similarly, financial barriers existing in
Furthermore, the prevalence of godfatherism in Nigerian politics significantly affects youth participation. Alapiki, et al. (2014) explore the impact of neopatrimonialism (the phenomenon of "godfather" politics) on the democratization process in Nigeria. They argue that Nigeria continues to face challenges in achieving genuine democratization due to the influence of "godfathers" in Nigerian politics. The concept of godfatherism, which has become a common term in African politics, is a process in
Godfatherism creates a system where political positions are not determined by merit or qualifications but rather by personal connections and patronage networks. This effectively excludes young people, who often lack the established relationships and financial resources to gain the favor of godfathers. As a result, youth are disproportionately underrepresented in political leadership positions, hindering their ability to shape policies and decisions that affect their lives. This also undermines p
In addition to these, a lack of political education and awareness among the youth serves as a hindrance to active participation. Many young individuals may not fully understand the political processes, structures, and their role in influencing policy decisions. Inadequate political education contributes to a lack of confidence, preventing youth from effectively navigating the complexities of the political landscape. It is therefore necessary to seek out pragmatic measures to address these gaps.
Case Studies of Successful Youth-Led Initiatives in Nigeria
Nigeria's vibrant youth population harbors immense potential for driving positive change and innovation. Despite the challenges they face, young Nigerians have demonstrated remarkable resilience and a strong entrepreneurial spirit, leading successful initiatives that address various societal issues. They have been able to utilize the social media for effective mobilization. BudgIT, a civic organization, has been able to gain a widespread following, amongst scholars and youths. It recently initia
The initiative actively involves citizens in the monitoring process, fostering a sense of ownership and responsibility for public projects. The #NotTooYoungToRun campaign, which eventually culminated in the passage of an Act by the same name in 2018, advocated for the reduction of the age limit for running for public office. Led by a coalition of youth organizations, the movement successfully lobbied for constitutional amendments lowering the age qualifications for various political offices.
Recommendations
Addressing the challenges associated with the youth bulge is a necessary reform. It is important to ensure participation and maximize their potential contribution to Nigeria's development. To address the challenges and maximize youth engagement, key recommendations include:
1. Implement inclusive policies: Develop and implement policies that specifically target youth participation in political processes, such as lowering the minimum age for political office, providing youth quotas (as has been done in African countries like Uganda) in political parties and government institutions, and ensuring transparency and fairness in political party primaries.
2. Foster educational initiatives: Promote political education and civic engagement among youth, providing them with the knowledge and skills to navigate the political landscape effectively. This could include workshops, seminars, and online platforms that educate youth about political processes, leadership roles, and their role in shaping public policy.
3. Create an enabling environment: Address the structural barriers that hinder youth participation, such as high unemployment rates, limited access to financial resources, and inadequate support for youth-led initiatives. This could include job creation programs, microfinance schemes, and funding opportunities for youth-led organizations.
4. Strengthen youth organizations and networks: Support and empower existing youth organizations and networks to amplify their voices and advocacy efforts. This could involve providing financial resources, training, and mentorship opportunities to youth leaders.
5. Harness the power of technology: Utilize digital platforms and social media to engage young people in political discourse and mobilize them to participate in elections. This could involve creating online platforms for political education, organizing online campaigns, and using social media to disseminate information and mobilize voters.
6. Address the root causes of youth disengagement: Understand and address the root causes of youth disengagement, such as disillusionment with the political system, lack of trust in political leaders, and experiences of injustice and marginalization. This may involve engaging young people in discussions about their concerns and developing targeted initiatives to address these issues.
7. Embrace youth-led initiatives: Recognize and support youth-led initiatives that address social and political challenges. This could involve providing funding, mentorship, and access to resources to support these initiatives.
Conclusion
Nigeria faces a critical juncture at sixty, with its substantial youth bulge offering both promise and challenge. However, the underrepresentation and marginalization of young people in the political sphere hinder their ability to contribute meaningfully to national progress. The youth bulge embodies untapped human capital and creativity crucial for national advancement. However, persistent issues, such as underrepresentation, structural barriers, unemployment, limited resources, and political e
To address these challenges and maximize youth engagement, key recommendations include implementing inclusive policies, fostering educational initiatives, and creating an enabling environment. These measures seek to level the political playing field and empower youth to actively shape the nation's future. Zohdy (2017) argues that political violence involving youth is often a result of feelings of political exclusion rather than a lack of education or employment. Programs aimed at preventing yout
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Chapter 10.Nigeria's Republic at Sixty:Challenges of the Education Sector
Kazeem Ajasa Badaru, PhDbadruajasa97@gmail.comUniversity of South Africa, Pretoria, South Africa
Abstract
The socioeconomic development of any country is fundamentally influenced by education. Developing nations have consistently worked to raise the standard of education on a global scale. Nigeria has also made a significant change in providing its population with high-quality education by demonstrating a commitment to the education sector over the years, hoping that eradicating ignorance and illiteracy will pave the way for faster national growth. However, several challenges have slowed the develop
Keywords: Education, development, challenges, education sector, curriculum reform
Introduction
Education is a human right, and the greatest gift a nation can give its people (Adeyemi et al., 2012). The significance of education for both personal and national development cannot be overstated (Eze et al., 2020). Nigeria has the biggest educational system in Africa (Ogunode & Josiah, 2021). Nigeria has a population of over 226.2 million people (Dokua Sasu, 2023) and is multiethnic, with at least 350 unique ethnic groups and various indigenous languages (Adeyemi et al., 2012). According to Om
On the other hand, Islamic education was mostly practiced in Northern Nigeria. This educational framework was derived from the Quran. European Christian missionaries first brought Western education to Nigeria. Formal education was introduced to Nigeria with the arrival of colonization. Christian missionaries set up schools and taught Nigerians how to read, write, and speak the English language. The advantages of formal Western education quickly became apparent in Nigerian society (Omojimite, 201
Since the Ashby Commission of 1959, there have been several improvements to education in Nigeria (Uma et al., 2013). To ensure that its graduates are employable or able to work for themselves, the Nigerian educational system's main objective is to provide the country with a functional education (Ogundele, 2012). With its 6-3-3-4 educational structure, Nigeria's system is comparable to the US educational system from 1959 (Uma et al., 2013). The primary, secondary, and tertiary are the three educa
Nursery education comes before primary school. Primary education sometimes called basic education, consists of three years of junior secondary education and six years of primary education. Secondary education includes the three years of Senior Secondary Education. Post-secondary institutions include polytechnics, universities that provide degree-seeking programs, and colleges of education, which are included in the category of tertiary education. Senior Secondary School (SSS) students must recei
According to Ogundele (2012), Nigeria found that its colonial education system, which gave preference to white-collar jobs, did not fulfill the expectations of its people when it gained independence. Consequently, the Nigerian colonial education system was eliminated in 1977, and the present 6-3-3-4 educational system was established (Ogundele, 2012). Nigeria experienced a profound realization of the critical role of education in its growth after gaining independence from British colonial rule i
Research Questions
The following questions have guided this chapter:
1. What are the challenges facing the Nigeria's education sector?
2. How can these challenges be resolved?
Research Methodology
The research methodology section consists of the research design, search procedure, criteria for inclusion and exclusion, and data analysis method.
Research Design
The chapter is a narrative literature review design that benefited from the secondary data sources published in peer-reviewed journals (Hettithanthri & Hansen, 2022). Since a narrative literature review enables a thorough analysis and compilation of the available resources to fulfill our research goal, it was selected as the research approach (Record-Lemon & Buchanan, 2017). A narrative literature review is an approach for drafting a literature review that summarizes and highlights recurrent the
Research Procedure
This chapter adhered to the guidelines provided by Templier and Paré (2015) for conducting a literature review. The steps involved are: Research questions are formulated, relevant literature is searched for, peer-reviewed publications are screened for inclusion and exclusion based on predetermined criteria, relevant materials are retrieved and structured to address the research questions, and data is analyzed and interpreted for the final report.
Search Strategy
The researcher searched for relevant peer-reviewed publications using reputable databases, including Google Scholar, Scopus, ScienceDirect, and Web of Science (WoS). The Boolean Operator "AND/OR" was applied as a search strategy (Jahan et al., 2016). The keywords used for the search included "Education sector" AND Nigeria
"Nigeria education sector" AND "Challenges
" "Educational system in Nigeria" OR "Education sector in Nigeria
" "Challenges of Nigeria's education sector" OR "Challenges of the
Data Analysis
The findings from the pertinent literature were examined and clarified using the thematic analysis method (Watson, 2020). According to the inclusion and exclusion criteria, the researcher carefully reviewed and evaluated the papers screened and chosen for the article's final draft. The Excel spreadsheet was used to record the key elements of the information required from the reviewed publications (Laux, 2018). The study's research questions guided the thematic analysis and interpretation of the
Ethical Consideration
The narrative analysis presented in this article was obtained from the published secondary data in peer-reviewed journals. Thus, ethical clearance and human involvement are not necessary.
Weaknesses of the Narrative Literature Review
Rumrill and Fitzgerald (2001) have demonstrated the limits of the narrative literature review process, including its incapacity to repeat findings. To convey a point, researchers could disregard some research or concentrate on a select few (Paré & Kitsiou, 2017). Ferrari (2015), however, claims that integrating studies from existing literature is appropriate for the narrative literature review process.
Findings and Discussion
The results and discussion of the literature review that addresses the study's research questions are presented in this section. The discussion centers on the challenges facing Nigeria's education sector and suggestions for fixing them. Nigeria's education sector has several critical challenges, including inadequate infrastructure, limited finance, low teacher quality and motivation, obsolete curriculum, gender inequities, rural-urban discrepancies, and security concerns (Birabil & Ogeh, 2020
O
Inadequate Infrastructure
In every country, infrastructure is crucial to delivering high-quality education (Ogunode & Josiah, 2021). School buildings, classrooms, student accommodations, libraries, labs, furniture, recreational equipment, apparatus, and other teaching supplies are examples of infrastructure. When learning environments like classrooms, libraries, technical workshops, and laboratories are structurally defective, inoperable, or insufficient, high student academic success might not be ensured (Ogunode & Josi
Matthew (2013) avers that education provision depends critically on the availability of infrastructures and facilities in the appropriate quantity and quality. Without proper infrastructure, schools will not be conducive to learning (Matthew, 2013). Many Nigerian schools need more resources for instruction and learning. This can include workshops, dorms, recreational centers, and crumbling school buildings
it can also include a need for more teaching and learning resources (Birabil & Ogeh, 2020
The challenge of inadequate infrastructure is a problem that affects all levels of schooling in the education sector. Research indicates that many primary schools in Nigeria do not have adequate infrastructure (Ogunode & Josiah, 2021). Matthew (2013) also contends that most secondary schools in Nigeria lack proper facilities and infrastructure. Another study claims that a shortage of fundamental materials makes most secondary schools in Nigeria an unfavorable place to teach and learn, which make
Insufficient Funding
Nigeria's education system has been egregiously underfunded since the federal military government introduced the Structural Adjustment Program (SAP) in 1986. This drop in funding has coincided with a persistent depreciation of local currency (Mbayauav, 2012). Funding plays a major role in the management of education. Resources have always been a critical factor in determining the success of the education sector (Ogunode & Josiah, 2021). The education sector in Nigeria is faced with the challenge
The National Policy on Education in Nigeria recognizes education as an expensive social service that requires financial provision from all government tiers to implement educational programs successfully (Faboyede et al., 2017). The Nigerian educational funding policy aims to make education free when practicable at all levels with joint financing responsibility of the federal, state, and local governments and the private sector, which is comprised of local communities, individuals, and organizati
Nigeria has not yet given education a full 26% of its national budget despite the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) benchmark recommendation (Birabil & Ogeh, 2020
Faboyede et al., 2017). Given that the Nigerian constitution places education on the concurrent list, various funding sources, including state and federal budget allocations as well as the Tertiary Education Trust Fund (TETFund), among others, must be considered to determine the percentage of t
Table 1: Federal Government of Nigeria'sBudgetary Allocations to Education (2015-2022)
Source: Adapted from Eromosele (2022)
The budgetary allotment to education was at its lowest (5.39%) in 2022 and at its highest (10.79%) in 2015, according to the statistics in Table 1. This clarifies the rationale for the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) continuous strikes, which have caused various forms of academic crippling. N1.79 trillion, or 8.8% of the national budget, was allocated to education in 2023 (Suleiman, 2022).
Low Teacher Quality and Motivation
The lever of the educational system is balanced on the shoulders of teachers. According to the 2013 National Policy on Education, no educational system can be superior to the quality of its teachers. Despite their important position in the educational system, inadequate and subpar teaching is a common problem in Nigerian schools (Matthew, 2013). Teachers in Nigeria are likewise not highly motivated to work as productively as possible (Birabil & Ogeh, 2020). Despite receiving inadequate compensat
According to Kazeem and Ige (2010), the hiring procedure for teachers has a role in the problem of low teacher quality in the educational system. The authors contend that the hiring procedure does more harm than benefit to the Nigerian educational system (Kazeem & Ige, 2010). In most situations, hiring academic staff for public higher education institutions has moved away from being solely based on merit. Political authorities may instruct department heads to "admit or appoint bearer" (Kazeem &
Security Challenges
Insecurity is another challenge facing the Nigerian education sector. Insurgent organizations like Boko Haram, which has attacked educational institutions, have presented security issues to Nigeria (Badaru & Adu, 2019). Attacks on schools have been particularly common in the nation's northeastern region, resulting in infrastructure damage and the eviction of teachers and students. In Nigeria, kidnappings for ransom are becoming a common problem that affects both employees and students (Badaru &
Crime syndicates have targeted educational institutions, kidnapped students, and extorted ransom to free them. The environment of dread and insecurity produced by these tragedies has affected schools' capacity to operate efficiently. When educational institutions experience insecurity, their human resources are not at peace and are afraid to perform their jobs (Ogunode & Josiah, 2021). Nigeria's security challenges, particularly in the northeast, have plagued many primary and secondary schools a
Conclusion and Recommendations
The chapter highlights the significant and interrelated challenges that the Nigerian education sector faces, which, when taken as a whole, make it more difficult to create a strong and productive learning environment. One of these challenges to high-quality education is inadequate infrastructure, characterized by a dearth of classrooms, dilapidated buildings, and inadequate resources. The sector's inability to invest in necessary improvements, educational resources, and teacher development progr
The stakeholders in the Nigerian education sector need to raise public awareness of the value of education and the necessity for more funding to the education sector. They also need to organize lobbying efforts to raise public awareness of the importance of education for the country's growth and secure higher education funding. There is a need to boost higher educational establishments' internal revenue generation capacity. This may entail creating revenue-generating projects in educational inst
The chapter also draws attention to the concerning security challenges that universities, colleges, and schools face, such as kidnappings, violent threats, and terrorist attacks. These security problems must be addressed immediately and comprehensively to protect educational institutions and provide teachers and students with a safe and supportive learning environment. Governments at all levels must show sufficient political will to end the menace of security challenges. A multifaceted strategy
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Chapter 11.Issues and Challengesof the Crisis of Governance in Africa:The Nigerian Experience
Solomon Babatunde Kumapayi, PhDsbabatunde152@gmail.comNigeria Army Resource Centre, Abuja
Abstract
This study explores issues and emerging challenges of governance in Africa with particular emphasis on Nigeria. Relying in Secondary sources, it critically examined those institutional and political factors that have impeded democratic governance in Nigeria since 1963. It argues that the crisis of misgovernance in Nigeria have led to break down in law and order, weak political institutions, democratic reversal, strained relationship between citizens and the government. Thus, the study recommends
Key Words: Governance, Africa, Nigeria, Democracy and Political Institutions
Introduction
Good governance is perhaps the single most important factor in eradicating poverty and promoting development ... Kofi Annan (1998)
One of the most pressing challenges in the government and politics of African countries is the question of democratic governance or good governance. Unlike the trends and expectations of the citizens in developed countries, governance challenges remain the central issue that impacts negatively on Africa's quest for sustainable development (Crocker 2019
Annan 1997
Annan 2009
Obasanjo 2017
White 2021
Mbaku 2020). Despite spirited efforts by leaders, diplomats, and even the international commu
Reflecting on the governance experiences of established democracies, Crocker (2019) notes that there exists a strong nexus between quality of governance, peace, stability, and sustainable development. Thus, governance remains the most significant variable central to the legitimacy of a regime, statehood, and nation building. Recognizing the challenges the absence of good governance presents for the continent, development partners such as the World Bank, International Monetary Fund, European Unio
Despite these calls for democratic governance as an antidote to development in Africa, only a few countries seem to have tapped into such an understanding. In other words, the continent is still largely enmeshed in the crisis of governance, leading to continuous concerns both within and outside the continent. To this end, scholars like Mo Ibrahim note that the key concern for African leaders must be how best to secure an acceptable and effective governance system. Ibrahim further notes that good
This background therefore serves as the basis for interrogating the perception of these persistent calls and the extent to which African heads of states are committed to addressing the governance crisis by reflecting on the Nigerian experience, which remains a plough in the wheel of progress for the continent several years after colonial rule. Doing this will not only provide me and this gathering the opportunity to understand the trends and dynamics that characterize Africa's quest for democrat
What is Governance?
Most often, the term "government" is confused for "governance." While several scholars have mixed up the usage of these concepts, experience suggests that they have different meanings and contexts in which they are deployed. For instance, while the government is literally regarded as the institution saddled with the responsibility of taking care of the welfare of the citizens, this is only achievable via a process called governance. Thus, governments can be referred to or regarded as the organiz
According to Fukuyama (2012), governance is the process by which the government is empowered to make and enforce fundamental rules or laws, as well as function in the capacity of service delivery, regardless of the nature of the political system practiced in such a nation. Reflecting on the nature of the governance relationship that has transpired between the government and the citizens across the years, Fukuyama concludes that governance must be perceived within the expected obligations or perf
In elaborate terms, Stoker (1999) conceptualizes governance along five distinguishing perspectives, and this includes:
Set of institutions, actors, and stakeholders that are recruited from within and outside the government with the ultimate goal of governing the activities of the state.
The collapsing of boundaries and the taking up of certain responsibilities are aimed at addressing the social and economic challenges confronting citizens.
Emphasizes the nature of power relationships and expectations between the people and political institutions.
A process that emphasizes the autonomy of a self-governing group of political actors.
The recognition of the political capacity to achieve set goals without necessarily depending on the government to deploy its authority.
In elaborate terms, Alemazung sees governance as "the exercise of authority by the governing body such that institutions (private and public as well as formal and informal arrangements) and individuals (private and public) are incorporated into the management of the state with the sole aim of the greatest happiness of the majority" (2012: 6).
In a similar vein, some scholars have gone a step further in defining what good governance entails amidst certain features and characteristics. For instance, in 1999, the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) (1997) held that good governance includes a process of initiating and encouraging dialogue and mutual relationships between the citizens and the government. It further listed some basic features which nations that aspire to good governance must possess, and these include: political acco
Furthermore, scholars and experts have expanded on some basic characteristics that countries must have before they can claim to have legitimate and good governance
these include the process being people-oriented, consensual, and accountable
having a high level of transparency
a high sense of responsibility
effectiveness and efficiency in delivering basic services
equality
a high sense of social, economic, and political inclusion
and the rule of law.
According to the Council of Europe (2022), there are twelve fundamental principles of good governance, and this includes
Fair conduct of elections, representation and participation, Responsiveness, Efficiency and effectiveness, Openness and Transparency, The Rule of Law, Ethical Conduct, Competence and capacity, Innovation and Openness to Change, Sustainability and long-term orientation, Effective Financial Management, Human Rights, Cultural Diversity Social Cohesion and Accountability.
Why is Governance so Important?
Stimulates Development: One of the significant trademarks of developed nations is their ability to stimulate sustainable growth and development via good governance. To this end, scholars have attested to the fact that the enviable growth rate and development, which remain distinguishing characteristics of most nations in the global north, are attributed to the emphasis on a democratic and inclusive governance system (Chesseman 2015). This could also explain why many development partners like the
Sustains a Country's Democratization Process: While several countries in Africa seem to have adopted democracy as the preferred form of government, sustaining democracy has proven to be a lot more difficult. This problem has compelled several of these countries to adopt all forms of initiatives, including an emphasis on democratic governance as an antidote to address this dilemma. In which case, this practice has resulted in mixed results among nations on the continent. Suffice to say, for democ
Political Stability: Democratic governance has been identified by several scholars as a vital ingredient for political stability among nations (Yagboyaju & Akinola 2019). Reflecting on this problem, it is safe to point to the fact that Africa continues to grapple with the incessant problem of political instability due to several factors, among which the absence of purposeful governance ranks at the top. In view of this, African governments have continued to impress upon themselves the need to pa
Increases Citizens' Support: Experiences from the global north have pointed to the fact that democratic governments enjoy great support from their citizens. This is a problem that has remained unsolved in Africa due to the way and manner in which several regimes have carried out the business of governance. Countries and their leaders face a legitimacy crisis when the relationship between the government and the citizens is strained, which is why countries must do everything possible to ensure hum
Democratic governance has proven to be a very vital component which helps in curtailing the excesses of African leaders and, by so doing, makes them more responsible and accountable for governance issues and the entire citizenry. The place of accountability and responsiveness cannot be overstated in the life cycle of any country, and this means that nations must do all within their powers to ensure that they are able to tie together democratic governance and political responsibility and accounta
In summary, Annan (1997) concludes that good governance leads to sustainable peace, supports economic and social development, promotes post-war peace building, encourages inclusiveness and citizen participation, and leads to political stability.
Challenges to Governance in Africa: The Nigerian Experience
Nature of Political System: Despite the global wave of democracy that swept across Africa, recent experiences suggest that the continent is facing what scholars have termed "Democratic Reversal" (Rakner 2019
Chesseman 2015). Thus, the country's democratic experience has continued to be fraught with a series of emerging and contending issues to the extent that some countries have returned to military rule, civilian autocracy, or even tyrannical practice. These various styles that have characteri
Party System: Next to the issue of the political system is the nature of party systems that have existed in Africa since the end of colonial rule and especially in Nigeria. Given the centrality of political parties in emerging democracies, scholars have contended that one of the greatest challenges confronting governance in Nigeria and, by extension, democratization is the obstinate problem of party politics (Cheseman 2015
Omotola 2021). Despite a series of efforts to address the dilemma of par
Leadership and the Secession Crisis: Poverty of leadership has remained a recurrent problem in Africa, leading to misgovernment. Indeed, scholars attest to the fact that the most fundamental challenge facing Africa today is the question of bad leadership (Alemazung 2011). The problem of leadership continues to attract concerns both within and outside the continent, and this has led to a series of initiatives aimed at addressing the leadership deficit in Africa. Nonetheless, the continent remains
Legitimate Crisis and Contested Authority: Apart from the problem of leadership and secession crisis, most African leaders suffer from a legitimate crisis amidst increasing contested authority, and this weakens their ability to deliver good governance (Yagboyaju & Akinola 2019). Given the contexts in which several African leaders have assumed office or captured political power, most of the time that was expected to be devoted to addressing core issues of governance is spent in fighting to buy le
Deficiency of the Rule of Law: Ever since the global wave of democracy, which compelled several nations in the continent into embracing democratic pluralism, expectations about the level of democratic practice have been met with mixed feelings. In particular, the very nature of the total disrespect for the rule of law and the preference for an authoritarian style of governance among most African governments have led to a major setback in the governance system in Africa.
The Activities of Non-State Actors and the Proliferation of Ungoverned Spaces: Across the African continent, the worrying trends of the actions of non-state actors operating within the state and within some secluded places often referred to as "Ungoverned Spaces" have continued to attract global and regional attention. Indeed, scholars and even security experts have come to the unwavering conclusion that the intensification or proliferation in the activities of non-state actors has further worse
The Impact of Bad Governance on the African Continent
Breakdown in Law and Order: The inability of a large number of African governments to deliver on good governance has led to serious resentment among the citizenry. Some of these resentments have accounted for the break down in law and order in countries such as Cote d'Ivoire, Nigeria, Gambia, Senegal, Egypt, Etswani and a lot more. What has become worrisome is the fact that these breaks in law and order have remained persistent, leading to state fragility.
Human Insecurity: One of the gravest impacts of bad governance in Africa is the issue of human insecurity. Many African citizens have suffered from the problem of human insecurity, ranging from economic, political, and even social insecurity. Undoubtedly, this problem has persisted with no end in sight and has accounted for mass migration within and outside the continent (Crocker 2019). The twin problems of refugees, internal displacement, and mass migration have been occasioned by a string of f
Weak Political Institutions: In recent times, most African countries have been faced with the problem of either bad governance or misgovernance. This problem has impacted negatively on the democratic system and equally led to weak political institutions (Lynch & Crawford 2011
Diamond & Platnner 2010). The challenge here is that, unlike in other continents, whereby political institutions assist in moderating the altitude of political elites, the reverse is the case in Africa. Undoubtedly, severa
Democratic Reversal: Another glaring impact of bad governance is what has now been referred to as "Democratic Reversal." The term democratic reversal resonated among scholars whose concern about the retrogressive nature of the democratic experience in Africa has led them to the conclusion that such a mishap could at best be likened to a reverse movement (Rakner 2019
Adetula n.d
Omotola 2021). The trend of democratic reversal occasioned by bad governance has reached an alarming rate in some Afr
Military Incursion into Politics: In recent times, a sizeable number of African countries have witnessed either attempted or successful military coups executed by some section of the military to dislodge civilians based on misgoverance. The trend of military incursion into politics in recent times in Africa has become so worrisome that, despite severe criticism by the African Union and international organizations, the continent continues to witness more military coups occasioned by attempts to t
Strained Relationships between Citizens and the State: Across the globe, the inability of governments to deliver basic social services to the citizens has accounted for strained relationships between the government and the people (Yagboyaju & Akinola 2019
Agbaje et al. 2004). This problem is more prevalent in third world countries, especially in Africa, where most governments lack the basic capacity to deliver on basic amenities. Such inability amidst worsening social challenges accounts for th
Mass Migration: Bad governance has accounted for the mass migration of people within and outside Africa (Flahaux et al. 2016
Bakewell & Bonfiglio 2013). Though migration dates back to history, the recent trend in migration out of Africa remains worrisome enough that any right-thinking government must be worried about it. For instance, several families, including average ones who ordinarily would not consider leaving the shores of their countries, have not started embarking on what is now referr
Armed Conflict: The inability of most regimes in Africa to effectively deal with the demands of their citizens has forced several groups into taking up arms as a way of sustainability. Since the end of the cold war, no other continent has witnessed a plethora of obstinate and armed conflicts like Africa (Cilliers 2018
Adebajo 2014
Erameh et al 2021
Barken & Rustad 2018). The scourge of armed conflict continues to be so devastating on Africa that the continent is constantly grappling with how
Addressing Challenges Associated with Governance in Nigeria
Free and Fair Elections: The role of frequent elections and the acceptance of such electoral outcomes is one issue that continues to flood the political space in Africa with no end in sight. To this end, efforts must be made in conjunction with local and international partners and relevant stakeholders to ensure the political elites and political parties play by the rules. It is only in such scenarios that the legitimacy crisis could be a thing of the past, and this would further constrain Afric
Rule of Law: One of the most urgent steps that must be put in place towards addressing the challenges associated with governance is the compelling need for a strict adherence to the rule of law by African governments. The essence of abiding strictly by the rule of law in terms of state-citizen relations in Africa cannot be over emphasized.
Building and Sustaining Political Institutions: Conscious efforts must be made to establish and support strong political institutions such as political parties, election administration bodies, the judiciary, and government structures, among others. Given that institutions regulate human conduct, African governments must strive to ensure the survival of these
Calling for Accountability and Transparency in Governance: Apart from strong political institutions, citizens must strive to demand a high sense of accountability and transparency from their governments regarding issues that concern governance and their collective essence of living. Though this task has proven a lot more difficult, the introduction and sustenance of civil society could greatly help in holding regimes accountable for their actions.
Political and Social Inclusion: Countries like Nigeria, Mali, and Angola have suffered political instability due to a lack of political and social inclusion. Evidence from other countries within the continent equally points to the fact that inclusive and all-encompassing governments have proven to be very critical to sustainable development and political stability. Therefore, African heads of states must ensure that they do everything possible within their reach to imbibe inclusionary policies.
Promote Respect for Human Rights and Tolerance for Dissenting Voices: The lack of respect for human rights and zero tolerance for opposition and dissenting voices is a concerning trend in most African countries' governance and politics. This is a problem that has remained at the heart of Africa's quest for sustainable governance and one that requires compelling action. Given that human rights violations and zero tolerance for dissenting voices have contributed negatively towards heating the poli
The Supporting Efforts of Purposeful Leaders: The role of leaders who remain committed to the African dream and project cannot be ignored. Notable leaders like President Olusegun Obasanjo, the Late Muhammad Ghaddaffi, Nelson Mandela, Cyril Ramaphosa, Paul Kagame, Kofi Annan, and Adama Deng have played prominent roles in Africa's quest for democratic governance and their efforts must not be allowed to fizzle out. To this extent, scholars contend that good governance strives on the conduct of free
Re Empasizing the Roles of Peer Review Mechanisms: Over the years, there appears to be a glaring gap between the ability of prominent peer review initiatives like New Partnership for African Development (NEPAD) and the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) to stand the test of time regarding setting acceptable standards for African governments. This underscores the need to reinvigorate the roles of these institutions. Most importantly, reports, observations, and even comments from organizations l
Strong, vibrant civil society: The importance of civil society and independent non-governmental organizations acting as watchdogs for governments has been widely emphasized (Diamomd 1994
1999
Bernhard et al 2015). Despite this acceptance, African regimes have adopted several forms of repressive actions to halt the activities of civil society and this has led to a lack of democratic pluralism. Nonetheless, the need to give civil society groups the needed space to operate and bring about democra
Discourage Sit tight Syndrome: As a matter of urgency, Africans must do everything possible within their reach to discourage Sit -tight leaders as this phenomenon has greatly impacted negatively on the democratic process in Africa and even contributed to political instability.
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Chapter 12.Nigeria's Republic at Sixty:A Critical Reflection of the Nigerian Stateand Human Rights Issues
Nicholas Idris Erameh, PhDNigerian Institute of International Affairs (NIIA),Lagos, Nigeriaeramehnicholas@gmail.com&Moses Ameh,Department of Political Science,University of Ibadan &Abimbola OjoNigerian Institute of International Affairs (NIIA),Lagos, Nigeria
Abstract
The 21st century has seen Nigeria become known as the "Giant of Africa." Rather than any specific factor pertaining to the caliber of her government, national institutions, or national ideals, this is mostly caused by her vast population, unexplored natural resources, and oil wealth. Under the direction of professional associations and human rights civil society organizations, Nigerians mobilized the military to fight for a better society founded on constitutionalism, social justice, the rule of
Keywords: Human Rights, State, Federal Republic of Nigeria
Introduction
Nigeria is now referred to as the "Giant of Africa" in the twenty-first century. This is due primarily to her large population, untapped natural resources, and oil wealth (Alozie, 2018), rather than any particular reason related to the quality of her governance, national institutions, or national values. A crossroads exists for Nigeria. In the absence of a clear and decisive stride toward nationhood, it seems to be stumbling and stumbling along. Despite several attempts to achieve this state of
What has changed since Nigeria became a republic and what are some of the hot-button issues that have arisen recently in the country? "The relationship between human rights and democracy is a central feature of future human rights theories," according to Besson (2011 P.20). This can be attributed to the latest advancements in the theory of human rights, specifically the ongoing debates surrounding the so-called political conception of human rights, which elucidates human rights in relation to ex
The pursuit of human rights is a hot topic on a global scale, but achieving them has proven to be extremely challenging. People endure various forms of dehumanizing treatment from governments, multinational corporations, and other groups on a daily basis (Ebieri & Sheriff: 2021). The Nigerian state undoubtedly stood between exhibiting attributes of state collapse and state failure
according to Mimiko (2010), the Nigerian state has degenerated to the point where it is unable to provide even the
The essay approaches the subject of human rights and the Nigerian state following its independence in 1963 from a comprehensive perspective. Five sections make up the remainder of the article. These include conceptualization and literature review, a succinct summary of Nigerian human rights developments since the country's republic, a critical analysis of these developments, the state's shortcomings, and a reflection on these issues. A final section offers recommendations for the Nigerian govern
Methodology
The qualitative research approach is used in this study. The study also employed a desk research design as part of its qualitative methodology. In order to obtain a more comprehensive knowledge, the desk research design entails gathering and synthesizing secondary sources of data, published materials, and previous research on a certain topic. Consequently, desk research design extends beyond literature review to include a critical analysis of prior research findings in accordance with specified
Conceptualization
The State
Ifeyinwa, Nna-Emeka, and Abdul-Rahoof (2009) posit that the state can be understood as an abstract entity or organizational abstraction and presence in the sense that its physical features are only perceptible when they function through political institutions like the armed forces, the administration, the judiciary, the executive branch, prisons, governing parties, and governmental institutions (public corporations and means of information) in order to accomplish its goals. The formal institutio
A state, as conceptualized by Chandran (2014), is a type of polity or political association that is unique in that it is not integrated into any other political associations, even though it may incorporate other organizations of this kind. Thus, even if the state may be subservient to other powers (such as another state or an empire), it remains a supreme corporate entity since it is not integrated into any other institution. A state can be identified from another by its independent political au
According to Midgal (1994), he implies that the state is at the center of an ongoing conflict with other organizations for the authority and right to impose laws on society. Midgal's argument emphasizes, on the one hand, the state as an entity that is the only one with the legal right to employ force, thereby exercising political authority over a certain region and its people. This effectively means that without government at the center of activity when it comes to the use and control of politic
Despite having sections of several nations, parts of one nation, or multiple full nations within its borders, a state is neither a nation nor a people. A state does not contain or absorb society
rather, it is born out of society. There will always be governments in states, but states are not just governments because there are far more governments than there are states. Although it originated in early modern Europe, the state is a contemporary political structure that has spread to every other r
It is important to understand how the government will maintain equity in a plural society that is, in a sense, marked by differences and inequality. The bedrock of the contemporary state, which must be invoked to resolve the inevitable conflict between the social goals of society and the selfish interests of the individual, is law, which also serves as the state's means of insuring fair play. This is so because the rule of law-or, more precisely, a system or collectivity of norms or rules-distin
In a domestic society such as Nigeria, the National Assembly is the body considered competent by all to define and create legally enforceable rules. For law to fulfill its intended role in society, it is necessary to drastically alter the common conception of it as a simple command of the sovereign aimed toward the subject or as a simple regulator of action. This assumption implies that a state has authority and legitimacy that are based on the liberal tradition of separating the powers of the l
Human Rights
Human rights can be underscored as either a legally recognized standard of real human moralities, a moral standard that is justified by compelling evidence, a legal right recognized by national law (also known as a "civil" or "constitutional" right), or a legal right recognized by international law. According to Beetham (1995), a democracy's trademark is the recognition and upholding of citizens' fundamental rights since it assures and guarantees the popular participation of all in governmental
Wright (2006) lists these rights as the following: the right to life
the right to a living wage
the freedom from torture and other forms of cruel treatment
the freedom of religion and speech
the freedom to travel
the right to self-determination
the right to an education
and the right to take part in political and cultural life. According to these diverse viewpoints, a fundamental human right is the basic, unalienable social freedom that every person should be able to enjoy, regardless of
According to Onwuazombe (2017), in his submission, human rights are those that belong to every human being simply by virtue of their humanity. He goes on to list these rights as include the freedom of thinking, the right to life, the dignity of the human person, the right to a fair trial, and the freedom of conscience and religion. He goes on to say that depriving someone of their rights is against the law since they are inherent, inalienable, and holy. Additionally, Mazrui (1998) asserted that
According to Ikenga (2007), each and every human being is endowed with fundamental human rights just by virtue of their humanity. These are rights that are inalienable to the human race. Human rights are implied by the fact that an individual is a human being, according to Donnelly (2008). The definition put all people on an equal basis, but it did not go into detail about what rights each person had or what risks they should be aware of. Human rights laws and regulations are suspended in author
Review of Literature
A study by Eseyin and Udoh (2015) titled "When Rights Violate Rights: International Protection of Human Rights, Some Necessary Considerations" makes the case that protecting human rights is a fundamental part of democratic governance and that this belief has made issues significant in international law as determined by regional and international agreements as well as domestic law. However, they asserted that human rights are violated in a variety of ways as an individual goes about their daily b
In a similar vein, Brett (cited in Schneider, 2000) claims that non-governmental groups such as Amnesty International play a significant role in the advancement of human rights by giving the organizing bodies the ability to function effectively and persuasively. They support the investigation of national reports from states parties, provide data to treaty bodies, facilitate the dissemination of information, and increase the use of proposals by the organizations negotiating treaties. Without a st
The West Asia-North Africa Institute (WANA, 2018) agrees that civil society organizations are essential in monitoring the laws and policies pertaining to human rights that are enacted by governments and decision-makers in different nations. They also push for the protection of citizens' rights at all levels and critique anti-government practices. In a similar vein, Zafarullah and Rahman (2002) noted that during the last several decades, human rights organizations have spread throughout the globe
Johnson (2013) emphasizes that human rights are ontological, inherent, and intrinsic to all people inasmuch as they are human, regardless of nationality, sex, ethnicity, origin, color, or any other status in his essay titled "The Place of Human Rights in Nigeria's Democracy." These rights can be safeguarded in a democratic environment that operates well and is based on the rule of law. The rule of law upholds order, safeguards individual rights, and places restrictions on the authority of the go
For Kangdim, Illemore, Cemal, and Bakyi (2022), one's citizenship and the rights and liberties that come with being a member of a sovereign state can be used to operationalize human rights. These rights include the freedom to live, to associate, to possess property, to vote and be elected, to practice one's religion, and to take pleasure in the fruits of democratic administration. When these rights are curtailed or eliminated, however, conditions are set up for abuses and violations. These right
A Brief Human Right Overview in Nigeria since republic
The Nigerian Constitution of 1960 and its successors are credited with solidifying core human rights in the country's contemporary understanding. The defense of fundamental human rights is covered by both the Republican Constitution of 1963 and the Independence Constitution of 1960. A bill of rights was added in 1979 and 1999, taking the constitution one step further. Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights were also acknowledged in Chapter II of the Fundamental Goals and Directive Principles of S
Prior to Nigeria's newfound democracy in 1999, the country's citizens' rights were routinely and impunitively abused by military governments. Between November 1994 and June 1998, Nigeria experienced the height of this widespread denial of human rights. The appalling state of human rights under this government made Nigeria a pariah state in the eyes of the world, and the UN Commission on Human Rights listed the nation on its agenda for five years in a row. Nigerians engaged the military in the fi
A critical analysis of Human Right development in Nigeria
According to Gaius (2011), all views of human rights concur that each individual should be guaranteed these rights by the state. As a result, most nations today have constitutions that explicitly protect individual rights, following the lead of the United States and France. Almost every European state now has a bill of rights in its constitution (Gaius, 2011 p. 7). Human rights are categorized in the context of Nigeria. In "Chapter (IV): Fundamental Rights" of the 1999 Constitution, the Federal
"Right to life, dignity of human persons, personal liberty, right to a fair trial, right to private and family life, freedom of thought, conscience, and religion, right to freedom of expression and the press, right to peaceful assembly and association, right to freedom of movement, right to freedom from discrimination, right to acquire and own immovable property, right to acquire property through compulsory acquisition, restriction on and derogation from fundamental human rights, special jurisdi
Nigeria has made great progress in the area of human rights, but the nation is nevertheless plagued by a number of significant problems that undermine its commitment to and actual performance of its international and domestic human rights duties (Solomon, 2021).
The governments of Nigeria are generally aware of the concepts of democracy and human rights. However, it is not at all like their lexicon in real life. Although the fundamental human rights of her people were made clear in the 1999 constitution, some in positions of power continue to ignore these rights. Nearly every government entity tasked with advancing and defending human rights and dignity has fallen short, if not completely, of expectations. Ojo states that "in virtually all political sys
Pitfalls of the Nigeria State anda reflection on Human Right Issues
Comparably, in Nigeria, there are records of documented instances of environmental contamination, rape, wrongful imprisonment, and the murder of innocent people, among other human rights violations driven by political motivations, terrorism like that of Boko Haram, and the operations of multinational corporations, particularly in the Niger Delta. Other incidents include abuses brought on by hate crimes motivated by religion, ethnic prejudice, and police or military violence, which are hardly eve
The biggest violations of human rights in Nigeria include extrajudicial executions, the use of excessive force by security forces, the impunity for these abuses, arbitrary detention without charge or trial, judicial corruption, executive lawlessness, and influence over the legal system. The press, the legislature, the executive branch, and the judiciary are among the institutions that should safeguard Nigeria's democracy, but they are not doing enough to support the people or always using the fr
The high level of violence that marked Nigeria's elections is one important indicator of human rights breaches in that country. Numerous studies have shown that, since the nation's return to democracy in 1999, every election has been marked by violence, intimidation of voters, the ruling parties' stifling of opposition parties, and a reduction in the amount of room left for fair play and equity in the struggle for power. Numerous people have lost their lives and their means of subsistence as a r
This anecdote about "Nigeria experiencing a fundamental crisis in governance" is fascinating. In light of the nation's ongoing struggles with leadership and governance, the story and anecdote presented by Natufe (2006) are still relevant and helpful. These issues include human rights violations, poverty, nation-building, corruption, insecurity that is progressively endangering the nation's corporate existence, and decaying, non-functioning, and dead institutions. Many have maintained that politi
Nigerian State and sustaining Human Right: way forward
Is there respect for human rights in Nigeria? Does the legal system have the courage to handle human rights matters without fear or favor? These are the questions that cry to be answered. Does Nigeria have the institutional means to address and deal with violations of human rights? Does the Nigerian administration understand the principles of democracy and human rights?
It has been acknowledged that upholding the principles of democracy and human rights is a viable way to bring about global peace, stability, and progress. The campaigns to advance human rights and democracy are currently being made more international and global in order to eradicate all forms of oppressive regimes in all human societies. This is being done by a number of individuals, regional and international organizations, and governmental bodies. To support the advancement of human rights in
Encouraging citizens and a government that is responsible, responsive, and committed are mutually reinforcing. The teaching of civics and human rights in schools ought to begin. In addition, considering its support for human rights, the current civilian government must launch a campaign to raise awareness of these issues.
Democratic governance is expected to contribute to the preservation and protection of the rights of minorities, the impoverished, and people with disabilities in the distribution and allocation of resources, as well as an equitable platform for their engagement and participation in the democratic space without undue interference, as stated in the International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights (Saul, Kinley, and Mowbray, 2014).
Respect for the Nigerian constitution, which is the ultimate law of the land, is required of all citizens, especially those in positions of authority. Effective democratic government will result from this.
The supremacy of the Nigerian constitution and the rule of law need to serve as models for governance. Any kind of encouragement for violence that is politically motivated and inspired should be prohibited in the nation.
Political actors in Nigeria should allow space for fair play for all (government and opposition parties) without excessive intimidation and abuses in order to further strengthen and solidify democratic norms.
Conclusion
Every democracy is defined by its commitment to advancing and defending human rights. Notwithstanding the efforts made by the Nigerian government and the Constitution to guarantee the protection of fundamental rights, there are nevertheless abuses and infractions. People who are tasked with running the state's business and controlling it frequently commit these infractions. The issue lies not in the leaders' ignorance of the law, but rather in its improper application. Government must reconcile
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Chapter 13.Nigeria's Republic at Sixty: Nation Building, Party Politics and Power Rotation
Aborisade, Daniel Atilade, PhDdanaboo4real@yahoo.com/08032410856Research Fellow,Nigerian Institute of International Affairs (NIIA),Victoria Island, Lagos, Nigeria&Akinbode, Oluseyi Elijahakinbodeoluseyi080@gmail.com/08035630706Research Fellow,Nigerian Institute of International Affairs (NIIA),Victoria Island, Lagos, Nigeria
Abstract
Nation-building efforts lead to the creation, development and maintenance of a stable and cohesive nation-state. It is often a response to situations such as the aftermath of conflict, colonization, or the need to establish a unified identity within a diverse population. Nation-building efforts in Nigeria have been an on-going and multifaceted process since the country gained independence in 1960 and further intensified in 1963 when she became a republic. This chapter discussed Nigeria with its
Keywords: Federal Character, Nation Building, Nigeria, Party Politics, Power Rotation.
Introduction
Nigeria, a major country in Africa has a complex political history marked by a series of military interventions and democratic experiments, a British colony from the late 19th century until it gained political independence in 1960. The Southern and Northern protectorates of colonial Nigeria were amalgamated in 1914, bringing together various ethnic groups with diverse cultural, religious, and linguistic backgrounds which required her to embark on Nation Building efforts so as to ensure cohabitat
Nigeria has embarked on Nation-building efforts since she gained independence in 1960. Nigeria with its diverse ethnic, religious, and cultural composition has faced numerous challenges in its efforts to build a united and cohesive nation, Asaju, (2015). Tensions and conflicts have arisen along ethnic and religious lines, efforts to promote inclusivity, tolerance, and respect for diversity are essential for fostering national unity. Policies aimed at addressing issues related to resource allocat
Nation Building and Nigeria
Nation-building is a process that involves the creation, development, and maintenance of a stable and cohesive nation-state. It is often a response to situations such as the aftermath of conflict, colonization, or the need to establish a unified identity within a diverse population. Theories of nation-building vary, but some common elements are frequently discussed. Emmanuel Kant, a German sociologist is one of the leading scholars in this field. He propounded Democratic Peace Hypothesis Theory
Some scholars argue that these ideas align with democratic principles, where individuals are considered as free and equal moral agents. In Kant's political philosophy, he also introduces the concept of a "republican constitution," which involves a representative government based on the separation of powers and the rule of law. This idea has been seen as having some resonance with democratic principles. While Kant did not explicitly formulate a democratic hypothesis, his philosophical contributio
Nation-building often begins with the promotion of a shared national identity among diverse groups. This can involve emphasizing common history, language, culture, and values. A successful nation-building process promotes inclusivity, recognizing and respecting the diversity within the developing strong and effective political institutions are crucial for nation-building, this includes establishing a legitimate and functioning government, legal system, and administrative bodies, foundation of th
Republican political theory departs from a long-established tradition of approaching politics. It has been associated with Cicero as well as Machiavelli. Republicanism is a loose tradition or family of writers in the history of western political thought that includes the English republicans Milton, Harrington, Sidney, and others
Montesquieu and Blackstone
the eighteenth-century English commonwealth
and many Americans of the founding era such as Jefferson, Madison, and Adams. Many common ideas
Freedom and liberty are central ideas to republicans (Pettit, 2006). Freedom, republicans believe represents. While freedom as non-interference makes the absence of interference sufficient for freedom, freedom as non-domination also requires the absence of the capacity of any individual or corporate agent to interfere arbitrarily in the life or affairs of the citizens. Later in the development of the theory, scholars began to fit freedom within redistribution in the society because they felt tha
With the rise of constitutional governments, the modern states create the basic laws by which people can order their private affairs and its ambitions are otherwise quite modest. Recognizing that self-interest is often the basis of political behavior, it creates institutional arrangements and substantive rights that will discipline likely abuses of political power, increase the prospects for compromise, and create spheres of private autonomy into which governments may not enter.
Party Politics in Nigeria
One of the major national questions that has lingered unresolved in the last sixty-three years of Nigeria Republic is the issue of leadership, while others are religion and ethnicity. In Nigeria, ethnicity has been used to bridge feelings of marginalization and social injustice, exemplified in the long political dominance of a section of the country (Onwudiwe, 2004). The leadership question in Nigeria revolves around the possibility of every indigenous ethnic group as well as the major religious
Party politics in Nigeria's first republic
Nigeria's First Republic spanned from 1960 to 1966, marking the country's emergence as an independent nation until the military coup that led to its collapse. During this period, party politics played a crucial role in shaping the political landscape. The major political parties then were the Northern People's Congress (NPC) as the name implies, its major followers were from the Northern Region of the country as it then was, the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC) having her fol
Northern People's Congress: The NPC was dominant in the Northern region and was led by prominent figures like Sir Ahmadu Bello and Sir. Abubakar Tafawa-Balewa (The only Nigeria Prime Minister). The party was associated with conservative and traditional values, its power base rested on the influence of traditional leaders in the North. The NPC was often criticized for being overly focused on Northern interests.
National Council of Nigeria and Cameroons: Led by Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, the NCNC was a more pan-Nigerian party with strong support in the then Eastern region. It advocated for a united and progressive Nigeria. Azikiwe, who later became Nigeria's first Ceremonial President, was a charismatic leader and played a significant role in shaping the party's ideology.
Action Group: The Action Group, led by Chief Obafemi Awolowo, was a major force in the then Western Region. It was known for its progressive and socialist agenda, emphasizing free education, healthcare, and agricultural reforms. Awolowo's leadership and the AG's policies gained popularity in the then Western region. The political landscape during Nigeria's first republic was characterized by regionalism, with each major party having a stronghold in a specific region, this regionalism often led t
Unfortunately, Nigeria's First Republic came to an end in 1966 with a series of coup and counter-coup. The political instability that followed eventually led to the Nigerian Civil War (1967-1970). Subsequent military regimes ruled the country until the return to civilian rule in 1979. The legacy of the First Republic and its political parties continues to influence Nigerian politics till today. Political parties in the first republic were ethnic based, each of them controlling a particular regio
Party politics in Nigeria's second republic
Nigeria second republic witnessed a multi-party system with several political parties competing for power. The Second Republic followed a period of military rule and was characterized by significant political developments, including the emergence of Presidential system of government and distinct political parties. The Second Republic just like that of First Republic was marked by political intrigues, regionalism, and competition for power among the various ethnic and regional groups in Nigeria.
The Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) was a progressive party led by Chief Obafemi Awolowo, a prominent Yoruba leader. The party had strong support in the Western part of Nigeria like Action Group (AG) of First Republic and advocated for socialist principles, free education, and regional autonomy. Nigeria People's Party (NPP) was led by Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, a prominent political figure and Nigeria's first president. The party had a significant presence in the Eastern part of the country and drew suppo
Unfortunately, the political atmosphere of Nigeria's Second Republic was characterized by corruption, economic challenges, and political instability. On December, 31st 1983, the government of President Sehu Shagari was overthrown in a military coup led by General Muhammadu Buhari, bringing an end to the Second Republic. The collapse of the Second Republic led to another period of military rule in Nigeria until the country transitioned back to civilian rule in 1999. The political dynamics and par
Party politics in Nigeria's third republic
Nigeria's third republic refers to the period from 1993 to 1998 when Nigeria attempted to return to democratic governance after years of military rule. During Nigeria's Third Republic, several political parties emerged, reflecting the diverse political landscape of the country. The two major political parties that played significant roles during this period were the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and the National Republican Convention (NRC). These parties were founded and funded by the Federal Go
Party politics in Nigeria's fourth republic
The fourth republic began in 1998 with the transition to civil rule program of General Abdusalami Abubakar Military Government and Olusegun Obasanjo of Peoples Democratic Party was elected as president in 1999
marking the return to civilian rule, the dominant political parties in the early years of Nigeria's forth republic were the People's Democratic Party (PDP) the All Peoples Party (APP) and Alliance for Democracy (AD). The PDP was the dominant party in the early years of the fourth republic
The APC emerged as a major political force in the lead-up to the 2015 general elections, presenting a coalition of opposition parties to challenge the PDP political hegemony. It successfully won the presidency and secured a majority in the National Assembly in 2015, 2019 and retained power in the 2023 elections. The APC is often considered a progressive center-right party, and it has focused on issues such as anti-corruption, security, and economic reforms. While the PDP and APC are currently th
Nation Building Efforts in Nigeria
In her efforts to ensure rapid nation building and development, Nigerian successive governments both military and civilian have embarked on several nation building efforts such as power rotation of major political offices, federal character principle, National Youth Service Corps (NYSC), among others, considering her multi ethnic and regional bias. This section discussed those efforts such as:
Power rotation
Power rotation, also known as zoning formula is a political arrangement where certain political offices or positions are rotated among different regions or ethnic groups at specified intervals. This is intended to ensure that no single region or ethnic group dominates political power for an extended period. A notable example is the rotation of the presidency between the northern and southern zones of Nigeria. The power rotation efforts are not yet constitutional, but there are moves towards its
Political parties in Nigeria often adopt zoning arrangements to ensure that their candidates come from different regions in line with the federal character principle bothe at the Federal, States and Local Governments levels. This practice is particularly evident in the selection of presidential candidates, where parties may decide to rotate the candidacy between northern and southern regions.
Power rotation, also known as zoning or power-sharing, has been a significant aspect of Nigerian politics, particularly in the context of the presidency. It involves a system where political power is alternately rotated among different regions or ethnic groups. This practice is aimed at promoting inclusiveness, reducing ethnic and regional tensions, and ensuring that no particular section of the country dominates the political landscape. The power rotation arrangement became more prominent after
Nigeria has a multi-party system, but the two major political parties that have dominated the political landscape since the inception of the present political dispensation are the People's Democratic Party (PDP) and the All Progressives Congress (APC). These parties have been the primary vehicles for political competition and power struggles since 2015. Over the years, there have been shifts in political alliances, mergers, and the emergence of new parties, reflecting the dynamic nature of Niger
1999-2007: Olusegun Obasanjo, a Yoruba man from the southwest, served two terms as president.
2007-2010: Umaru Musa Yar'Adua, an Hausa-Fulani man from the north, became president but passed away in 2010.
2010-2011: Goodluck Jonathan, an Ijaw from the South South, completed Yar'Adua's term (as the constitution dictates).
2011-2015: Goodluck Jonathan continued for a full term.
2015-2023: Muhammadu Buhari, an Hausa-Fulani man from the north, served two terms as president.
May 2023-Date: Bola Ahmed Tinubu current President a Yoruba man from the South West.
It is important to note that power rotation or zoning is not a constitutional requirement but rather a political arrangement adopted by some political parties to foster unity and prevent domination by any particular region. The APC, similar to the PDP, had an understanding of rotating power between the northern and southern regions. The major rationale behind this political arraignment is to allay the fear of domination and taking advantage of the other, it is to ensure fairness, national unity
Federal Character Principle in Nigeria
The concept of federal character in Nigeria refers to the principle of equitable representation and distribution of key political/ Civil Service positions and resources among the diverse ethnic and regional groups in the country. This principle is enshrined in the Nigerian Constitution to promote national unity and prevent the marginalization of any particular group. While the implementation of federal character principle has been a subject of debate and criticism, there are perceived advantages
The concept of Federal Character in Nigeria is rooted in her historical and ethnic diversity. Nigeria is home to a multitude of ethnic groups, each with its own language, culture, and traditions, Agbaje, (2010). The history of Federal Character principle in Nigeria can be traced back to the post-independence era, particularly with the establishment of the federal system of government. Nigeria gained independence from British colonial rule in 1960, the country inherited a diverse population with
The Federal Character Principle is a concept that pertains to the distribution of government positions, resources, and opportunities in a way that reflects the diverse ethnic, linguistic, religious, and regional composition of a country. This principle is often applied in federal or multi-ethnic nations to promote inclusiveness, reduce marginalization, and prevent the concentration of power and resources in the hands of a few regions or ethnic groups, Omodia, (2010).
Federal Character principle became more formalized in the 1979 Constitution of Nigeria. It was introduced as a guiding principle to ensure equitable distribution of political offices, Public/Civil services, educational opportunities, and public amenities among the various ethnic and regional groups. The aim was to promote national unity and reduce ethnic and regional imbalances, Subsequent Nigerian constitutions, including those of 1989, 1999, and subsequent amendments, retained and emphasized t
"14. (3) The composition of the Government of the Federation or any of its agencies and the conduct of its affairs shall be carried out in such a manner as to reflect the federal character of Nigeria and the need to promote national unity, and also to command national loyalty, thereby ensuring that there shall be no predominance of persons from a few states or from a few ethnic or other sectional groups in that Government or in any of its agencies" This provision is aimed at ensuring equitable r
The principle aims to ensure that various ethnic groups, regions, and communities are adequately represented in government institutions, civil service, and other key sectors. This representation helps in preventing the marginalization of any particular group. The distribution of resources, such as infrastructure development, educational institutions, and economic opportunities, is guided by the Federal Character Principle. This is meant to address historical imbalances and promote balanced socio
Nigeria has a complex history of ethnic and regional imbalances, with certain groups historically having more access to resources and power. The federal character principle seeks to redress these imbalances by ensuring a more equitable distribution of opportunities and resources.
Without the federal character principle, there is a risk that certain groups might be marginalized or excluded from key positions and opportunities. This policy helps prevent the concentration of power and resources in the hands of a few, thereby contributing to a more balanced and just society.
Federal character aims to ensure that no single ethnic or regional group dominates key positions or resources. By promoting a more inclusive and diverse representation, it helps in fostering a sense of national unity and reducing ethnic tensions.
The policy is designed to promote social inclusion by providing opportunities for individuals from different ethnic and regional backgrounds to participate in governance and decision-making processes. This helps to address historical imbalances and ensures that various groups have a stake in the country's development.
In a country as diverse as Nigeria, the implementation of federal character can contribute to stability and peace by addressing the concerns of various ethnic and regional groups. It helps to create a sense of fairness and reduces the likelihood of conflicts arising from perceived marginalization.
Without the federal character principle, there is a risk that certain groups might be marginalized or excluded from key positions and opportunities. This policy helps prevent the concentration of power and resources in the hands of a few, thereby contributing to a more balanced and just society.
Having representatives from different ethnic and regional backgrounds in key positions brings diverse perspectives to governance and decision-making. This diversity can lead to more comprehensive and inclusive policies that take into account the varied needs of the population.
While federal character has its advantages, it is essential to note that its implementation has also faced criticism for potentially leading to mediocrity and inefficiency in some cases. Striking a balance between the principles of federal character and meritocracy remains a challenge for Nigeria in its quest for sustainable development.
The Federal Character Principle was enshrined in the 1979 Constitution of Nigeria and subsequent ones. This principle seeks to ensure equitable distribution of key positions and resources among the diverse ethnic and regional groups in the country. It is based on the understanding that Nigeria is a multi-ethnic and multi-religious nation with over 250 ethnic groups.
While the Federal Character principle was intended to foster national integration, it has faced criticisms. Some argue that it has been manipulated to promote mediocrity over meritocracy in appointments, leading to inefficiencies in government. Additionally, there are concerns that it has not completely addressed underlying issues of ethnic and regional tensions, Akanji, (2011). The Federal Character principle remains a crucial aspect of Nigeria's governance structure. Efforts continue to be mad
The successful implementation of the Federal Character Principle requires a comprehensive and holistic approach, involving collaboration among government institutions, civil society, and the general public. Additionally, it's crucial to ensure that efforts are sustained over the long term to achieve meaningful and lasting results.
Despite these efforts, there have been criticisms of the implementation of these policies. Some argue that they have not fully achieved their intended objectives, and there are still issues of marginalization and uneven development in certain regions of the country. Additionally, political dynamics and power struggles sometimes lead to challenges in the effective implementation of these principles. The effectiveness of power rotation and federal character policies continues to be a subject of de
Discussion
Party politics, power rotation, and nation-building in Nigeria have been intertwined concepts, shaping the country's political landscape and its efforts to overcome challenges of unity and development. Power sharing and zoning are important in a republic such as Nigeria because they help to manage diversity and ensure fair representation of different groups. In Nigeria, power sharing and zoning have been used to address inter-ethnics tensions and ensure that neither the north nor the south of th
By guaranteeing zoning or enshrining the proponents in Nigeria's constitution there would be fairer political representation in the country because zoning ensures fair rotation of power to geopolitical zones, senatorial districts, federal and states constituencies, local governments, and wards, thus providing equal representation for all regions and groups. This ensures that both the central and state governments can coexist and serve the people more effectively. Power sharing and zoning promote
In summary, federal character principle, power sharing and zoning are crucial in Nigeria's federal system of government because it has a track record of promoting fair representation, balance of power, cooperative federalism, and manages diversity properly, ultimately leading to a more inclusive and efficient governance. Although some Nigerian political parties adopted the principle of rotational presidency, the principle applies to only some major parties like the People's Democratic Party (PDP
The year 2022 and 2023 electoral processes in Nigeria experienced ethnicity in the scheme of things, deeply rooted even in ethnically homogeneous states, particularly in the South, where ethnic identity is stronger than religious identity. Kperogi (2023) recommended that the Nigerian constitution should include a power rotation provision or schedule that will ensure that each region and sub region of the Federation has a chance to be president, vice president, governor, deputy governor, member o
Conclusion
In conclusion, while power rotation has been seen to promote national unity and fairness, critics argue that it has further polarized the country and hindered efforts to ensure political inclusion among different regions and communities. Polarization could be ideological, ethnic, or religious in nature. Power rotates between ideologically opposed political parties on a regular basis in strong democratic countries where polarization is primarily ideological. In a bitterly divided United States of
The Federal republic of Nigeria is deeply divided along tribal and religious identities or interests and as a result, political leaders from all parties should advocate for unity through inclusivity as a replication of the country's diversity. Political parties need to dialogue on workable formulas that will lead to victory in terms of further national integration at the central government. While agitating for a power shift, political elites must also recall the unity and synergy required to run
Hinging on the postulations of republicanism, current and future Nigerian governments must desire constitutionalism, civic virtue, and Anti-Corruption so that the citizens can enjoy the legitimacy of the government. Nigerian democracy is quite strong and getting even stronger as Nigeria is arguably one of the most liberal states in the world. Relying on the current administration of President Bola Tinubu's experience of criticisms because of his party's southwest - northeast political alliance a
The government must also be very careful about corruption. They must make sure they are transparent and accountable to Nigerian citizens so they can continue to enjoy the support and cooperation of the citizens. Lastly, an ideal republic goes beyond free and fair elections to also make sure that the government that emerges have due regard for the rule of law and constitutionality. All public and foreign policy interests of the government must be guided by the written laws of the land and some le
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Olawale Jelil Salauwsalau@yahoo.comDepartment of Political ScienceLagos State University of Education (LASUED)& James OsoataNigerian Institute of International Affairs (NIIA), Victoria Island, Lagos State
Abstract
Since the third wave of democracy forced many authoritarian regimes to adopt democratic ideals, African countries have had a bumpy experience with implementing the essential ideas of democracy. While the continent lays claim to democratizing, evidence points to such claims being premised on regular elections and successive handovers between civilian regimes. More worrisome is that most of these elections, as witnessed across Africa, have been fraught with several challenges, and this has further
Key words: Democracy, Elections, Institutions
Introduction
Over the last 24 years, a political upheaval have occurred in Africa and especially Nigeria as regards the dynamism in the outcomes of elections, the level at which developing countries in Africa with weak institutions tend to democratize at once is alarming. "Over the past few decades, one of the most frequent criticisms of Africa's official political institutions has been that because they are not firmly anchored in society, they are unable to restrain African leaders. For authoritarian Africa
According to Omotola (2010), the importance of elections is emphasized in the comparative literature on democratization, especially during Africa's "third wave." Elections have traditionally been regarded as a crucial component in competitive politics. The foundation of democratic transition and consolidation, they would in theory promote political involvement and competition. In order to institutionalize orderly succession in a democratic society, elections will also be a central element of set
A key challenge that faces the development of Africa's democracy seems to be a crisis stemming from elections. Among other things, despite the fact that Africa includes sovereign states, not all countries in the region can organize an orderly election under credible circumstances, (Ehiarekhian, 2016 p1). Nowadays, democracy is by far the world's preferred form of government. Participation of the people in choosing who rules them is one of its basic principles, (Elaigwu 2014). It is therefore imp
From the end of the Cold War, Africa has undergone a dramatic change in its political landscape. In the wake of the fall of the old regimes, African countries have embarked on a transition to multipartyism, which was initially welcomed as the beginning of a wave of democratization across the continent. The introduction of routinized procedures for the selection and replacement of leaders has raised high hopes that political power would depersonalize. However, the reforms of Africa confirmed that
Recent years have seen a decline in the pace of positive progress, which may have been inevitable. The unavoidable question is whether democratization has hit a peak and will follow the life cycle of other regime changes in Africa (such as the collapse of post-independence democracies and one-party rule) and start to recede or if regularly scheduled elections. Even yet, their quality is ongoing and erratic, and the other institutions of democracy have now been institutionalized, ensuring that th
Conceptualization: Explaining Democracy,Elections and Political Institutions
Democracy a Conceptual Analysis
Democracy mean different things to different people: a method, a process, a system, an ideology, a platform for power contestation and not the least a class struggle (Adelaja, 2008). Vidya in his book Political Theory (2015: 719) asserts that an essential matter of political method is democracy. Democracy isn't a kind of civilization at all. To take political action is a kind of civilized thing to do. Democracy constitutes an attempt to reconcile freedom with the need for law and its enforcement
For instance, in 2005, Francis said that democracy was by far the world's favorite form of government. There's just about no leader who doesn't want to be considered a democrat or regime that won't try and be called democratic. Democracy also enjoys a strong appeal among ordinary people. In recent decades, the world has witnessed a rise in organized governance particularly in Africa, Asia and some parts of Eastern Europe, which is leading to an increase in demands for authoritarian rule that wil
Anifowose (2005), also pointed out that democracy is about a set of ideals, institutions and procedures to make it possible for large numbers of people to be able to select their political leaders and guarantee wide range of civic rights. Furthermore, for reasons such as focusing on formal political rights and processes in which economic interests cannot be excluded, the concept of democracy might have been criticized as a narrow one. Actual democracy explains that the actualizing and depth enjo
Elections a Conceptual Analysis
On the other hand, Nigeria Labor Elections Monitoring Team (2003), maintained that elections are not just about voting for leaders but involve active participation by citizens on governance to ensure stability and survival of democracy. In other words, it's not a ritual for people to get in line every four years and vote but an actual process of leadership changing through peaceful means with the aim of improving their social economic policies that benefits them. According to Adelaja (2008), ele
Lawal (2003) argued that election has become a necessity in liberal democracies. He describes election as basically a democratic method. Elections, in his opinion, are essentially a democratic process. He believes that not all elections are democratic, and that undemocratic elections can lead to political instability and electoral crises. In light of the aforementioned, elections are legitimate when they are held in a free and impartial manner. Elections must be free and fair in any democratic s
Election is the procedure through which qualified candidates for public posts are selected by voting. It is a process for making decisions by voting. He distinguishes between direct and indirect elections. Direct elections take place when voters cast their ballots directly for the candidates of their choosing, whereas indirect elections take place when voters choose representatives who are then chosen by the Electoral College (Ajayi, 2005).
Political Institutions a Conceptual Analysis
The idea of "Institutions" is one of the main topics studied in the social sciences, specifically political science. Institutions are essential to the rule of law and act as the official means of establishing and enforcing political regulations. As a component of political, economic, and cultural history, historians examine and record the creation, development, and demise of institutions (Douglas, 1991). According to Avner Greif and David Laitin (2004), institutions are "a system of human-made,
Institutions, according to Robert Keohane (1998), are "persistent and connected sets of rules (formal or informal) that prescribe behavioral roles, constrain activity, and shape expectations." Institutions were described as "stable, valued, recurring patterns of behavior" by Samuel P. Huntington (Huntington, 1996). Geoffrey M. Hodgson (2015) argues that it is false to claim that an institution is a type of behavior. Rather, institutions, in the words of Hodgson, are "integrated systems of rules
Path to Thriving Democracy in Nigeria: Review of Literature
According to Agu (2015), the democratic process in Nigeria has undoubtedly been undermined by poor party politics. This is due to a variety of factors, including ethnicization of party politics, poor political leadership, an excessive westernization of the term "democracy," party indiscipline, a lack of distinct party ideologies, the politicization of the military's upper echelons, among others, as well as, most concerningly, a lack of internal party democracy. Party politics and democracy work
The report made the case that significant electoral reforms are still necessary. In order to set up clear standards and enforceable regulations regarding political campaign funding and punishing those who violate the electoral laws, the commission recommends, among other things, that INEC be divided into three, including the political parties registration and control commission, electoral offences commission, and the election managers. This separation and independence of office will make this re
The results of the polls show how important it is to institutionalize democratic values in Africa. Undoubtedly, the election provided insight into the situation of the developing technologies in Nigeria at a time of increased security. Important questions concerning the future of elite power-sharing, the trajectory of popular participation in African democracy, and the development of campaign strategy and rhetoric will also be raised by the election (Husaini, 2023).
The definitional agreement surrounding elections, according to Akinboye (2005), is a question of presumption on the part of the mind. Elections, on the other hand, typically serve as a mechanism of measuring political expression and legitimizing the exercise of state authority by establishing that it derives from popular agreement. Elections are primarily a process through which people in modern democracies choose their representatives. In their essay "Two Decades of Democracy in Nigeria," Kelvi
Ikenna (2010) noted that on May 29, 1999, Nigeria returned to civilian rule (mistakenly referred to as democratic rule). This occurred amid fanfare and grandeur, especially from the Military, who had long held the reins of authority. But what can we say about the politics of democratization in Nigeria, when it seems that democracy is being used for both democratic and anti-democratic ends? The main topic of discussion is this fundamental query, which is the focus of the scholar's article. The qu
Michael Bratton observes that there is a very strong demand for democracy in Africa, the perceived supply is more dubious. For instance, only 47% of Africans believe their country is achieving free and fair elections that can remove presidents, despite the fact that 81 percent of the continent's population wants such elections. Only a third (36%) of Africans believe their president is accountable to the law, despite two-thirds of them wanting this. The issue is not that Africans do not respect a
In line with the above rational, Jeffery (2008), writes that for Institutionalizing Democracy in Africa
A thorough analysis of the factors contributing to African democratization paints a potentially more upbeat picture than would be apparent from merely perusing a graph showing the development of nations that were achieving political liberalization success. First of all, even though we have grown accustomed to this process, the accomplishment of practically any African country moving into the "free" category in a short period of time given challenging circumstances should not be discounted. But t
Larry Diamond (2008), in his work "The State of Democracy in Africa" questioned if democracy can work in Africa. The threats to the viability of democracy in Africa are similar to those in other continents
they are just more severe and ubiquitous. Democracies are being put to the test to see if they can govern successfully, just as they are in many regions of Latin America, the former Soviet Union, and Asia. Controlling corruption presents the most difficult challenges everywhere
when public r
The Scholar maintained that Africa is the continent with the most nations that fall somewhere between democratic and illiberal regimes. In some African nations, like South Africa and Ghana, independent and efficient electoral administration has become institutionalized, and in a few other democracies, like Mali, political freedoms are relatively liberal. However, in the majority of Africa, civil liberties are severely restricted, opposition rights are shaky, and elections are rife with irregular
Emerging Issues
In line with the new Electoral Act, which President Buhari signed into law in February 2022, the recently completed general elections were the country's first to be held on a national scale. In keeping with Nigeria's tradition of utilizing cutting-edge technology in elections, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) will make use of two technological advancements to increase the transparency and integrity of the voting process. Voter verification and authentication are performed usi
As successful elections in Nigeria can serve as a good electoral model for the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the general elections in 2023 had regional ramifications for West Africa. Since 2020, the ECOWAS governments in Mali, Guinea, and Burkina Faso have been overthrown by military coups, resulting in a democratic backslide throughout the region of West Africa. Successful elections in Nigeria usually help to improve regional opinions of governance. Given that Nigeria will
Regarding the high stakes of the race, the 2023 poll stood out as the seventh straight election in Nigeria since the return of civil rule and the first one since 2007 in which the incumbent would not be on the ballot. Furthermore, the election would mark the first time a former military leader has not been on the presidential ballot in Nigeria's contemporary democratic era. The 2023 general elections highlighted the need for a first-time runoff to decide the victor of the presidential elections
Feasible Institutional Democratic Principles in Africa
This section reviews "The African Charter on Democracy, Elections, and Governance," highlighting its main goals and guiding ideals that make the institutionalization of democratic values possible. As was stated in Section I of this essay, the African regional system has a long history of institutionalizing the protection and advancement of democracy (Patrick, 2012).
The charter's preamble lists its objectives and makes specific linguistic choices that pertain to the institutionalization and entrenchment of democratic principles. It aims to "entrench a political culture of change of power on the Continent based on the holding of regular, free, fair, and transparent elections conducted by competent, independent, and impartial national electoral bodies." Transparency, accountability, and participatory democracy will be institutionalized in order to "promote an
The charter's objectives, which highlight the viability of institutionalizing democratic principles, are as follows: "1) Promote adherence... to the universal values and principles of democracy and respect for human rights
2) Promote and enhance adherence to the principle of the rule of law based upon the respect for, and supremacy of, the Constitution and constitutional order in the political arrangements of the State Parties
and 3) Promote the holding of regular free and fair elections 4) Pr
Challenges Militating Institutionalizing Democracy
The conceptual and empirical facets of corruption which has remain a problem of democracy in Nigeria are examined by Mustapha (2010). His article highlights fresh effects of prebendalism and corruption in Nigerian political culture. This article calls into question interpretations of Nigerian politics and democracy that focus solely on the state by bringing up the official and informal facets of corruption. It is believed that the formal aspect, or official corruption, coexists with the informal
Most Nigerians turned to a series of societal illegalities that have since become accepted norms, driven by the detrimental effects of "graft politics" that disenfranchised the vast bulk of the population. The persistent wave of financial theft known as "419," "oil bunkering," and "kidnappings" has put the state's moral character under strain and persistently damaged its sociopolitical and economic infrastructure [with consequences for democracy] - emphasis added.
Democracies haven't always been viewed as ideal forms of government, but Olsen (2017) points out that they are the only ones that allow citizens to make meaningful contributions to the course that their nation is taking. For this reason, they are regarded as excellent forms of government. Debatably, democracy can be readily exploited to favor the interests of a select few due to a lack of sufficient procedures for gauging accountability and transparency. Furthermore, it has been argued that whil
The issue with developing countries like Nigeria is undoubtedly that democracy only benefits a small number of political leaders. Many African nations have firmly embraced democracy in contrast to other African nations
yet, these nations have somewhat abandoned democratic accountability ideals (Antwi-Boasiako and Okyere 2009). For instance, there are several leaders who have served in office past the end of their terms
to make matters worse, they have amended the constitution to essentially pr
Osiki (2010) examines the complex issue of voting anomalies in Nigeria and how they prevent the consolidation of democracy. The influence of the illegal use of money, guns, and thugs as features of electoral irregularities in the conduct of elections in Nigeria between 1999 and 2007 are examined by Osiki, along with the historical and political settings of election irregularities. Osiki contends that Nigeria serves as an awful example, saying that while its situation of electoral irregularities
Other challenges militating Institutional Democratic Principles in Africa includes the Following:
"Weak economies, ethnicity, religion & nepotism, weak civil societies, no separation between state and ruling party, weak democratic political culture and potentials of military intervention (Usman, 2010)."
Because of the aforementioned, it has been said that "Scarce resources could persuade, even force, electorates to abandon democratic processes." To enable the state to provide goods and services to the electorate, a productive economy is required. At worst, voters might be "bought" into making poor choices. Politics and governance are hampered by divisive sectarian tendencies
democratic processes (voting, etc.) are imprisoned by the sectarian attitudes and allegiances of political players and v
Lack of strong, dense, and active civic groups that will act as a check on state hegemony
these groups are expected to resist state cooptation and instead provide a long-lasting independent check on state power
the weakness of civil society is frequently caused by a dearth of a strong middle class with its own class interests and stake in society. Political processes are dominated and manipulated by the ruling party
constitutions are frequently changed to maintain power
public resources are
Opposition parties and pressure groups are coerced or induced into giving up their role in reining in the excesses of government officials
ruling elites do not uphold democratic values such as the rule of law and human rights
democratic structures and values such as participation, civil liberties, voting, etc. are weak. Any uncertainty brought on by political impasse between parties increases the likelihood of military involvement (Usman, 2010).
Conclusion and Recommendation
This study concludes that institutionalizing democratic principles in Africa remains one of the profound keys that will pave way for ensuring the true spirit of democracy amongst the nations of Africa. Especially in a country like Nigeria where the idea of true democracy is almost nonsensical.
The argument, therefore, is that the power of the people through the voting booth will remain like the proverbial "toothless dog that can only bark but cannot bite" when trying to remove corrupt leaders through the power of the ballot unless the sociopolitical and economic factors that support corruption in Nigeria's democracy are reduced. Democracy has come a long way in Africa since the conclusion of the Cold War. The African Charter on Democracy, Elections, and Governance is only the most rec
The final outcome of the Nigeria 2023 Presidential elections could shape the politics across Africa, including that of neighboring countries like Togo and Benin (Kohnert & Preuss, 2019). Thus, the need to ensure institutional principles become practical. The study underpins the following recommendations
there will be a need to strengthen democratic political culture, Pronounce and back up activities of civil societies & Build up economic prudence across states.
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Chapter 15.Nigeria's Republic at Sixty: A Historical Reflection on Nigeria's Agricultural Transformation Programs
Chinasa Agatha Ohiri, PhDResearch and Studies Department,Nigerian Institute of International Affairs,Lagos, Nigeria.cheenasa2006@yahoo.com
Abstract
This chapter reviewed several agricultural programs and policies initiated by successive governments to revamp the Nigerian agricultural sector since it became a republic on October 1, 1963. Oil was discovered in Nigeria in the late 1970s, and as a result, the country's economy became monocultural and relied heavily on oil for income, neglecting all other industries, including agriculture. The study used the content analysis technique and mostly depended on secondary sources of information for d
Key Words: Agricultural Development, Economy, Transformation, Nigeria
Introduction
In Nigeria, agriculture was once thought to be a poor and illiterate man's occupation but now altitudes are changing as more people are turning to agriculture for a source of livelihood. According to Ayantola (2023), agriculture contributes approximately 37 percent of the country's GDP growth and employs almost two third of the workforce. According to FAO in Ayantola (2023), Nigeria has an area of approximately 70.8 million hectares dedicated to agriculture, with the most common crops grown ther
The agricultural policies and programs of Nigeria have changed since the country's became a republic on October 1, 1963. According to Amalu (1998), these modifications are a reflection of shifts in the leadership or infrastructure. The primary differences between these policies and programs - which emphasize nearly identical objectives - are in their terminology and organizational structures. Among these are the export of surplus food to other countries and the security and sufficiency of the na
Other goals include offering farmers and rural residents extension, agricultural support, and rural development services, among other commodities. The extent to which societies have been able to achieve greater agricultural productivity has really come to characterize them (FAO, 2004). Increasing the amount of land cultivated has historically been the most popular and successful major adjustment in Nigerian agricultural productivity. Nigerian rural and agricultural institutions are therefore at
Agricultural Policies and Programssince Nigeria became a Republic
From Republic (1st October 1963) to 15th January 1966: New policies were developed to achieve more equitable agricultural growth after Nigeria gained independence and became a republic on 1st October 1963. The export-led growth objective quickly replaced the surplus extraction policies of the pre-colonial era (Ayoola, 2001). The country was thus split into three regions: the Northern Region (groundnut), the Eastern Region (oil palm), and the Western Region (cocoa). Additionally, an import substi
From 15th January 1966 to 29th May 1999: The reason this era is referred to as the military era is in addition to the successful civilian government led by Alhaji Shehu Shagari, which ran from 1 October 1979 to 31 December 1983, there were other military governments during this time. Agriculture (Control of Importation) Act (1990) and Agricultural Policy for Nigeria (1988) were the agricultural policies and initiatives in effect at the time (The Washington Times, 1999). Additionally, there was t
National Accelerated Food Production Program (NAFPP): The National Accelerated Food Production Program (NAFPP) was an agricultural extension program started by the Federal Department of Agriculture during General Yakubu Gowon's administration in 1972. Through subsistence production in a short amount of time, the initiative aimed to significantly boost the production of maize, cassava, rice, and wheat in the northern states of Nigeria. Following the establishment of the pilot stage in the states
The initiative was divided into three stages: mass adoption, production kit, and tiny kit phases. Program flaws were discovered, and these included:
The final two stages of the program required financial sponsorship from farmers. Some farmers were deterred from taking part in the initiative as a result.
Farmers who were incapable of forming cooperatives were to be disqualified from the program, as it was dependent on the transfer of credits and agricultural inputs via these companies.
Funding was abruptly or prematurely discontinued by the federal government after Operation Feed the Nation was launched.
On a few chosen farmer plots, research and extension staff conducted demonstration trials. This was not an accurate or good portrayal of the technology's or program's results. It was therefore devoid of farmer participation.
Agricultural Development Projects (ADP): The Integrated Agricultural Development Projects (IADP), formerly known as ADP, were first implemented as pilot programs in the North East (Funtua), North West (Gusau), and North Central (Gombe) states in 1974. Due to the program's outstanding outcomes, it was replicated in 1989 throughout the Federation's nineteen states. The federal government, state governments, and World Bank worked together in a tripartite system to address agricultural and rural dev
Operation Feed the Nation (OFN): Launched on May 21, 1976, during General Olusegun Obasanjo's military regime, this program aimed to increase food production nationwide by encouraging everyone to actively participate in all disciplines and develop the skills necessary for each person to be able to feed themselves, either entirely or in part. In accordance with this program, all available land in urban, suburban, and rural areas was to be planted
government establishments were also to receive fr
Regardless of a piece of land's viability for agriculture, farming was done on whatever was available.
There was no official or informal instruction or guidance on farm management provided to the majority of program participants, who had little to no experience farming.
Instead of using the customary mixed/relay planting, farmers used mono-cropping and hired labor to do their farming tasks, which led to high input costs and low output/yield per unit of land.
The government establishments and individuals in authority/ administration were given preference over the destitute farmers, who are the actual food producers, when it came to input supplies.
Food was in great supply at the market, and demand was low because so many people were producing all or nearly all of the food they ate.
Due to a lack of quarantine and regular vaccinations and inoculations, endemic chicken diseases, particularly new castle disease, killed the birds.
River Basin Development Authorities (RBDAs): In order to create eleven River Basin Development Authorities (RBDAs) around the country, the River Basin Development Decree (Decree 25 of 1976) was issued in 1976 (Ayoola, 2001). The authorities' main goal was to maximize the economic potential of the current bodies of water, especially for irrigation and fishing, with the production of hydroelectric power and residential water supply coming in second. But eventually, the program's goal was expanded
Green Revolution (GR): Shehu Shagari launched the Green Revolution program in April 1980 with the intention of boosting food and raw material production in order to guarantee food security and self-sufficiency in essentials. In order to meet domestic and international demand, it also aimed to increase and broaden the country's foreign exchange earnings by producing and processing export crops. Additionally, it increased cattle and fish production. To ensure the success of the program, the federa
Directorate for Food, Roads and Rural Infrastructure (DFRRI): In January 1986, this initiative was launched in Nigeria under the leadership of General Ibrahim Babangida. The World Bank, African Development Bank, and United Nations Development Program (UNDP) implemented DFRRI, an indigenous social dimensions of adjustment (SDA) initiative, in most sub-Saharan African countries. It was intended to raise the standard of living and improve the quality of life (improvements in housing, employment, he
Better Life Program (BLP) For Rural Women: Mrs. Maryam Babangida, the wife of Nigeria's president at the time, launched the Better Life Program (BLP) for rural women in that country in 1987. The program's main goals were to raise the awareness of rural women's issues among other Nigerians and inspire them to work toward improving their living conditions. Additional goals include educating people about their rights, the resources available to them, and their social, political, and economic obliga
National Agricultural Land Development Authority (NALDA): NALDA was established in 1992, a long time after the Land Use Act of 1979 and the Land Use Decree of 1978. The goals of this are to improve the standard of living for people living in rural areas, help achieve food security through self-sufficiency and reliance, support and encourage better uses of Nigeria's rural resources and land, increase the number of lucrative employment opportunities for those living in rural areas, and provide str
Family Support Program (FSP)/Family Economic Advancement Program (FEAP): The FSP was introduced in 1994, while the FEAP was initiated in 1996 by the late General Abacha and his spouse, Mrs. Maryam Sani Abacha. The Ministry of Women's Affairs and Social Welfare was founded as a consequence. Find out more about the program in Nigeria at http://www.ilo.org/ public/english/employment/gems/eeo/fami.html. Health, education, women in development, agriculture, child welfare and youth development, disabi
National Fadama Development Project (NFDP): In 1992, the World Bank funded the first National Fadama Development Project (NFDP-I), a pilot agricultural project designed to promote low-tech, enhanced irrigation techniques. Expanding farm and non-farm activities with high value-added output was the main objective of NFDP-I in order to increase fadama users' profits in a sustainable manner (http://www.fadama.org//). It included the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) and twelve states of the federation
From 29th May 1999 to date: Nigeria started a massive program of economic restructuring in 1999. The main goal of the Nigerian government's anti-poverty initiatives is to provide more vulnerable and impoverished members of society with sustainable means of subsistence (The Washington Times, 1999). Agriculture-related government initiatives during this time period placed a strong emphasis on achieving food security and reducing poverty, particularly in rural areas. They include:
National Economic Empowerment and Development Strategy (NEEDS): The Nigerian Federal Government established NEEDS, a national strategy for addressing the nation's development concerns, in 2003 and launched it in 2004. The initiative was started by President Olusegun Obasanjo's administration. It was a national strategy and plan to alleviate poverty and promote development among the impoverished in Nigeria. It featured concurrent initiatives known as LEEDS (Local Economic Empowerment and Developm
National, Special Program on Food Security (NSPFS): In January 2002, this program was implemented in all 36 states of the federation under Olusegun Obasanjo's government. The main objectives of the initiative were to increase food production and end rural poverty. Completing the program's initial efforts on pilot areas for maximum output and ease of replication
consolidating program gains for program continuity and the subsequent termination of externally assisted programs and projects
support
Root and Tuber Expansion Program (RTEP): The RTEP was also introduced by the Obasanjo administration on April 16, 2003. This effort, which was carried out in 26 states, aimed to solve the problems of food production and rural poverty. At the local farmer level, the initiative aimed to boost economic growth, make social services more accessible to the impoverished, and put protective intervention strategies in place for the most vulnerable and disadvantaged groups of people. At the national level
National Food Sector Plan: In order to guarantee food security, the National Food Sector Plan (NFSP) was introduced in accordance with President Umaru Yar'Adua's Seven Point Agenda. The NFSP aimed to finance ADB, IFAD, and FADAMA III projects in addition to projects involving the building and restoration of dams. In addition, 12, 000 hectares of arable land were irrigated, 220,000 hectares of irrigated land were optimized, and irrigation infrastructure was expanded and renovated (Udegbunam & Moj
Agricultural Transformation Agenda (ATA): In 2011, the Agricultural Transformation Agenda was introduced by the administration of President Goodluck Jonathan. The goal of ATA's creation was to increase the revenue of rural entrepreneurs and smallholder farmers who were involved in the sustainable production, processing, storage, and marketing of particular commodity value chains (NIRSAL's Report, 2011). It concentrated on ways to increase the productivity, effectiveness, and efficiency of Nigeri
However, similar to other agricultural policies and initiatives, the ATA's potential for success was severely limited by a number of issues, making it unable to achieve its main goals. For instance, Nigeria continues to import food valued between US$3 and US$5 billion a year, primarily wheat, rice, fish, and other miscellaneous goods like fresh fruits (Lokpobiri, 2019). Small holders in particular continued to have limited access to credit, and bank lending was deterred by a backlog of unpaid lo
Agricultural Promotion Policy (APP): This policy was created to build on the accomplishments of ATA and close significant gaps by providing a supportive legislative and agricultural framework, macro policies, physical infrastructure that improves security, and institutional mechanisms. These measures will improve access to funding, innovation, markets, and necessary inputs. The Anchor Borrowers Program was one of the significant efforts put into place under this strategy, and it significantly in
State of Emergency on Food Insecurity: President Bola Ahmed Tinubu undoubtedly restored Nigerians' hopes for food security upon taking office on May 29, 2023, by announcing a state of emergency on food insecurity and including it on the agenda of the National Security Council in his inaugural speech, thus elevating the issue to the top of the priority list. Additionally, in order to expedite the area under cultivation and reach the goal of cultivating 500,000 hectares of farmland and year-round
Lapses Identified
(i) Lack of communication between and among stakeholders: Nigerian governments have the capacity to implement programs, create policies, and select technologies to accomplish sustainable agricultural growth. The government's lack of communication with the different stakeholders involved in a given program, combined with the absence of possibilities for decision-making and policy discourse with other stakeholders, is the reason for the ongoing stagnation of certain agricultural policies and progr
(ii) Weak agricultural policy: In industrialized economies, agricultural policy is generally understood by the general public. A policy should also have a plan, objectives, targets, specific goals, and, most importantly, a program or activities meant to assist in achieving the stated goals.
This was not the case in Nigeria, as demonstrated by the existence of several agricultural policies between October 1, 1963, and January 15, 1966, but no agricultural project or program to carry out the directives of the policies. Agriculture-related policies may not always lead to programs and projects in that field. In order to decrease the continued failure of Nigeria's agricultural policies and projects, it is imperative that this be changed.
(iii) Conflicting Role between different programs and projects: This could be the result of a new government, disinterest, or the creation of new programs and policies. Role conflicts existed between FSP and FEAP, but in many states they were most evident between DFRRI and ADP because it was alleged that DFRRI had simply replaced some ADP signposts with its own in order to claim the building of several rural roads and boreholes (Ayoola, 2001). Much like there was a lot of resource waste before t
(iv) Short duration of agricultural policies and programs: Both the previous government and the current one have not maintained the current program to guarantee that the goals of the agriculture policy and program are met. For instance, NAFPP was started in 1972, OFN in 1976, GR in 1980, and FSP (1994) and FEAP (1996), OFN and RBDAS were started almost simultaneously in 1976. The aforementioned modifications impede the advancement of development and hinder the policies and programs aimed at agri
(v) Inconsistency/incompatibility of regional policies/programs with the national policies/programs: Programs and policies typically affect diverse target audiences differently because they operate concurrently with other policies or programs. As an example, consider RBDA (1976), OFN (1976), DFRRI (1986), and BLP (1987). New policies and programs ought to be coherent, harmonious, and closely aligned with those of the state and the federal government. This partnership will always guarantee the ag
(vi) Emphasis on mainly food and animal production: Growth and progress in agriculture require diversification into other industries, such as manufacturing and services. The majority of agricultural policies and programs place a strong emphasis on farm output, which means that doing so will condemn the country's population to a life of chronic poverty, marginalization, and stagnation. Policies should concentrate on mobilizing resources (both human and material) in order to develop programs or pr
(vii) Delay, embezzlement, misappropriation and lack of fund to pursue specific policy/program to an expected end: The government might have to transfer money from the un-organized to the formal sectors of the economy in order to make developed policies and programs more practical and efficient. It is evident that the government's sudden withdrawal of funds from the NAFPP affected its success, and a lack of funding caused the ADP schedule to be implemented later than planned. The ADP continues
(viii) Inadequate virile technical advisory/extension services: Policies should be centered on mobilizing resources (both human and material) in order to develop programs or projects in secondary and tertiary sectors (such as tourism, recreational and environmental services, or preservation) and in rural non-farm employment (such as fee fishing, hunting lodges, and growing ornamental plants).When it comes to helping smallholder farmers develop their entrepreneurial skills, the provision of exten
ix) Lack/inadequate monitoring and evaluation of program/project: The purpose of evaluation is to ascertain how well the rural development program is doing in comparison to its predetermined goals and objectives. Evaluation methods can help programs run more smoothly and effectively once they have started. They can also offer proof of the effectiveness and cost-effectiveness of a particular intervention both inside and beyond policy sectors (FAO, 2003). Evaluations, in particular ongoing and sta
Lack of timeline. For instance, it is unclear when the immediate plan will be implemented as well as the dates for the medium- and long-term strategies based on President Tinubu's declaration of a state of emergency regarding food security in Nigeria.
Conclusion/Recommendations
In conclusion, Policies should be centered around resource mobilization (both human and material) in order to develop programs or projects in secondary and tertiary sectors (such as tourism, recreational and environmental services or preservation) and in rural non-farm employment (such as fee fishing, hunting lodges, and growing ornamental plants). It is fascinating to see that not much has changed in terms of problems and obstacles since Nigeria's agricultural history began. The numerous previo
For most people, farming is an extremely unappealing proposition because market accessibility has been a constant source of frustration. Despite all of this, it is still true that Nigeria's agriculture industry has a lot of promise, with the potential to increase output by 160 percent, from USD 99 million to USD 256 billion by 2030 (Love, 2020). The agricultural value chain in Nigeria has a great deal of unrealized potential that can be unlocked through foreign direct investment as well as domes
The government ought to support the development of a robust extended liaison service, supported by adaptable research and mobile staff with the tools and resources they need for media relations. This will assist in resolving the target audience's misperception of the policy's or program's objectives, connect their information to and from the government and research, and boost their involvement in the program because they have more direct contact with the audience, thereby ensuring the program's
The simplest approach to organize, focus, and streamline agricultural development is as follows. This idea should be a key concern that our upcoming policies and initiatives tackle. For the private sector to be involved in agricultural development, the government should create favorable conditions, particularly in areas such as processing, preservation, exportation, tourism, leisure, and environmental services. By doing this, we will showcase our agricultural progress to the global community. La
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Chapter 16.Nigeria's Republic at Sixty: Information Communication Technology and Economic Sustainability in the Digital Age
Agbeyangi, A. O.*, Odun-Ayo, I. A.* & Makinde, A. S.abayomiagbeyangi@gmail.comDepartment of Computer Sciences,Chrisland University, Abeokuta, Ogun State, Nigeria&Department of Computer Science,Edo State University, Uzairue, Nigeria
Abstract
Nigeria's remarkable information and communication technology (ICT) journey spans decades, playing a pivotal role in economic sustainability, especially as the nation celebrates its Republic at Sixty. This paper provides an overview of Nigeria's ICT journey, underscoring its central role in sustainable economic prosperity. We explore the potential of artificial intelligence, blockchain, and the Internet of Things (IoT), revealing the remarkable opportunities on the horizon. We stress the urgency
Keywords: Nigeria ICT, Digital Inclusivity, Economic Sustainability, Emerging Technologies
Introduction
Nigeria's ICT journey has been characterized by remarkable transformation, reflecting the nation's adaptability and commitment to the digital age (David & Omolola, 2015
Benedicta & Lacheheb, 2022). It started with issues like inadequate infrastructure and access restrictions, making telecommunication services a luxury that only a select few could afford. A significant turning point was the liberalization of the telecommunications industry in 2001, which opened the door for private enterprises t
The development of the National ICT Policy unveiled in 2001 (Diso, 2005
Olatokun, 2006), provided a structured framework for ICT growth, emphasizing local content development, innovation, and digital inclusivity. This policy has been essential in forming Nigeria's ICT strategy and guaranteeing that technology will always be at the centre of the country's economic growth. The emergence of technological firms like Andela, Flutterwave, and Paystack shows how Nigerian startups have the ability to c
The creation of jobs, innovation, and local content has generally been aggressively encouraged by government programs, most notably those of the Nigerian Content Promotion and Development Board (NCPDB) and the National Information Technology Development Agency (NITDA). Though they still exist, issues like poor rural ICT infrastructure and cybersecurity worries are being addressed by different intervention programs from the World Bank among others (Mbanaso et al., 2019). Another noteworthy accomp
Nigeria's ICT journey highlights the country's dedication to sustainable economic development in the digital era as it commemorates its 60th anniversary of independence. Nigeria looks forward to a time when new technologies will transform industries, quicken economic expansion, and improve everyone's quality of life.
Significance of Nigeria at Sixty in the contextof ICT and economic sustainability
Nigeria's 60th Republic anniversary is a crucial moment in the country's efforts to utilize information and communication technology (ICT) for long-term economic stability. ICT has undergone significant advancements over the past sixty years and has emerged as a key catalyst for economic expansion in Nigeria. This shift has been facilitated by the liberalization of the telecoms sector, government policies that prioritize the development of information and communication technology (ICT), and the
Nigeria's celebration of its Sixtieth republic highlights the significant advancements made in narrowing the digital divide. Several projects, such as network infrastructure connectivity in both urban and suburban areas, which seek to broaden internet availability in rural regions, serve as a prime example of the country's dedication to ensuring that the advantages of information and communication technology (ICT) are accessible to all Nigerians. These initiatives have not only improved connecti
Moreover, the sixtieth anniversary symbolizes Nigeria's heightened incorporation into the worldwide digital economy. Nigerian enterprises are increasingly engaging in international trade, outsourcing, and forming partnerships with global IT industry heavyweights (Anwar & Graham, 2022). This integration not only amplifies the nation's impact in the global technology sector but also fosters commerce, ingenuity, and economic viability. Furthermore, the growth of entrepreneurship in Africa has also
Nigeria foresees a future driven by digital advancements, where rising technologies revolutionize industries and expedite economic expansion. The Republic at Sixty emphasizes the country's ability to recover from challenges, its ambitions, and its steadfast dedication to advancing towards a successful and technology-focused future, with information and communication technology (ICT) as a central component. This demonstrates Nigeria's unwavering commitment to persist in its impressive advancement
Historical Perspective
The evolution of information and communication technology (ICT) in Nigeria has been a transformative journey that has opened new avenues for education, knowledge dissemination, economic growth, and social development. This journey, which began in earnest in the 1960s, has witnessed significant breakthroughs in the realms of computers, the internet, and the World Wide Web, fundamentally altering the country's landscape. As the most populous country in Africa, Nigeria's rapid urban growth over the
Early Internet Adoption and Policy Initiatives
The path to widespread ICT adoption in Nigeria has not been without its challenges. In 2012, the country's internet usage stood at less than 16%, highlighting a significant digital divide (Agwu & Carter, 2014
Inegbedion, 2021). The average download speed at that time was a mere 1.38 Mbps, lagging far behind the 10.1 Mbps enjoyed in the United States. Despite these challenges, Nigeria's government recognized the transformative potential of ICT and took strategic steps to bridge the digital gap.
Nigeria's dedication to ICT development is apparent in its endeavors to narrow the digital gap and foster digital literacy among its populace. The government has enacted several measures, including the development of ICT training institutes and the deployment of broadband infrastructure, to provide broad access to technology and internet connectivity. These policies have not only given individuals and businesses more power, but they have also established Nigeria as a central location for innovat
The Role of Mobile Communication
Mobile communication has played a pivotal role in Nigeria's ICT transformation. In 2013, a staggering 83% of the population, equating to 166.6 million people, were active mobile phone subscribers (Forenbacher et al., 2019). This rapid adoption of mobile technology showcased the immense potential ICT holds for transforming society. ICT not only facilitated communication but also had the power to reduce poverty rates and elevate the economic and social status of its citizens (Onyema, 2019). Moreov
In furtherance, the enhanced connectivity offered by mobile phones has fostered the expansion of e-commerce in Nigeria. The advent of online markets and platforms has provided small-scale businesses with the opportunity to expand their customer base by selling their products and services to a wider audience, both locally and worldwide. This has not only augmented their earnings but has also generated job prospects for others who may now serve as delivery persons or offer auxiliary services for t
Mobile communication has also enhanced innovation and increased market accessibility for farmers in the agricultural sector (Ogunniyi & Ojebuyi, 2016
Oladele, 2011). This according to Ogunniyi & Ojebuyi (2016) contributes to increased income, reduced transaction and transportation costs, and increased farm productivity. Mobile applications and services based on Short Message Service (SMS) offer farmers up-to-date data on meteorological trends, market rates, and optimal agricultural methods. Thi
Also, knowing market prices enables farmers to engage in more favorable negotiations and optimize their earnings. Furthermore, the availability of agricultural best practices through mobile apps and SMS services empowers farmers to adopt innovative methods and improve their harvest quality, resulting in increased market competitiveness . In general, mobile communication has completely transformed the agriculture sector by giving farmers more control and stimulating economic development in most r
Similarly, mobile communication has additionally enabled farmers to conveniently get financial services, including mobile banking and digital payment systems (Babcock, 2015). This enables farmers to securely oversee their financial matters, obtain loans, and conduct transactions without the necessity of real banking institutions. The convenience and efficiency of this assist in the reduction of financial obstacles and the promotion of financial inclusivity in rural regions. In addition, the adve
In addition to its economic impact, mobile communication has revolutionized social and civic participation. Mobile-accessible social media platforms have emerged as potent instruments for social activity, dissemination of information, and involvement of citizens (Ajayi & Adesote, 2016
Fasae & Adegbilero-Iwari, 2016). These platforms are crucial in influencing public discussions and ensuring that those in power are held responsible. They have been used as a platform for underrepresented voices t
The role of mobile communication in the influence of ICT in Nigeria is diverse and complex. It goes beyond simple connectivity to enable individuals to have economic, social, and sector-specific empowerment. Nigeria's ongoing ICT journey is expected to witness the transformative development of mobile communication, which would bring forth additional innovation, inclusion, and beneficial societal effects.
Current ICT Landscape
In recent years, Nigeria has witnessed significant growth in the ICT sector, driven by the increasing adoption of smartphones and affordable internet services, as well as the government's commitment to promoting digital innovation and entrepreneurship. Additionally, the rise of e-commerce and digital payment solutions has created new opportunities for businesses and consumers alike. As more Nigerians gain access to ICT services, there is a positive ripple effect on various sectors, including edu
The government has recognized the potential of the ICT sector and has implemented policies and initiatives to support its growth. This includes the establishment of technology hubs and incubators, as well as providing training and funding opportunities for startups and entrepreneurs. With these efforts in place, Nigeria is poised to become a hub for technological innovation and digital transformation in Africa.
The approval of 5G technology in Nigeria in 2021 (Nigeria - Information and Communications Technology, 2023) and subsequent licensing to major operators like MTN, MAFAB Communications, and Airtel signalled a new era of advanced connectivity in the country. This leap in technology promises to revolutionize various sectors and enhance Nigeria's position in the global ICT landscape. Nigeria has the potential for enhanced internet speeds and improved reliability with the adoption of 5G technology, f
For the Nigerian workforce, this growth, which hinges on 5G technology, will also create new opportunities. With the increasing prevalence of high-speed internet, remote work and telecommuting will become increasingly viable, enabling professionals to work from their homes or any preferred location. This adaptability will not only enhance the equilibrium between work and personal life but also diminish traffic congestion and carbon emissions linked to commuting. Moreover, the heightened connecti
Government Initiatives and Partnerships
The Nigerian government's recognition of ICT as a catalyst for several sectors such as education, healthcare, agriculture, and manufacturing highlight its dedication to promoting ICT advancement. The government aggressively encourages collaborations between local ICT firms and international investors and assists in programs such as incubator hubs, youth innovation programs, and science technology parks to foster an entrepreneurial ecosystem in the technology industry (Adhikari et al., 2021
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The program is a component of the present government's Renewed Hope strategy and is specifically designed to promote Nigeria's technical expertise. It was reported that the initiative is a component of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu's plan to generate 2 million digital jobs by 2025. These programs have the objective of fostering the expansion of domestic ICT startups and enticing foreign direct investment in the industry. In addition, the government has enacted regulations aimed at enhancing intern
The significance of encouraging cooperation between business and academia has also been acknowledged by the government. In order to accomplish this, they have formed alliances with universities and research organizations to facilitate the exchange of knowledge and the advancement of state-of-the-art technologies (Ogbaga et al., 2022). These collaborative efforts not only improve the calibre of ICT education and research in Nigeria but also provide students and researchers with the opportunity to
The government's efforts in information and communication technology (ICT) can also be observed through the intervention of state governments in Nigeria. Multiple states in Nigeria have enacted regulations and initiated ICT initiatives to entice investments and cultivate advantageous circumstances for technology-oriented organizations. Lagos State for example is a technology zone with the aim of fostering innovation, whilst many other states are actively pursuing many other ICT initiatives to st
In addition, these partnerships have resulted in the establishment of innovation hubs and incubators, which offer a nurturing setting for aspiring entrepreneurs to convert their concepts into feasible products and services. The hubs provide essential resources including mentorship programs, financial access, and networking opportunities that are vital for the development and prosperity of startups. The existence of these hubs and incubators has engendered a feeling of community and friendship am
Private Sector Engagement and Foreign Investment
The private sector makes a significant global impact through its continuous technical collaboration and innovation. The participation of the private sector has been important in Nigeria's Information and Communication Technology (ICT) expansion story. Several multinational technology companies, such as Microsoft, Facebook, and others, have established innovation centres in Lagos to leverage the abundant technological expertise in Nigeria (Dano et al., 2020). These partnerships have not only resu
As international businesses continue to invest in Nigeria's ICT sector, the country is experiencing a significant transformation in its digital landscape. The influx of foreign investment has not only boosted the economy but has also played a pivotal role in bridging the digital divide and increasing access to technology for all Nigerians (Ahmed, 2007
Shirazi & Hajli, 2021). This has resulted in a more connected society and has opened up new avenues for education, entrepreneurship, and economic
With the support and direction of international companies, these growing businesses can expand and diversify their operations, thereby creating more employment opportunities for the local labor market. Furthermore, the presence of international corporations has attracted highly skilled individuals from different regions of the continent, thereby enriching the talent pool and promoting the growth of the ICT sector in Lagos. This inflow of highly qualified workers has aided in knowledge sharing an
National Digital Economy Policy and Strategy
In 2020, Nigeria not only embraced the digital era but also underwent a complete transformation. The National Digital Economy Policy and Strategy (NDEPS) (Lamid et al., 2021) served not only as a policy document but also as a definitive statement of purpose. Nigeria declared its aspiration to not only participate in the digital realm but to excel and become a prominent figure, a pioneer, and a champion in the worldwide digital ecosystem. Nigeria embarked on the adoption of NDEPS with the aim of
The substantial enhancement in Nigeria's digital infrastructure due to the deployment of the NDEPS is vital. The government made substantial investments in the expansion of broadband infrastructure, thereby guaranteeing access to high-speed internet even in distant regions. This action not only closed the gap in access to digital technology within the country but also established Nigeria as a centre for digital creativity and business. By implementing a strong digital framework, businesses of al
NDEPS is fostering a dynamic network of startups, incubators, and accelerators, where ambitious concepts are translated into tangible outcomes, and young Nigerians are actively constructing the digital future, rather than merely engaging with it (Lamid et al., 2021). Ultimately, the Emerging Technologies pillar focuses on anticipating future developments. NDEPS is geared towards the adoption of artificial intelligence, blockchain, and the metaverse, guaranteeing that Nigeria remains at the foref
Emerging Technologies in Nigeria
a. Exploration of AI, blockchain, and IoT in the Nigerian context
Nigeria, being the most populous nation in Africa, is actively adopting modern technology to promote innovation and stimulate economic growth. The focal point lies on the revolutionary technologies of Artificial Intelligence (AI), the Internet of Things (IoT), and Blockchain. Artificial Intelligence (AI), the science of creating intelligent machines, is transforming everything from medical diagnosis to gaming. It gains knowledge from data, whether labelled for supervised learning, unlabeled for
The future promises even more extraordinary possibilities. Artificial intelligence (AI) is being widely adopted in various industries in Nigeria such as healthcare, finance, agriculture, and education (Arakpogun et al., 2021
Mhlanga & Aldieri, 2021). It is being used to improve disease diagnosis, provide personalized financial services, optimize agricultural yields, and create customized educational content. AI algorithms in the healthcare industry facilitate accurate diagnoses, while in financ
Blockchain is essentially a network of interlinked blocks, where each block contains a specific piece of data and is securely tied to the preceding block (Yli-Huumo et al., 2016). This network establishes a digital fabric of consistent clarity, a characteristic that enables a wide range of opportunities in various sectors. Examine the current financial environment: a significant number of individuals are still unable to participate in conventional banking systems, preventing them from pursuing t
However, the potential of blockchain extends beyond just financial transactions. The intricate intricacy of supply chains, where things swiftly move in and out of obscurity, can be controlled through their openness. Each stage, starting from the farm and ending at the shelf, is recorded in a secure ledger, reducing the occurrence of fraudulent activities and enhancing effectiveness. This has the potential to revolutionize industries such as agriculture and logistics (Kamilaris et al., 2019). Env
The healthcare industry has the potential to tremendously profit from the implementation of blockchain technology (Makinde et al., 2023). The healthcare sector encounters a multitude of obstacles, such as data confidentiality, compatibility, and counterfeit medications. These difficulties can be efficiently resolved by utilizing blockchain technology. Blockchain technology can guarantee the secure and confidential exchange of patient data between healthcare professionals, enhancing the overall s
Moreover, land in Nigeria, a highly valuable asset, can become a battleground for conflicting claims of ownership. Blockchain, on the other hand, provides a peaceful sanctuary. An impregnable and lucid land register constructed upon its basis has the capability to eliminate the ambiguity and intricacy of land administration while ensuring the protection of legitimate possession. This might signify the preservation of family legacies and the resolution of disputes in a just and efficient manner.
The Internet of Things (IoT) is a broad network of networked devices that gather, share, and use data in real-time. It's an information-driven silent symphony that changes everything from our daily lives to our workplaces, turning innocuous items into sentient beings (Balaji et al., 2019). The potential of this digital revolution is vast. The integration of sensors in agriculture optimizes irrigation techniques to enhance crop yields. Remote patient monitoring revolutionizes healthcare by enabli
However, Nigeria, with its dynamic technology ecosystem and strong government backing, is well-positioned to confidently embrace this digital future. Entrepreneurs are creating novel Internet of Things (IoT) solutions, such as solar-powered irrigation systems and interactive classrooms equipped with smart screens (Atayero et al., 2016). Nigeria is prepared to participate in the global Internet of Things (IoT) movement and contribute its own distinct contribution to the digital landscape. The fut
These technologies have significant potential for fostering Nigeria's economic growth. Artificial Intelligence (AI), for example, provides enhanced healthcare, banking, agriculture, and education, thereby augmenting the quality of life for Nigerians. The Internet of Things (IoT) enables enhanced efficiency in transportation and energy management, while Blockchain technology guarantees both transparency and security in the realms of finance and supply chains. These technologies are anticipated to
The emergence of advanced technologies, including artificial intelligence (AI), robotics, the Internet of Things (IoT), blockchain, cybersecurity, and big data, has the potential to make products and services more accessible to persons who have difficulty accessing them. Individuals living in rural locations can get significant advantages from utilizing Internet banking, whereas individuals with limited mobility can profit from online purchasing and voting. Online education and remote work can p
In addition, digital communication tools such as video conferencing and social media enable individuals with physical limitations to establish connections with others and engage in social activities that may otherwise provide challenges. In addition, technology has facilitated the accessibility of information for those with visual impairments through the utilization of screen readers and speech recognition software. In general, these innovations have the capacity to dismantle obstacles and estab
Moreover, upcoming technologies are positioned to transform our work life. The growing automation of monotonous and tedious chores will enhance our productivity and efficiency in the workplace, allowing us additional time and capability to participate in high-value, performance-oriented activities. Technological solutions that facilitate remote work offer the opportunity to pursue highly desired occupations without the need to move or face interruptions while traveling internationally. While som
The Role of ICT in Economic Sustainability
Information and Communication Technology (ICT) is essential for stimulating economic growth and development, and this is clearly demonstrated in the Nigerian environment. Although the formal sector of the Nigerian economy has reliable data to substantiate its activities, the informal sector's impact on the nation's GDP has frequently been disregarded. The swift integration of digital technology, along with the growing number of telecom customers and internet users, clearly demonstrates the signi
This not only enhances their efficiency and financial gain but also adds to the overall expansion of the Nigerian economy. Moreover, the utilization of Information and Communication Technology (ICT) in the informal sector facilitates enhanced clarity and effectiveness in commercial activities, hence enticing increased investments and fostering economic stability. Hence, it is imperative to acknowledge and utilize the capabilities of ICT in the informal sector to ensure long-lasting economic prog
In addition, the use of digital technology into the disconnected economy has the potential to generate employment opportunities and mitigate poverty. With the increasing adoption of ICT tools by individuals and enterprises in the informal sector, there is a growing need for proficient professionals who can effectively operate and maintain these technologies. This fosters job prospects for the indigenous populace, particularly for the younger generation who frequently bear a disproportionate burd
By utilizing digital tools, firms may optimize their operations, mechanize processes, and minimize expenses. This enables them to provide products and services at more favorable rates, thereby attracting a larger consumer base and expanding their market share. Moreover, the utilization of digital platforms and online marketplaces facilitates the connection between enterprises operating in the informal sector and a broader customer base, both within the country and across borders. This presents n
Nigeria, with its substantial population, has continuously observed ICT make up around 10 percent of the country's Gross Domestic Product (GDP). According to Prof Umaru Garba Danbatta, the Executive Vice Chairman of the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC), the telecommunications industry's investment in the country's Gross Domestic Product (GDP) amounted to $70 billion in 2017 and has been steadily increasing ever since. The contribution of ICT to Nigeria's GDP increased to 10.5 percent in
Not only does this enhance economic growth, but it also generates employment prospects and stimulates creativity within the nation. Nigeria possesses the capacity to leverage ICT and stimulate enhanced economic growth in the future, provided that appropriate infrastructure and regulations are established. For instance, the emergence of e-commerce platforms in Nigeria has greatly bolstered the impact of information and communication technology (ICT) on the country's gross domestic product (GDP).
ICT has not only bolstered the economy but has also played a pivotal role in developing camaraderie and solidarity among different tribes, facilitating participation in the informal sector despite intermittent crises. Similar to how football may overcome obstacles, ICT has also brought together the informal sector, promoting commerce, confidence, and commitment among diverse communities. By utilizing digital platforms and social media, individuals belonging to diverse tribes in Nigeria have succ
The enhanced interconnectivity and dissemination of ideas among tribes in Nigeria have resulted in a more profound comprehension and admiration of one another's cultural heritage. This has not only cultivated a feeling of cohesion but has also facilitated cooperation and ingenuity within the informal sector. ICT has facilitated the dismantling of cultural boundaries, fostering an inclusive atmosphere that enables individuals from diverse tribes to collaborate, exchange their specialized knowledg
b. Case studies of successful ICT-driven economic initiatives
ICT's impact on trade is one that stands out. ICT applications such as Facebook and WhatsApp are now being utilized as a novel means for conducting business transactions inside the informal sector. These platforms have not only offered financial prospects for several Nigerians but also acted as online stores for vendors who may lack the means to lease physical premises. The advent of digital trading has elicited positive responses from numerous entrepreneurs and households (Ukwuoma, 2019). The d
For instance, the implementation of the mobile payment platform M-Pesa in Kenya has significantly transformed the nation's economy by enabling individuals to conveniently transfer and receive funds, settle debts, and get financial services using their mobile devices. This has facilitated the integration of the hitherto unbanked population into the financial system and has made a substantial contribution to the country's economic advancement. Estonia is another notable case study, renowned for it
Nigeria has numerous instances of ICT efforts that serve as case studies and success stories. An illustrative instance of this phenomenon is the rapid expansion of the technology sector in Lagos, which has enticed substantial international capital inflows. Another notable example is the entertainment sectors in Nigeria, which have undergone a significant growth in recent years as a result of the rising use of ICT. These chances have allowed young people in Nigeria to utilize their skills and kno
Mr. Macaroni, Broda Shaggi, Mark Angel, and Taaooma have achieved widespread fame and have become well-known figures in the entertainment sector. Their humorous skits and relatable material have struck a chord with millions of Nigerians, resulting in a devoted fan base and profitable sponsorship agreements. Moreover, the emergence of streaming platforms such as Netflix and YouTube has furnished Nigerian films and music with a worldwide stage, hence amplifying the industry's expansion. Given the
Moreover, the rise of social media has had a substantial impact on the triumph of Nigeria's entertainment sector. Social media platforms like Instagram, Twitter, and TikTok have facilitated direct interaction between artists, content creators, and their fans, enabling them to share their work and establish their individual identities. This direct engagement has not only facilitated artists in acquiring greater recognition but has also enabled them to obtain crucial comments and ideas from their
The case of payment platforms in Nigeria through ICT advances is of great significance, as it has brought about a revolutionary solution to the numerous issues encountered in the banking sector. Technology advancements like Flutterwave, Opay, and palmpay have greatly aided in the evolution of the banking industry by making transactions more convenient and available to a wider audience. These payment channels have not only facilitated the transfer of funds for individuals, but they have also crea
In general, the expansion of ICT advances in payment systems has been crucial in the development and advancement of Nigeria's financial industry. An illustrative instance occurred when a cash shortage occurred prior to the Nigeria 2023 election, causing difficulties for numerous Nigerians in accessing their monies and carrying out financial operations. The payment platforms had a substantial impact during this period by offering an alternate method for individuals to conveniently access their fu
The infusion of funds into the banking sector as a result of developments in information and communication technology (ICT) has played a significant role in the progression and growth of Nigeria's financial industry. The rise in capital has facilitated the growth and upgrading of banking infrastructure, resulting in enhanced services and more financial inclusivity. Furthermore, the progress in information and communication technology (ICT) has also enabled the expansion of digital banking, simpl
The current developments in education brought about by ICT have also been amazing and have significantly increased the access to learning possibilities for students of all ages. These technological breakthroughs have facilitated the creation of internet-based educational platforms and the utilization of digital resources, empowering students to conveniently access educational materials and engage in virtual classrooms regardless of their geographical location within the country. Students in remo
An illustrative instance of how the incorporation of ICT has transformed education in Nigeria is the adoption of online learning platforms. These platforms provide students a diverse array of instructional resources, such as interactive videos, e-books, and practice exercises. Students have the opportunity to learn at their own speed and participate in self-guided learning, enabling them to have personalized educational experiences. Virtual classrooms further improve learning results by allowing
ICT has achieved widespread success across various areas of Nigeria's economy. Some further instances are the transportation and health care sectors. ICT has significantly transformed the delivery of medical services in the healthcare sector. Telemedicine enables patients residing in remote regions to establish virtual connections with doctors and specialists via video calls, therefore surmounting geographical obstacles and enhancing accessibility to high-quality healthcare. In addition, electro
ICT has significantly enhanced productivity and safety in the transportation industry through the utilization of GPS-enabled devices and applications. These sophisticated gadgets and applications, like as Google Maps, assist in monitoring and controlling the movement of vehicles, offering guidance to alleviate traffic congestion and mitigate accidents. Moreover, the advent of internet platforms catering to taxi and ride-sharing services like Uber, Bolt, and others has significantly enhanced the
ICT Challenges and Future Directions
Nigeria's ICT sector still faces difficulties despite its impressive progress. The issues encompass insufficient progress in infrastructure development, insufficient financial resources allocated to research and development, and a scarcity of proficient ICT experts. Moreover, the disparity in technology usage and accessibility between urban and rural areas continues to be a substantial obstacle to the adoption and utilization of information and communication technology (ICT). Nevertheless, the N
The growth of the sector has also been affected by delays in permit processing, various taxation levels, regulatory difficulties, and damage to existing infrastructure. Notwithstanding these obstacles, the Nigerian government has been diligently striving to surmount them. The government has implemented efficient permit processing systems, simplified taxation policies, and enacted regulatory reforms to foster a conducive environment for the growth of the information and communication technology (
In addition, the government has prioritized the promotion of digital literacy and skills enhancement to ensure that the workforce possesses the requisite knowledge and ability to effectively harness the capabilities of information and communication technology. Diverse training programs and initiatives have been put into effect to narrow the gap in digital access and provide persons with the necessary skills to engage in the digital economy. The government's objective in investing in education an
Nigeria's ICT sector is poised for a promising future, thanks to ongoing initiatives such as the GLO 2 underwater cable, the 2Africa project, and Google's Equiano cable. These projects are expected to enhance connectivity and lower internet costs. These projects will enhance internet connectivity for individuals and create favorable conditions for businesses to prosper in the digital economy. Moreover, the government's emphasis on cultivating domestic technology expertise and promoting innovatio
Moreover, Nigeria's robust entrepreneurial culture and flourishing startup ecosystem create an ideal environment for the growth and success of technology enterprises. The nation has already witnessed the emergence of prosperous indigenous businesses, such as Jumia, Paystack, and Andela, that have garnered global acclaim and secured substantial investments. This dynamic environment not only promotes innovation but also generates employment opportunities for the country's expanding population. Mor
Conclusion
Nigeria's ICT journey, which was characterized by important turning points and reforms to technology policy, is now seen as evidence of the country's adaptation and resilience in the digital era. The deregulation of the telecoms industry and the subsequent formulation of the National ICT Policy laid a vital groundwork for Nigeria's technological advancement. The Republic at Sixty represents a period of transformation, highlighting the crucial role of ICT in promoting economic sustainability by a
Looking into the future, Nigeria's Republic at Sixty represents not only a significant historical achievement but also a model for a prosperous and technologically advanced future. The country's dedication to inclusive growth is seen in its commitment to bridging the digital gap through infrastructure development and connectivity initiatives. Nigeria's thriving digital ecosystem, characterized by indigenous entrepreneurs and global partnerships, establishes the country as a significant participa
Nigeria anticipates a future in which emerging technologies fundamentally reshape industries and make a substantial contribution to economic growth. The Republic at Sixty symbolizes the nation's lasting determination, ability to bounce back from difficulties, and unwavering commitment to progress in the digital age. Nigeria is well-positioned to manage the difficulties of the global digital economy and establish itself as a leader in Africa's technological rebirth, thanks to the significant role
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Chapter 17.Reconsidering the Passivity of Women in Nation Building and National Development in the Nigeria's Republic at Sixty
Aigbe, Ruth Nyagunareruthgaigbe@gmail.comNigerian Institute of International Affairs, Lagos-Nigeria.
Abstract
A nation is built when citizens who share distinct values, norms, cultures, and preferences determine to stay together and communicate with each other. This chapter attempts an in-depth analysis of the role women play in nation-building in Nigeria's Republic at Sixty. It highlights the significant contributions of Nigerian women in national development processes, straddling the economic, political, social, and cultural spheres of the Republic of Nigeria. It clearly illustrates the fact that the
Introduction
Nation-building involves the deliberate construction or organization of a nation's identity through the authority of the state. Its objective is to unify the populace within the state, fostering political stability and sustainability over time. Similarly, national development encompasses the enhancement of a country across multiple domains, encompassing political, economic, social, cultural, scientific, and material aspects. Despite facing considerable obstacles and often lacking support, women
Until recently, little or no attention had been paid to the contributions of women to national development and so there had been scanty scholarly literature available. Attoe (2004
7) posits that "by 1975, the global arena had started recognizing women and their importance to the society and so started celebrating women in that year." This global change thus began to spread to every part of Africa. By the 1980s, Nigeria had caught the bug, and the awareness about the role of women in development
Hence, women began to form groups to sensitize fellow women on their rights in society and also move for the need to contribute to the development of Nigeria. History is replete with women's opposition against unfairness and discrimination in pre-colonial, colonial, and post-colonial times. The annals of history abound with the remarkable contributions of Nigerian women, including Margaret Ekpo, Funmilayo Kuti, Dora Akunyili, Obi Ezekwesili, Florence Ita-Giwa, Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, Chimamanda Adi
Furthermore, Olumese posited that "Like in Calabar in 1925
Owerri and Aba: the Dancing Women Movement in 1929 demonstrated against cultural imposition, the introduction of the Native Authority System and payment of tax by women" (198
156), "and they were able to mobilize themselves using the extensive market women's networks at their disposal" (Sesay and Odebiyi 2012
156). This was to be the genesis of women's organizations in Nigeria. Furthermore, "The Aba Women's Association which later playe
An examination of post-independence Nigeria reveals a concerted effort by women to address the social, economic, and political structures that often marginalized their participation and recognition in national development. This initiative spurred the formation of numerous grassroots women's associations, each with distinct objectives and strategies. Notable among these are the National Council of Women Societies (NCWS), established in 1958, the Federation of Nigerian Women's Societies (FNWS) in
These organizations shared a collective mission aimed at advancing the welfare and empowerment of women, with a particular focus on education, skills development, and training. They also sought to instil a sense of civic responsibility in women and ensure their full participation in community affairs. Additionally, they advocated for legal and structural reforms to guarantee women's rights and opportunities, both nationally and internationally. Through collaboration with similar organizations, b
Surprisingly with the myriad of abilities embedded in women, very few women are allowed to contribute to the development of the Nigerian Society. This is not unconnected to the fact that it is because we live in a society where patriarchy is the order of the day and women are still required to be subjects to men. Very few will agree with the precepts embedded in this work and many will be offended, but the truth must be told because the emergence of a better world for our children and the entire
To be fair, some Nigerian women are doing so much at home and abroad, like Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, Chimamanda Adichie, and so on. However, the gap in opportunities between men and women is too wide, and the odds prevailing against women are crippling because of patriarchy. It is not strange to notice that women are easily denied their due entitlement in public offices, not because of incompetence but on sex differences which is not obtainable in most climes, but in Nigeria. Most times to qualify fo
The inquiry into the role of women in development necessitates a clear understanding of the concept of development itself. Akinrinde and Barling (1987:83) define development as the integration of social and economic objectives, aiming not only for increased production but also significant structural and social transformations, alongside equitable resource distribution, ultimately resulting in communal improvements. Central to the essence of development is the enhancement of people's lives, an ar
Supporting this assertion, a publication from the Journal of the International Planned Parenthood Federation - Africa Region emphasizes that development should not solely be viewed as a desirable endpoint but also as a crucial means for advancing gender equality. The document underscores the imperative for women to be active participants in political processes and to share power on equal terms with men in guiding development endeavors (2019, p.16). This perspective underscores the significance o
By the close of the twentieth century, the people of Nigeria had evolved dynamic and progressive socio-economic institutions (Nwabughuogu, 1993
22), made possible by their geographical environment, which was not impaired by the presence of plateaus and rivers. As Ajayi and Ebiegberi observe (1984
225): "Despite the fortuitous manner in which the political unity of Nigeria came to be achieved, culturally and economically, Nigeria was not an arbitrary creation." The economic organization of Centra
Afigbo maintains that agriculture is the primary occupation of the traditional people of Africa (2005
125). Many Nigerian women, predominantly traders and farmers, leverage their geographical advantages to engage in agriculture, effectively sustaining their families and communities economically. Despite their pivotal role, women's contributions to economic sustainability often go unrewarded. Meanwhile, the stories of women's achievements are an integral part of the society. Learning about women'
Corroborating this is Olojede's thoughts showing that "in Nigeria's political history, a consistent feature has been the marginalization of women by successive governments
military or civilian" (2004
127). The explanation for this is that the distribution of power in the political arena has tended to favor men over women in decision-making, which is largely dominated by men. Nonetheless, with the impact Margaret Ekpo and Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti made on colonial politics, there was going to be a
Nonetheless, Nigerian women in recent times, through various organizations, have continued to sensitize fellow women on the need to continue to explore, participate and contribute to the development of the nation. This has seen a greater improvement in quite several national development processes. For instance, Okome and Zakiya (2013
19) posit that these women's organizations:
a. Ensure greater participation of women in politics and governance in terms of numbers
b. Enhance women's effective participation in politics and governance in terms of equality
c. Cultivate the political culture of women voting for women
d. Cultivate the political culture of men voting for women
e. Cultivate the political culture of men getting used to and accepting women leaders
f. Promote greater accommodation and consideration of women's views in decision-making
g. Promote personal and collective development of women
h. Build the political, social, and economic capacities of women over time
i. Inspire and motivate girl-children and youths in general to aspire to greater heights
j. Entrench true and enduring democracy, promotes public accountability and good governance, which will ultimately lead to sustainable human development.
Furthermore, women have risen to advocate for re-orientation to the social misconceptions about women. If women can be good home caretakers/caregivers, good home managers, contributing to the economic advancement of their families by providing food, rearing livestock, farming, and engaging in all strenuous agricultural activities, why then should they be termed 'weaker vessels,' why then should they not be given equal opportunities, why then should their efforts towards nation building processes
References
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Chapter 18.Nigeria Republic at Sixty and the Populace: From High Expectations to Mass Disillusion
Marie Beauty Dirisu, PhDbeautydirisu@yahoo.comNigerian Institute of International Affairs (NIIA)& Igwe kelechi Njokukessiigwe@gmail.comNigerian Institute of International Affairs (NIIA)
Abstract
This article analyzes the exertions of the Nigerian masses and particularly demystifies the problems of democratization process in Africa, especially Nigeria. The failure of the Nigerian government to provide basic services since 1999 is cited as one of the reasons contributing to the general public's disenchantment. This is because matters such as combating corruption, upholding decent leadership, supporting national growth, and the ruling class have gone unaddressed. Opportunistic and destruct
Key Words: National Development, Democracy, Leadership, Political Class, Nigerian Populace
Introduction
Many developing nations, particularly those in Africa, were compelled to switch from military to civilian government as a result of the worldwide democratic movement. Though democracy is generally acknowledged as the best form of government in Africa, there are significant differences in the implementation and results of democracy in various countries. As a result, the problematic nature of Africa's democratization process has not only created new issues for governance, but it has also sparked d
Despite these challenges, Nigerians remain steadfast in their preference for democracy over other types of government. But dissatisfaction with the way democracy is working in their country continues to increase, and is especially high among citizens who are unhappy about the economy (Amara, Rapheal, & Sunday, 2023). According to Kelvin and Nathaniel (2022) the Nigerian democracy's two-decade trajectory indicates a system that oscillates between consolidation and regression. Security concerns, s
"According to Afrobarometer surveys, Nigerians still favor democracy over other forms of administration despite these drawbacks" (Lewis 2006
Mattes 2019).
The wealthy are far too well-insulated for the general populace to consume them in our current state of affairs. Since they constantly live in fear, they surround themselves with enough weapons to properly provide for every member of any society, even though we have no idea where they are or where they reside. Given that they spend the majority of their time outside of Nigeria, it appears that they have developed a phobia towards the country, which this account for the scant portion of their lif
This paper is therefore an attempt to point out the failures of the democratic governments in Nigeria since 1999 in delivering the basics for the common masses. It also analyzes how poor leadership and the political class have heighten mass disillusion. The paper is divided into six sections: an introduction, which provided a general background on Nigerian democratic issues. The second section captures the articulation of democracy, national development and political class as concepts, providing
National Development, Democracy and the Political Class:A Conceptual Ground
Understanding National Development
In the world we live in today, there are a lot of societies that are highly poor and very few who are extremely rich. Millions of people live in utter poverty in several Latin American, Asian, and African nations. This horrible state has been attributed to a lack of development. What, therefore, does development mean from a national standpoint?
According to Rostow (1960), national development is a process of social transformation and forced expansion for a country with internal socioeconomic stratification. According to Rodney (1972), development is the process of making a country's citizens' quality of life better.
Chuma, Igwiro, and Adagonye (2009) captures national development as the process by which a country makes use of qualitative shifts in the productive forces and production relations that result in the production of additional products, the emergence of demands, and the development of means of satisfying those needs. People in society become polarized into two opposing groups over the ownership and control of the means of production as a result of the production, consumption, and distribution of m
Political development from the perspective of Hoogewelt (1978) is defined as the advancement of a political system to a desired state that is characterized by advanced political culture and political structure. This process includes "structural or role differentiation" (the process by which old roles are transformed and new types of roles emerge coupled with an expanded capacity of the political system to perform conversion function, system maintenance function, and adaptation function) and "cul
Understanding Democracy
In addition, Anifowose (2005) noted that democracy is based on a system of institutions, values, and practices that enable a large number of people to choose their political representatives and ensure a broad range of civil rights. The concept of democracy may also have been critiqued for being too limited due to factors like its emphasis on formal political rights and procedures from which economic considerations cannot be removed. According to actual democracy, poverty can impede the general p
Democracy is by far the most popular type of governance in the world, according to Francis (2005). Almost no ruler or government will not attempt to claim the label of democracy or be regarded as such. The general public finds democracy to be quite appealing. The emergence of organized government throughout the world in recent decades, especially in Africa, Asia, and some Eastern European countries, is fueling calls for authoritarian control that will almost certainly be replaced by democracy. A
Understanding Political Class (Elites)
There are several perspectives in scientific literature about the nature of political class, according to George (2012). The following categories apply to the most well-liked ones: Some scholars define the political elite as those with the highest positions of authority, which is consistent with the thesis of C. W. Mills and the viewpoint of other neoelitarists. Other scientists assert that the term "elite" refers to those who have influence and authority because of authoritative resource contro
Problematic Nature of the democratizationProcess in Africa: Literature Review
The main obstacles to democratic consolidation in Nigeria's Fourth Republic, according to Oni (2014) in his work "Democracy and the Challenges of Consolidation in Nigeria's Fourth Republic," are the absence of good governance, which is explained in terms of a flawed constitutional arrangement, corruption, economic mismanagement, undemocratic internal party politics, a fraudulent electoral system, the rule of man as opposed to the rule of law, and a lack of accountability and transparency.
Reexamining the historical circumstances that gave rise to the Nigerian entity would be necessary in order to critically analyze Nigeria's attempts at democratization. Even before Nigerian independence was granted in 1960, the "forceful and thoughtless" union of the Northern and Southern protectorates by British colonial control had done more harm than good to the country's society. It is historically plausible to argue that before the British conquest of Nigeria in 1861, the country did not exi
In his well-known piece "Democracy in Nigeria: Concepts, representation, and expectation," Attahiru (2013) noted that democracy is seldom desirable if it results in the popular empowerment of the masses. This observation was made from the standpoint of political class. They only find democracy appealing if it makes it easier to gain power, opens doors for embezzlement of public funds, and keeps the populace under control and at their mercy. The political elite works to negotiate the military's r
Adelekan & Ashibi (2020) also highlighted that some of the obstacles to Nigerian democracy include things like dishonesty, judicial abracadabra, vote-buying, rigging, corruption, and a disregard for the rule of law. The previously listed elements will both heighten public disillusionment and continue to raise expectations for Nigeria's progressive democracy. These academics also proposed that in order for Nigeria's democracy to flourish and serve as a benchmark for attaining swift socioeconomic
Erunke (2015) further highlights that the achievement of free and credible elections is one of the factors for evaluating the success and/or failures of a democratic system. According to Erunke (2015), the scholar argues that the Fourth Republic's government implemented a wide range of economic reforms that have contributed to poverty, deprivation, inequality, a decline in human values, income per capita, and an overall downward spiral of the already unstable Nigerian system.
The Failure of Democratic GovernmentsSince 1999 to deliver the Basics
Nigeria's political history underwent a sea change in 1999 when the country's military government gave way to civilian administration and the Fourth Republic was established (Kelvin & Nathaniel: 2022). In Nigeria's situation, efforts to increase citizen welfare and the country's overall development have utterly failed since democratic rule was restored in 1999. The majority of Nigerians are living in extreme poverty and are generally devoid of hope, which is a clear indication of the democratic
The 2011 presidential election, for example, was marked by post-election violence that resulted in over 800 fatalities and thousands of displaced people, despite being better organized than the three previous elections (in 1999, 2003, and 2007). This was an obvious contradiction that followed the election (Bekeo 2011). With an opposition candidate and party defeating an incumbent president in the 2015 election, it may have been the largest upset in this modern era. In an election that observers
Believably elected leaders' incompetent political leadership is to blame for both our personal tragedies and the severe illnesses that have contributed to the decline of our formerly prosperous country. Many commentators see Nigeria's story as akin to a stubborn child who is doomed to be small and constrained. The print and electronic media both celebrate how our lives and the lives of many with whom we have close affinity are violated every day (Olanrewaju, 2013). Sporadic announcements of woes
The following is explained in an article by Kabir (2023) on the "Trend of low voter turnout in Nigeria elections" in Nigeria: out of the 93.4 million registered voters this year, 87.2 million obtained their Permanent Voters Card, and only 24.9 million actually cast ballots on election day. The well-documented aversion of Nigerians to voting during elections was brought to a new low last year when voters turned out to elect the president and federal MPs in a widely seen exercise. Nigeria has had
/
Figure 1
Source: Premium Times Newspaper.
The Table above shows the Nigerian populace have held on to high expectation as it regards the improvement of the nation's governance process and democracy over the years. But, the end there of remains an impeccable mass disillusion for the populace.
The 2023 general elections stands out to be with an election outcome that proves that the voters turn in Nigeria continues to depreciate as the years go by.
The figure below corroborates with figure one, showing that the high expectations of Nigerians have more often led to mass disillusionment for the masses and this has resulted in the decline of voters' participation over the years. If the government of the day does not wake up to this reality, the question becomes what will be the future of democracy in Nigeria? That is, emphasis on democracy with tenets like good governance, popular participation, free and fair elections, good leadership and th
/
Figure 2
Source: INEC/The Cable
Mass Disillusion Heighten by Poor Leadershipand the Ruling Class
With the establishment of what appeared to be a true democracy, we, the people, were anticipating a peaceful history in the making. The high expectations of Nigerians are explained by the previously mentioned assertion (Inuwa & Adamu, 2013). Regretfully, as stated by Ojo (2005), "the African democracy serves the interest of only the ruling class." Additionally, poor governance impedes the progress of a country. Development turns into a fantasy in areas lacking effective government. The nation's
From Nigeria's "flag" independence in 1960, the petty bourgeois class has controlled the country's politics through close cooperation with global finance capital and its local operatives, known as the "emerging bourgeoisie in Nigeria." They have imposed liberal capitalist governance on the nation and reduced almost every working class to nothing in the country's power structure. The myth that there are no socioeconomic classes in Nigerian politics is perpetuated by the reigning petty bourgeoisie
The argument that Nigerian society is "classless" is unconvincing. Social classes do exist and are becoming increasingly apparent in modern Nigerian politics, despite the fact that they may be nascent and occasionally challenging to define due to a number of factors, including the fact that Nigeria has not yet developed into a fully-fledged, production-based capitalist state. The study's identification of the socioeconomic classes that arose during colonialism has evolved and been clearly visibl
It is important to highlight that Nigerian political leaders, even prior to the country's restoration to democracy in 1999, did not take advantage of the chance that came with their position as the representatives of the people to promote interethnic harmony and unity. For self-serving reasons, the political elites failed to take use of the opportunity that diversity offered the polity (Ihediwa & Ngozi: 2021, p186).
Nigeria's Most Important Current Problem
Not Democracy but a government of the Ruling Class
the government of the rich against the poor is what democracy has become. Only the wealthy and privileged are able to pay the expenses associated with running for office. According to Ogundiya (2010), Nigeria's political system now always includes injustice. People have misgivings about the government because the ruling class is unable to administer democracy in the proper manner. Resigning to the dishonesty of their rulers for a long time is a
High-level Corruption
Another widespread issue in Nigeria's democratic system that has been embraced by the populace as a way of life is corruption. Although corruption is a worldwide problem, Benyin & Ugochukwu (2015) also make the argument that Nigeria is entangled in the corruption web. Funds designated for policy implementation are frequently siphoned off to the detriment of the entire country. Furthermore, a barrier to development is the absence of trustworthy leadership that is able to id
Absence of Sustainable Development
According to Ayeni et al. (2018), the majority of the ruling elites of the Nigeria Fourth Republic (1999-2016) have not generally upheld democratic principles in Nigeria. The way these elites run the nation under a democratic system of government does not accurately represent what is possible in the Western nations where democracy appears to be here to stay. The failure of Nigeria's democracy to achieve sustainable development has led to the rise of social vic
According to data from the 2014 United Nations Development Program report, Nigeria was placed 152nd out of 187 countries in terms of human development, which is defined as having an average level of living and quality of life. According to the research, Nigeria's Human Development Index is below the recommended level of 0.381. As a result, when certain governments' terms finish, there is a lack of policy continuity in these situations (National Development Index: 2014).
Breaking the Edge and the Future of Democracy in Nigeria
The nation appears to have reached a standstill in the last stages of the democratization process, even two decades after civilian government was reinstated. Despite the noteworthy advancements, there is still growing inequality between an affluent minority and the great majority, Nigeria's democracy is still insecure, and the benefits of democracy are still delayed. As the democratization process moves from its transitional phase to its consolidation phase, it will inevitably require a purposef
The Quest for citizen democracy
the political elite, who, as Momoh (2015) rightly notes, "have not transformed from being an elite into being a political class," has mostly abandoned and monopolized the political society, rendering it irrelevant and useful. The democratic project is suffering greatly as a result, and instead of becoming more democratic, it is becoming less democratic. In this regard, the Nigerian struggle for citizens' democracy represents a significant endeavor to save democra
In order for this to occur, people must be encouraged to become conscious of their class by ongoing education and mobilization. People's energy must also be directed into a principled and ongoing fight for social justice, which citizens' democracy stands for in opposition to ethnic justice, which encourages the political elite to subjugate the populace in a "democratic" manner (Adelaja, 2015). Construing the future of democracy in Nigeria from a predictive perspective, it is almost impossible to
Conclusion and Recommendations
The Nigerian democracy still has widespread socioeconomic inequality and corruption, despite occasional gains. The political elites that have controlled the democratic arena since 1999 have routinely disregarded the basic values of a liberal democratic system, including free and fair elections, the rule of law, political liberty, and respect for human rights. Public confidence in the independent electoral commission's capacity to conduct free and fair elections free from the authoritarian influe
This difficulty is a sign of a structural flaw in Nigeria's political structure. Maintaining the status quo will only hasten the decline of democratic institutions and public confidence. Unlike the existing system, which uses violence, intimidation of voters, bribery, and bogus promises to win votes, it is thus recommended that Nigeria needs a governance system that will enhance the education of its voters and the capability of its leaders, develop more key and capable structure for probing gove
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Chapter 19.Navigating the Complexities of Foreign Policy Dynamics and Local Peculiarities: A Rethink of Nation-building in Nigeria
Olusegun Paul Adesanya, PhDsegunpaul11@gmail.comDepartment of International Relations and Diplomacy,Afe Babalola University Ado-Ekiti (ABUAD), Ekiti State
Abstract
Despite Nigeria's oil revenues and active involvement in global affairs, the country faces significant challenges that could impede its future prospects. Corruption and poor governance have led to economic and social hardships for its citizens and hindered foreign investment. Internal divisions based on ethnicity and religion also pose threats to national unity and stability. However, Nigeria has shown commitment to nation-building through leadership in regional organizations like ECOWAS and par
Keywords: Complexities, dynamics, foreign policy, local peculiarities, nation-building.
Introduction
There is panoply of activities within the international system in which states are neck-deep. This is mostly because no state can survive by itself within the international system since none of them possesses the endowment of all the resources necessary for its survival. In turn, all states have to nibble at international resources that are within the confines of other countries
the situation thus renders engagement with such 'Other' countries necessary. Beyond the need for resources, states pu
Perceptively describing foreign policy, Ojo and Sesay (2011) remarked that foreign policy is the totality of the communication that a state has with its external environment in the pursuit of its numerous goals -political, social, economic etc, which cannot be achieved within its territorial confines. Foreign policy for Pickles (1974) implies "a stated set of attitudes towards the international environment, an implicit or explicit plan about a country's relationship with the outside world . or s
The focus of the foreign policy of any state should be its national interests, which could be aspirational, operational, or polemic. While the aspirational interests of a state, according to Frankel (1973), revolve around the desire for some ideal set of goals that a state would like to realize if possible
the operational dimension concerns those interests and policies actually pursued by the state. The polemic is the use of the concept in political argument to explain or critique international
And on this pedestal, subsequent leaders of Nigeria acted. For instance, against all the domestic challenges it was contending with, the Nigerian government sustained its involvement in the attempt to find solutions to the civil wars in Liberia and Sierra-Leone between 1994 and 2005. This however is in contrariness to citizens' expectations which are fixated on what Adeniran (1981) describes as:
when statesmen and bureaucrats are expected or required to act in the national interest . what is meant is that they are being called upon to take action on issues that would improve the political situation, the economic and social well-being, the health and culture of the people as well as their political survival. They are being urged to take action that will improve the lot of the people rather than pursue policies that will subject the people to domination by other countries . policies which
But what constitutes national interest(s) in Nigeria has not been clearly defined. This seems to be responsible for Nigeria's preference of taking Africa and African issues as its interests. Whereas Nigeria's sensitivity to and understanding of the prevailing dynamics of African and global politics in the 1960s informed the underpinning principles and thrust of its foreign policy then, the sustenance of these principles in post-Cold War era suggests that Nigeria's foreign policy is what the lead
The pursuit of Afrocentric issues with a national mindset suggests that elitists' intentions were morphed into national interests, and pursued. This in a way was to make such a leader a 'hero' whose benevolence to the African state might have been for several reasons, one of which was to stamp his personae on the country's foreign policy and ensure that his name is either ingrained on the minds of the leader of such a state and the citizens alike, or is written on the pages of history textbooks
Long before independence, and clearly two decades before the economic prosperity of the mid-1970s which catapulted the country to the top in Africa, Nigerians had expressed the belief that the country was preordained to play an important and leading role in African affairs. A situation late President Nnamdi Azikiwe regarded as the "historic mission" and "manifest destiny" of Nigeria in Africa (Azikiwe, 1961, p. 64)
and towards the Black race.
The local peculiarities of Nigeria are numerous and worrisome. They range between ethnic and religious diversity, infrastructural deficit, several domestic challenges of corruption, poverty, unemployment, widespread insecurity, bad governance and their likes. Burdened with such aegean stable, Nigeria is expected to have explored its foreign engagements to find solutions to these challenges, and how to explore such issues as ethnic and religious diversity in its progression in the comity of state
The format of the basic principles of Nigeria's foreign policy is externally oriented. This was no issue at the time of enunciation, and it does not constitute an issue presently. The only glitch is the fact that at a time Nigeria is contending with several challenges domestically, the country's foreign policy is still driven by such continental focus that informed the basic rules of its engagements. Really, it has been observed that three schools of thought exist on the usefulness and continuit
Theoretical Consideration
At a time as this in Nigeria's history, an analytical consideration of the complex dynamics of its foreign policy deserves a critical consideration to [re]focus it on specific issues. In its 63 years of existence, there are three major phases that provide the plank for such projection appositely. First, 1960 when it attained independence, and was regarded as wading through "uncertainty and timidity" (Gambari, 1990, p. 6). Second, 1999 when the country evolved from military rule, and its presiden
The above informs the preference for critical theory as the underpinning perspective for this study. Also regarded as the School, critical theory emerged through many social movements, with the aim of critiquing society and transforming it holistically. Originally associated with the Frankfurt Institute in the 1930s, it has mostly been "philosophically preoccupied with the critique of modernity and capitalist society, the definition of social emancipation, as well as the detection of the patholo
It is in the works of Max Horkheimer (1895-1973), Theodor Adorno (1903-1969), Herbert Marcuse (1898-1979), Walter Benjamin (1892-1940), Friedrich Pollock (1894-1970), Leo Lowenthal (1900-1993), Eric Fromm (1900-1980), and more recently Jurgen Habermas (1929-2007) that critical theory has been projected as the perspective that queries "modern social and political life through a method of immanent critique" (Devetak, 2009). The School intends to foster a deep understanding of contemporary society
Concerning Nigeria's foreign policy, critical theory provides a basis for engaging with and challenging the built-in pathologies and forms of predominant focus, which are already leading to dogmatism. This involves the perusal of the fixation of previous regimes on the intentions of Sir Balewa to the neglect of the prevailing circumstances within the country, the domestic environment precisely, which should be integrated into national interests. This is because the current foreign policy should
While critical theory does not accept the extant order in any society as such may appear, it still does not ignore it. Rather, as Horkheimer (1992, vii) suggests:
we should look at problems from different aspects, not from just one alone. Only those who are subjective, one-sided and superficial in their approach to problems will smugly issue orders or directives the moment they arrive on the scene, without considering the circumstances, without viewing things in their entirety (their history and their present state as a whole) and without getting to the essence of things (their nature and the internal relations between one thing and another).
The School upholds the notion that history is not made by human on their own terms, hence the need for deep analysis of prevailing situation. At least, things are mostly complex than what is presented. Thus, in order to know an object or trust what is presented as an objective knowledge, it is necessary to embrace, patiently study, observe, and reflect on all the facets of such, its connections and the innate structuring of such an entity. This is because "knowledge is always constituted in refl
This will enable the reader and leader alike to "look again, in a fresh way, at that which we assume about the [Nigeria's foreign policy] because it has become overly familiar" (Fierke, 1998, 13). Hence, the countries that Nigeria sacrificed for previously, especially on the altar of Africa as the centrepiece of its foreign policy have disregarded it seriously. Thus, Akinboye insists that the age-long philosophical notion of Africa as the centre piece of the country's foreign policy has become m
Data: Method of Gathering and Analyzing
Data for this study were collected from data hubs and ranking platforms, memoirs of retired Nigerian ambassadors and academics, archival materials and extant literature. Relevant descriptive statistics were generated from data platforms and bodies such as National Bureau of Statistics, Worldometer and Statista. These ranking bodies and platforms provided the study with reliable data on the economy, debt, and demographic elements. Second, the memoirs of two of Nigeria's academics and ambassadors-
Historical Account of Nigeria's Foreign Policy
Starting with Sir Balewa's decision for the values that underlie Nigeria's foreign policy in 1960 to the series of decisions already taken by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu in Nigeria's engagement with foreign countries in 2023, it is observed that foreign policy decision making in Nigeria is enamored in complex situations. Indeed, in the face of current realities of domestic challenges, the foreign policy should be tailored towards harvesting solutions, in part though, from the international syste
The principles that underscore Nigeria's foreign policy were distilled by scholars from the speeches made by Sir Balewa in the House of Representatives on August 20, 1960, during the Independence Day celebration on October 1, 1960, and during Nigeria's accession as the 99th member of the United Nations on October 8, 1960. For instance, on August 20, 1960, the late Premier remarked that:
the Federal Government recognizes that its primary duty is to safeguard and promote the interest of the Federation and its citizens. We have already declared our intention of a plan to join both the Commonwealth and the United Nations. . it is important to understand that all members are autonomous communities equal in status and in no way subordinate one to another. We consider it wrong for the Federal Government to associate itself as a matter of routine with any of the power blocs. It will be
'Africa as the centrepiece of Nigeria's foreign policy' has mostly motivated Nigeria to strive to achieve beyond what is required for its development and the safety of its citizens. This is because it prefers, as Bukarambee (2000) remarked, to approach Africa and African issues with a national mind-set inclined in the direction of idealizing its entitlement to a leadership role within Africa. This self-perception invigorates it to undertake extra burdens and commitments. But what situations info
The individuals who assumed control of leadership of Nigeria immediately at independence were aware that Britain and the US adopted the Atlantic Charter (AC) of August 14, 1941 for the freedom of all people. They were also well-informed of Prime Minister Winston Churchill's justification for the persistence of British colonialism, as stated in his response to Article three of the AC (Library of the Congress, 1941
Klein, 1941
Russell, 1941). For Churchill, Britain intended to hold its own colon
I have not become the King's First Minister in order to preside over the liquidation of the British Empire . I am proud to be a member of that vast commonwealth and society of nations and communities gathered around the ancient British monarchy .. (Jacobsen & Smith, 1979).
The same set of Nigerian nationalists witnessed the predilection of the South African regime for apartheid rule that suppressed the rights of Blacks in the face of white supremacy. Jan Smuts was noticed to have insisted that "we in South Africa did not recognize equal rights, we did not recognize such a thing and had never recognized it and would never recognize it. And that 'South Africans are agreed, except those who are quite made, that it is a fixed policy to maintain white supremacy in Sout
Flowing from the above, the late Premier could not have said lesser than he remarked at every fora he expressed himself on Nigeria's foreign policy. For instance, during Nigeria's accession to membership of the UN, he insisted that:
So far I have concentrated on the problems of Africa. Please do not think that we are not interested in the problems of the rest of the world
we are intensely interested in them and hope to be allowed to assist in finding solutions to them through this organization, but being human we are naturally concerned first with what affects our immediate neighborhood (Balewa & Epelle, p. 68).
As at this time, Nigeria had so many prospects, and expectations about its future were very high. It was the most populous country in Africa, the largest concourse of black people on earth, and endowed with immense deposits of hydrocarbon energy and some other natural resources, all of which projected the country's great potential for economic growth, particularly in the Niger delta region in 1958. This was attested to by Phillips who emphasized that "Nigeria is potentially the greatest power in
Nigeria was then reliant on the West for necessary outlay for the actualization of the first post-independent Development Plan. A corollary to this was the Premier's constant consultation with Great Britain concerning the flow of needed resources for the country's economy (Imobighe, 1981, cited in Adoba, 2014). Also, Sir Balewa was being assisted by Sir Peter Stallard, the British Secretary to the Cabinet, in the shaping of the country's external affairs (Aluko, 1981:24
Fawole, 2003). This reli
Sir Balewa did not employ Afrocentrism as the basis of all engagements during his regime. His administration refused to train Angolan fighters that were waging war against Portuguese colonialists and other freedom fighters (Ezirim, 2011). And also jailed the leader of the Popular Idea of Equatorial Spanish Guinea Party, Francisco Xavier Ndego, for two months for entering Nigeria without valid papers to see the Prime Minister
as well as did not grant the leader of Rhodesia National Congress, Hen
The subsequent military regimes allowed Afrocentrism in Nigeria's relations to the extent events permitted. For Bukarambee (2011, p. 108) "each Nigerian government since independence essentially pursued the same Africa policy, under the same guiding principles, and with the same recurring objectives of African unity and functional co-operation." As the supreme ruler of Nigeria, Major General J. T. U. Aguiyi-Ironsi introduced the rigid hierarchical 'commandist' structure which permitted nobody to
Portuguese and white South Africans were barred from accessing Nigeria during his regime, and they were further denied the use of Nigerian airspace and seaport facilities because of their status as colonialists (Abegunrin, 2009
Effiong, 2012). This was conducted despite the short duration of the regime, about 194 days between January 16, 1966 and July 29, 1966
which was riddled with numerous domestic upheavals, insecurity and instability that deprived it of time to make any enduring impact on
From General Yakubu Gowon's regime that resulted from the second coup d'etat, and had the 1967-1970 civil war to grapple with, through the actions of Generals Murtala Mohammed and Olusegun Obasanjo's administrations that respectively challenged US' intention to coordinate African leaders' opinions, and nationalized British Petroleum (BP), Britain's largest investment in Africa at the time
to the regimes of Muhammed Buhari - Tunde Idiagbon, Ibrahim Babangida, Sanni Abacha and Abdul Salam Abubaka
When President Olusegun Obasanjo assumed office, Nigeria was neck-deep in external public debt of about $35,999 billion (Osuntokun, 2005
DMO, 2005
IMF, 2005) taken from the London and Paris Clubs of creditor nations and some other lenders. His pursuit of debt forgiveness for Nigeria later led to debt forgiveness for the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) (Ifeoma, 2011
Mutume, 2005, Reifel, 2005). This pursuit by President Obasanjo led to the eradication of "$31 bn (£17.3 bn) of debts owed
Domestically, there was the Niger delta debacle, particularly the onshore/offshore dichotomy that the country contended with. The necessity to resolve each of the crises and ease the debt hangover impelled the President to exploit his credential of former Head of State and a friend to former and then, current leaders of several countries, and a member of the Eminent Persons Group constituted by the Commonwealth Secretariat, in actively finding solutions to the challenges. Beyond the above, one m
Umaru Musa Yar'Adua, Nigeria's President from 2007 until his death in 2010, pursued a foreign policy that focused on strengthening regional and international partnerships. One of the foreign policy thrusts of President Yar'Adua was citizen diplomacy, which was directed at addressing the problems confronting Nigerian citizens at home and abroad. For Ogunsanwo (2007: 3), it means "the Nigerian citizen abroad is the centre of Nigeria's national interest and therefore the country's entire diplomatic
Also, he sought to improve Nigeria's relationships with neighboring African countries and played a key role in mediating conflicts in the region. While working to enhance Nigeria's standing on the global stage through diplomatic efforts with major world powers and participation in international organizations and forums, President Yar'Adua's regime emphasized the importance of cooperation with other African nations to address common challenges such as poverty, disease, and political instability.
During his presidency, Goodluck Ebele Jonathan prioritized regional and international cooperation in Nigeria's foreign policy. He focused on strengthening relationships with other African countries and promoting peace and stability in the region. His regime emphasized the importance of collaboration with neighboring countries to address common challenges such as security threats, economic development, and regional integration. He also sought to enhance Nigeria's role in regional organizations su
A dip for the administration was its inability to effectively address the rise and threat of Boko Haram which was responsible, according to Human Rights Watch (2014), for "the death of 2,053 civilians in six months," and of about 66,768 between 2011 and 2023 in Northeastern region of Nigeria (Statista, 2023) alone
as well as thousands of deaths in Cameroon, Chad, and Niger. This led to a lack of trust and cooperation with other countries in combating the terrorist group. Consequent upon this, t
In view of the challenges of insecurity, poverty, infrastructural deficit, and many more, Muhammadu Buhari, who was the President of Nigeria between 2015 and 2023, pursued a foreign policy that prioritized national security and counterterrorism efforts during the first tenure. The regime focused on strengthening Nigeria's relationships with neighboring African countries and was actively involved in regional initiatives to combat terrorism and promote stability within the region. In addition, the
Nonetheless, the regime's foreign policy lacked consistency, effectiveness, and strategic vision. The government was reactive rather than proactive in its approach to key issues such as the fight against Boko Haram, the handling of the Fulani herdsmen crisis, and the management of Nigeria's relationship with neighboring countries. This inconsistency led to a lack of trust and credibility in Nigeria's foreign policy, making it difficult for the country to effectively engage with other nations. Ac
President Bola Ahmed Tinubu's assignment was set for him from the start of his administration. This is because the country has reached a threshold where change has become a must. The country that had its debts forgiven in 2005 by international lenders has returned fully into the abyss of debts that is at an all-time-high of US$113, 423.77 bn (DMO, 2023). Aside this, the economy was in bad shape when he became the President, a factor that played a significant role in the voting pattern of Nigeria
For instance, two packets of Augmentin were purchased at N114,000 last week, whereas the same drug sold for less than N12,000 three months ago (Akinmurele, 2023). Beyond this, however, are the challenges of weakening economy, insecurity, infrastructural deficit, unemployment and the likes that form the current realities of the country. Presently, President Tinubu is seeking investors across the world that can invest in Nigeria (Agency Report, 2023
Nda-Isaiah, 2023
Angbulu, 2023), and has succe
Local Peculiarities: Our Realities
Nigeria is ethnically and religiously diverse. The number of ethnic groups within the country constitutes a source of disagreement. For instance, Nigeria is regarded as having "about 250-300 ethnic groups as measured by self-identification or the presence of different languages" (AHA, 2023). Another account claims that there are several ethnic groups in Nigeria, majority of which are the Igbo, Hausa and the Yoruba. Within these ethnic groups are several tribes numbering 371 (Sowunmi, 2017
Green
Another domestic issue is the fact that Nigeria is resource dependent. The natural resource extraction industry is vital to Nigeria's economy, with resources like crude oil, natural gas, coal, tin, and columbite being the most economically valuable minerals. Since its discovery in 1956, petroleum has become the main source of government's revenue and foreign exchange. Most of the oil production come from onshore fields in the Niger Delta, with an increasing amount being produced offshore. Also,
Being a treasure trove, Nigeria sits on humongous deposits of mineral resources like aluminium, iron and steel, precious metals and minerals, as well as base metals. In 2022, earnings from the mining industry was $1,665.8 million (Research & Markets, 2023). The cornucopia of resources notwithstanding, Nigeria is an example of a resource blessed country contending with resource curse as a result of the daunting abnormalities it is fraught with, which are the consequences of corruption that keeps
Nigeria has a growing population of 226,063,370 (Worldometer, 2023), which is projected to reach 375 million by 2050 (Unicef, 2022). A sizeable bulge, about 70% of the population, is constituted by the youths (RadioNigeria, 2023
Duntoye & Mbaegbu, 2023)
with 17 years being the median age (Worldometer, 2023). In spite of the contributions that such young people could make to the advancement of Nigeria in several sectors, they are bogged down in unemployment or underemployment, which resulted, i
In June 2023, the headline inflation rate rose to 22.79% relative to May 2023 headline inflation rate which was 22.41%. Looking at the movement, the June 2023 headline inflation rate showed an increase of 0.38% points when compared to May 2023 headline inflation rate. On a year-on-year basis, the headline inflation rate was 4.19% points higher compared to the rate recorded in June 2022, which was 18.60%. This shows that the headline inflation rate (year-on-year basis) increased in June 2023 when
Table I below presents the rate of unemployment and inflation in Nigeria between 1991 and 2023.
/
From Table I above, it is obvious that at no time between 1991 and 2022 did unemployment and inflation rates contract to the healthy rates of 3% and 5%, and optimal rate of 2% respectively. Rather, unemployment rate hovered around 9.4 from 1991 until 2014, when it surged to 10.2, and rose to 13.4 in 2022. The inflation rate hovered between 13 in 1991 and 18.8 in 2022
but spiked between 1992 and 1995 to 44.5 and 72.8 respectively. Despite these humongous challenges, the government is yet to use
These situations, and the desire to escape poverty are the raison d'etre for or have provided several youths with the alibi for involvement in cybercrimes, trafficking of psychotropic substances and illicit pharmaceutics, kidnapping, maritime piracy, sea armed robbery, oil theft, and several other illegalities that have pervaded the youthful fraction of Nigeria's population. Stating it pungently, the Association of Certified Fraud Examiners is noted to have insisted that "the rise in fraud rate
In spite of the numerous contributions Nigeria has made to issues affecting Africa therefore, the above stated groundswell of negative issues and more have not only limited the country's development, but has contributed indubitably to the opprobrium that the country has suffered in the comity of states. For instance, "Ghana and Guinea were seen as more 'influential' and Nigeria a shambling giant with no clear idea of what its role in Africa should be" (Fafowora, 1989, p. 32). Also, such challeng
Nation-building and Nigeria
Nation-building is a concerted project to construct or rebuild a country, its underlying institutions and sense of community. Such an endeavor is often directed at creating a cohesive nation-state that never existed, never properly functioned or that has collapsed (Munro, n. d.). Sometimes, governments employ it to develop political, economic, security, and social institutions in other countries (World101, 2023) while pursuing their national interests. States engage in it so as to ensure cohesio
There are numerous challenges limiting nation-building in Nigeria, some of which are already discussed above. In the attempt to close the crevices through which the country is getting sundered, it is necessary for efforts to be made towards creating a sense of common identity, solidarity, and loyalty among the citizens of the country. This is because for there to be a united, prosperous, and inclusive Nigeria, nation-building must be taken as the collective responsibility of all citizens. This p
It is in this context therefore that the country's foreign policy can serve as one of the necessary instruments for accessing nation-building ingredients from the external environment, which could help in addressing the problems associated with heterogeneity and manage conspicuous centrifugal tendencies. Foreign policy initiatives that prioritize national integration must be designed to deepen Nigeria's ability to address internal fragility, build capacity to tackle challenges, and foster mutual
In doing this, genuine policies must be directed at guaranteeing national security, addressing socio-economic infrastructural challenges, and providing platforms that will enhance businesses' survivability and growth. It is when these are in place that the investors currently chased across the world would be interested in partnering with the leadership of the country. The government should direct its foreign policy towards engaging partnership that will foster the comprehensive renewal of the co
It is only by doing these that the government can motivate, mobilize and galvanize groups of diverse ethnicities, history, world outlook, language, religion, orientation and perception into a unified whole necessary to move Nigeria out of the rut it is presently trapped in
as well as avert losing its youthful skilled workers to some better climes already interested in welcoming such workforce into their confines. Thus, while intending to bear the hope of the entire continent, Nigeria should not
Rethinking Nigeria's Foreign Policy for Nation-building
In the hope that Nigeria's 100th independence anniversary in 2060 will not be a mere flag independence, but an all-round independence in all the sectors of the country, this section presents a gaze into the approaches to be taken in arriving at the desired point in which the country can make worthwhile contributions that will be respected globally. The leadership of Nigeria is expected "to promote and protect the country's national interests over which a national consensus is presumed to have cl
The constitution of a country is a living document (FGN, 2014), and the consensus of all members of that country. Nigeria's constitution represents the book of agreement of all Nigerians. Chapter II, Section 13 of the 1999 constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria claims that it "shall be the duty and responsibility of all organs of government and of all authorities and persons, exercising legislative, executive or judicial powers to conform to, observe and apply the provisions of this Cha
Sections of the same constitution are filled with what ordinarily should constitute the national interests of the country, which if properly executed, will enhance the process of nation building. For instance, Chapter I, Section 2 states that "the security and welfare of the people shall be the primary purpose of government." And Section 16 of Chapter II has it that:
(i) The State shall, within the context of the ideals and objectives for which provisions are made in this Constitution-(a) harness the resources of the nation and promote national prosperity and an efficient, a dynamic and self-reliant economy
(b) control the national economy in such manner as to secure the maximum welfare, freedom and happiness of every citizen on the basis of social justice, equality of status and opportunity .
(ii) The State shall direct its policy towards ensuring- (a) the promotion of a planned and balanced economic development
(b) that the material resources of the Nation are harnessed and distributed as best as possible to serve the common good .
And in so far "states are agents with interests, beliefs, rationality, and a capacity for purposive action," as Alexander Wendt (2015, p. 23) quipped, Nigeria is expected to adhere to the dictates of its constitution
and this extends to its relations with other countries. The reverse however is the situation. As a matter of fact, the chapter 19 of the country's constitution reads: the foreign policy objectives shall be -
(a) promotion and protection of the national interest
(b) promotion of the total liberation of Africa and support of African unity
(c) promotion of international co-operation for the consolidation of universal peace and mutual respect among all nations and elimination of racial discrimination in all its manifestations
(d) respect for international law and treaty obligations as well as the seeking of settlement of international disputes by negotiation, mediation, conciliation, arbitration and adjudication
and
(e) promotion of a just world economic order.
Going by the above, the country's foreign policy is designed to pursue Nigeria's national developmental aspirations first, which should entail immense benefits for the masses before making Africa's wellness its ambition. However, the country's foreign affairs have mostly been conducted with preference for African affairs over national interests. This act negates the dictates of the constitution
which if pursued appropriately will sharply contrast the design and pursuits of the foreign policies
Pungently stating this, Ibrahim Gambari (2008, p. 63) insisted that "Nigeria's foreign policy has never been directly related to the needs of the masses of its people. Rather, this policy has been . reflecting the needs and aspirations of a national elite." This bespeaks the 'great man' approach, where nothing except leadership matters in explanations of foreign policy (Hudson & Day, 2020)
and stating the obvious, Nigeria's leaders only want to present its foreign policy strictly as theirs. No
it was a good suggestion, but I do not think that it is practicable, because after all, this is the House of Representatives where we have the Government and the Opposition, and the foreign policy of a government is for the government of the day (Cited in Fawole, 2003, p. 39).
Since the underpinning principles of Nigeria's foreign policy were distilled from the speeches of the Premier, a perusal of his statement in the House of Representatives on August 20, 1960 reveals that he was not oblivion of the need for the national interest to be core to the foreign policy agenda. He stated that:
Our policies, as I have said before, will be founded on Nigeria's [national] interest and will be consistent with the moral and democratic principles on which our constitution is based. Very particular attention will be devoted to adopting clear and practical policies with regard to Africa .. (House of Representatives, 1960).
The dynamics of the international system have changed from what it was during the Cold War period, and no space within the continent is still a colonial enclave. As such, it is necessary for Nigeria's foreign policy to be [re]focused on achieving for itself prior to bearing the burden of 53 other African countries as projected in the late Prime Minister's statement above. In doing this, the country's foreign policy, which must comprise the principles and objectives already stated in the Nigerian
Could being a Nigerian be a crime? Or better still, were there previous evils done by Nigerians for which they are getting comeuppance? This is because while their leaders have made what is happening in the neighboring countries their businesses, maybe for egotism's sake, some of the host states where several Nigerians are immigrants or refugees have not done so well with them. Instances of these are Ghana and South Africa (Adepegba, 2020
Shibayan, 2020
Onyekakeyah, 2019
Hamid, 2023
Ogunnubi
There is a litany of the ingratitude Nigeria has received from its counterparts that it has so far expended not just its resources on, but for whom some of its citizens were sacrificed (Saliu, 2012
Ogunsanwo, 2010
Bukarambe, 2011, Fawole, 2003), and there is no need to repeat such here. What is the essence of a foreign policy that is not focused on pursuing detailed national interests beneficial to the citizens, but on elites' ambition of Afrocentrism, which is a means of stamping individual l
Is there any need to do any operational definition of Nigeria and Africa so as to enlighten those saddled with the role of leadership within the country about their responsibilities to Nigeria first before Africa? If the local peculiarities within the country are not challenging enough to deserve harvestable solutions from the country's engagements, how the challenges of other African countries become Nigeria's national interest is difficult to comprehend. If not an agenda of writing individual
Against the above backdrop, the immediate alternation of some of the underpinning principles with serious consideration of how to address local realities should become a priority. This means that the search for solutions to our local challenges - the real national interests - should flow into the formulation of the foreign policy of the country. This is more so because it is the identification of a problem that directs attention towards finding necessary solution for such.
The situations that informed and sustained some of the underpinning principles of Nigeria's foreign policy are long resolved. In turn, new values should be injected. After all, the foreign policies of states are not expected to be monolithic, especially because the international order is evolving and rendering the international system dynamic. Thus, any item of the underpinning principles, whose basis has expired should be replaced with issues that are the current realities of the country. This
The country should thus intensify its capacity to exploit its resources so as to earn more foreign currencies, which must be invested into improving the standard of living of the citizens through the provision of necessary infrastructures in addressing the infrastructural deficit challenge bedevilling the country. Also, the government should invest in the overhauling of the security architecture of the country. This will take more than the purchase of arms for the respective arm of the security
In addition, a national [re]orientation is necessary if the refocusing of foreign policy will achieve the aim of correcting the anomies that are Nigeria's realities. There is no way the efforts of other countries will be attracted to solve challenges created intentionally by a people or leaders yearning for assistances. It is a known fact that the activities of most of those that ruled and several of the ruled in Nigeria contributed to the 'ignoble' status of the country within the international
Thus, the value system of Nigerians has to be corrected or changed and/or refocused from what it is to what will enhance Nigeria's rise above the numerous challenges it is contending with. This excludes those citizens who have decided to act right always irrespective of the prevailing challenges they are bedeviled with. The citizens will do well to decide against anti-societal behaviors. While the masses are being encouraged to eschew acting destructively against the country, the leadership of t
Currently, the country operates as a maximal state that is more than its parts or something different from them, which possesses its own intentions (Buzan, 1983). Though '"primordial' and existing as an independent force that 'does not ask the opinion of any, but demands obedience'" from its citizens (Treitschke, cited in Cohen (1972, p. 275)), Nigeria, like every other country, is sovereign because it has to play a significant role in the actualization of individual's interests (Buzan, 1983), a
Conclusion
The essence of foreign policy is to serve as an instrument with which a state engages its counterparts in pursuit of its ambitions, which majorly should be its national interests, within the international system. In contrast to the dictates of Nigeria's Constitution that national interests should be the first item of pursuit within the international system, successive regimes allowed the second item stated in the Constitution to predominate Nigeria's engagements with other countries. While the r
Whereas the Afrocentric pursuits of Nigeria from 1960 to 2023 were not out of place, and commendable, however, it is time for the country to bring the numerous challenges that Nigerians are contending with to the front of the burner
and vigorously engage its foreign policy in accessing possible solutions from its myriad of engagements. In conclusion therefore, in order for the country to not get itself saddled with the affairs of other African states to the neglect of its, Nigeria should make i
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Chapter 20.Citizen's Diplomacy and Nigeria'sForeign Policy, 2007-2010
Joshua Olusegun Bolariwa, PhD & Lawrence Omachi Haruna oharuna9@gmail.comResearch and Studies Department, Nigerian Institute of International Affairs (NIIA), Lagos, Nigeria.
Abstract
Nigeria's foreign policy has undergone several shifts in response to prevailing political and socio-economic trends and issues. However, it is important to note that these changes do not signify a departure from its initial afro-centric idea. One such driving force is the adoption of a citizen's diplomacy stance, which has progressively been an essential component of Nigeria's foreign policy since 1999, with particular emphasis from 2007 to 2010. This study aims to comprehensively examine the un
Keywords- Citizen, Diplomacy, Foreign Policy.
Introduction
In actuality, the underlying justification and fundamental importance of a nation's foreign policy should revolve around the welfare of the state and its populace. The pursuit of citizen growth, welfare, security, and the corresponding rights and privileges has been strongly emphasized in many policy statements since the time of independence, finally becoming a statutory objective of foreign policy. In the year 2007, it garnered recognition and subsequently evolved into an officially sanctioned
During that period, Nigeria encountered various domestic challenges that significantly influenced the need for a revitalized and prosperous nation. These challenges encompassed the highly discredited 2007 general elections, the prevailing insecurity situation leading to kidnappings in the oil-rich south-south region, pervasive corruption, and economic underdevelopment. The escalating incidence of mistreatment experienced by Nigerians residing abroad has become a significant cause for apprehensio
In 2007, the Umaru Musa Yar Adua administration implemented the strategy of citizen diplomacy with the aim of rectifying the unfavorable perception of the nation on an international scale. This approach also sought to address the mistreatment experienced by Nigerians residing outside the country and harness the considerable wealth, expertise, skills, and resources possessed by diverse Nigerian diaspora communities abroad (Maduekwe, 2009). Citizen diplomacy refers to a national institutional poli
The necessity for a novel mode of guidance thus prompted the requirement for citizen diplomacy. According to Bakare (2007), the foreign Minister Chief Ojo Maduekwe stated that the current policy on foreign relations does not deviate significantly from the country's conventional approach, which prioritizes Africa as the central focus. However, the policy has been rebranded to place greater emphasis on the welfare of the citizen (Bakare, 2007). The use of citizen diplomacy by the administration ai
The nation shall endeavor to achieve a harmonious integration of foreign policy and domestic affairs, with a particular emphasis on prioritizing the welfare and interests of its citizens within the framework of its foreign policy objectives. According to Mbachu (2007), the primary focus of the new foreign policy effort is centered on addressing the fundamental requirements, human rights, and socio-economic well-being of Nigerian citizens through bilateral and multilateral interactions with other
The administration grappled with a series of legitimacy concerns, prompting the emergence of a necessity for diplomacy centered around the interests and welfare of citizens. The concept of citizen diplomacy was expected to play a crucial role in enhancing Nigeria's international reputation and advancing its economic and cultural objectives. According to Eze (2009), citizen diplomacy expresses the primary objective of our foreign policy, either explicitly or implicitly. With a focus on prioritizi
Defining Citizenship and Citizen Diplomacy
The historical assertion of Nigerian citizenship can be inferred from the provisions outlined in the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. According to Chapter III, Paragraph 25 (1) of the 1999 constitution, the section regarding the definition of a citizen specifies that individuals who are considered citizens of Nigeria by birth include the following:
(a) every person born in Nigeria before the date of independence, either of whose parents or any of whose grandparents belongs or belonged to a community indigenous to Nigeria
Provided that a person shall not become a citizen of Nigeria by virtue of this section if neither of his parents nor any of his grandparents was born in Nigeria.
(b) every person born in Nigeria after the date of independence either of whose parents or any of whose grandparents is a citizen of Nigeria
and
(c) every person born outside Nigeria either of whose parents is a citizen of Nigeria.
Haven fulfilled the constitutional provisions as to who a Nigerian citizen is, the benefits that comes with being a citizen is therefore of great concern. This in itself is significant and it gives a clearer direction as to the implementation and posture of what citizen diplomacy should be. Therefore, to be meaningful and impactful, the 1999 constitution chapter II, paragraph 14 (i) expressly states that the Federal Republic of Nigeria shall be a State based on the principles of democracy and so
(a) sovereignty belongs to the people of Nigeria from whom government through this Constitution derives all its powers and authority.
(b) the security and welfare of the people shall be the primary purpose of government
(c) the participation by the people in their government shall be ensured in accordance with the provisions of this Constitution.
The applicability of citizen diplomacy is very visible and noticeable if implemented holistically. And usually, these are basic government and institutional responsibilities.
Conceptual Clarification
a. Diplomacy
Diplomacy can be defined as the skillful and strategic practice of engaging in negotiations between individuals who represent different states or nations. The aforementioned approach refers to the manner in which nations seek to advance their national objectives through the utilization of conversation, negotiation, and alternative non-violent means, rather than resorting to armed conflict or aggression.
b. Citizen's diplomacy
Citizen diplomacy, alternatively referred to as people-to-people diplomacy, is a foreign policy strategy that underscores the significance of individuals in fostering international cooperation and understanding, an aspect that has historically been overlooked. There is a prevailing belief that fostering interpersonal interactions can facilitate the streamlining of government operations by eliminating superfluous bureaucratic processes. Eze (2009) further enhanced the aforementioned concept by as
Citizen diplomacy encompasses a range of manifestations, including cultural exchanges, educational initiatives, economic collaborations, acts of humanitarian aid, volunteer efforts, and advocacy endeavors. Citizen diplomacy has been employed as a means to accomplish diverse objectives in the realm of foreign policy. These objectives encompass the advancement of peace, reconciliation, and security, the promotion of democratic principles and human rights, the facilitation of economic development,
According to Odoh and Nwogboba (2014), state policies possess both rights and obligations in order to effectively advance the national interests of a state through contacts that serve to supplement official diplomatic endeavors. In the contemporary era, citizen diplomacy is progressively emerging as a multifaceted instrument that serves not only as a means for state foreign policy formulation, but also as a mechanism for enhancing productivity, generating significant outcomes, and fostering long
c. National interests
Numerous nations actively pursue a range of diverse topics that align with their strategic areas of interest and goals. The raison d'être of a nation state is established by its national policies. The state policy documents typically contain specific statements regarding them. National interests are fundamental areas of priority that a state deems indispensable and hence assigns significant significance to. The policies of states are primarily motivated by national interest. According to Dyke (1
According to Alade (1997), the determination of national interest is frequently influenced by the interests of the dominant class that exercises power over the governmental apparatus of the state. National interests are the primary objectives that a nation endeavors to accomplish through its foreign policy. These interests frequently pertain to the preservation and endurance of a nation-state. Closely interconnected national interests encompass a range of critical domains, including security, ec
d. Foreign policy
Foreign policy refers to the manner in which sovereign states engage with one another and with non-state entities within the global arena. The topic in question is characterized by its multidisciplinary nature, since it incorporates insights and methodologies from a range of disciplines, including political science, international relations, history, and economics. The genesis of the academic discipline of foreign policy analysis can be identified in the early 20th century, coinciding with the ri
The study of foreign policy was primarily characterized by the dominance of the realism paradigm until the 1970s, at which point scholars initiated a critical examination of its underlying assumptions and embarked on the exploration of alternative theoretical frameworks. Currently, the field of foreign policy analysis exhibits a diverse range of theoretical frameworks and conceptual approaches. Academic scholars have formulated multiple theoretical frameworks in order to elucidate the conduct of
Foreign policy can be defined as a systematic framework that encompasses defined goals, objectives, and an agenda, which serve to develop and mould the formal relationship between two or more sovereign governments. Foreign policy can be defined as the deliberate behavior of a nation state towards its external surroundings, encompassing the activities made by the state in connection to other countries (Holsti, 1977). Foreign policy largely focuses on the relations between autonomous entities with
According to Aluko (1981), the lack of a universally accepted definition of foreign policy calls for a more thorough analysis of its attributes. Aluko (year) recognized three significant aspects in the implementation of foreign policy, with the first element being its dynamic nature. In alternative terminology, it exhibits the capacity for undergoing alteration. Moreover, it emerges as a result of the interaction between the domestic and exterior environment. Moreover, it should be noted that fo
Understanding Nigeria's foreign policy
The inception and evolution of Nigeria's foreign policy under the first republic, under the leadership of Tafawa Balewa, encompassed a multitude of facets. Since gaining independence, Nigeria has consistently pursued a foreign policy that has remained focused on a singular direction. Given the multitude of challenges confronting numerous African nations, including colonialism, the imperative for African unity, and economic underdevelopment, it became apparent that Nigeria was inclined to adopt a
Consequently, Nigeria has demonstrated its dedication to African issues by actively advocating for and safeguarding the unity, cooperation, and integration of the African continent. Since gaining independence in 1960, Nigeria has consistently pursued an Afro-centric foreign policy stance. According to Adeyemo (2002), the foreign policy objectives of Nigeria during that period encompassed several key goals. These included the elimination or eradication of all manifestations of colonialism or colo
Fawole (2003) and Olusanya and Akindele (1990) have endeavored to elucidate the underlying justification for this principle. The authors contended that Nigeria, being situated in Africa and being unquestionably the most populous country among the African nations and the Black people, bears the weight of historical responsibility. Nigeria's foreign policy has developed a significant reliance on African issues due to its strategic geographical position within the continent, as well as the pressing
Nigeria has demonstrated its commitment to African engagement by actively engaging in various peacekeeping and peace assistance operations around the continent. Notable examples include interventions in Liberia, Sierra Leone, Chad, and Gambia. The objectives of Nigerian foreign policy are derived from the relevant provisions outlined in Chapters 2, Section 19, and Sub-sections A-E of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (1999). The aforementioned statements can be summarized as fo
Nigeria consistently demonstrates its commitment to pan-Africanism by actively engaging in both bilateral and multilateral interactions. The involvement of Nigeria in African affairs is a well-established phenomenon that has undergone significant growth and evolution over the past six decades. Nigeria consistently demonstrates and offers guidance in instances where it is required to support countries in Africa that are in need. It is noteworthy to acknowledge that Nigeria has consistently follow
Citizen's Diplomacy and Nigeria's Foreign Policy
Nigeria's foreign policy underwent a significant shift following the conclusion of its prolonged military dictatorship in 1999, which marked the beginning of the Fourth Republic. The Nigerian state has faced persistent challenges regarding its reputation and the process of reintegrating itself into the international community, following its former classification as a pariah state. The former democratically elected president, Olusegun Obasanjo, was formulating strategies to restore Nigeria's stra
According to Akinterinwa (2004), the author perceives President Obasanjo's shuttle diplomacy as a strategic foreign policy approach aimed at advancing national interests. Nigeria has been reinstated into several organizations from which it had previously been suspended due to human rights violations. Bilateral and multilateral engagements and agreements were reestablished across multiple fronts. During the tenure of President Obasanjo, the practice of shuttle diplomacy achieved significant accom
Umaru Musa Yar'Adua (2007-2010) assumed the role of leadership following Olusegun Obasanjo and opted to prioritize the welfare of Nigerian citizens, both within the country and abroad, as the core principle of his foreign policy. Consequently, his administration redirected its foreign policy agenda towards a concept known as 'citizen's diplomacy.' Yar'Adua held the belief that citizen diplomacy is the most effective strategy to address Nigeria's challenges pertaining to underdevelopment, corrupt
In general, citizen diplomacy, as a continuation of shuttle diplomacy, was intended to maintain Nigeria's historic afrocentric foreign policy stance while also adapting to evolving circumstances. The administration led by Goodluck assumed control following the administration of the late Umaru Yar'Adua. Goodluck also maintained the citizen's diplomacy initiated by the previous administration. The administration led by Goodluck Jonathan demonstrated a strong commitment to implementing a state poli
The concept of shuttle diplomacy, which involves negotiation and relationship-building, was conceived as a response to various domestic issues including insecurity, corruption, and economic challenges. Throughout its two terms, the administration directed its foreign policy efforts towards addressing these concerns. The administration led by Tinubu, which assumed power approximately five months ago, has formulated its own foreign policy approach referred to as "Tinubu's four Ds diplomacy." The f
Findings
The findings of this research are in consonance with research objectives. The rationale behind citizen's diplomacy is as a result of the increased in the domestic challenges confronting Nigerians at home and in diaspora, the challenges facing citizens diplomacy are lack of commitment from government to critically and holistically address the various prevailing domestic challenges such as poverty, unemployment, insecurity, corruption etc., and the level of impact of citizen diplomacy on the socio
Conclusion- forward looking
Citizen-centered diplomacy is beginning to change the dynamics of foreign policy vis-a-viz diplomacy. Nigerian's foreign policy which has since independence has been afro-centric in nature is beginning to get redirected due to the changing trends and realities as is been dictated domestic and international environments. The increasing role citizen diplomacy has been playing in Nigeria's foreign policy thrust has been growing since 2007. The Yar'Adua administration from all conviction believed th
Overall, citizen diplomacy has been proven to be a valuable tool which ultimately aimed at promoting national and international cooperation for stability and sustainability. Looking forward, the future and engagement of citizen diplomacy is going redirect and reposition Nigeria's foreign policy. This will make it more robust and effective. The paper has been able to understand the dynamics of citizen diplomacy and therefore recommends the following: citizen's diplomacy is geared towards the welf
Citizen diplomacy has being less impactful due the unresolved domestic and diaspora challenges, government needs to reassign responsibilities to relevant government agencies to curb insecurity, create jobs, create an enabling environment for sustainable economic development through close and structural monitoring.
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Chapter 21.Unveiling Prosperity: Exploring Security Challenges in Nigeria's Foreign Direct Investment and Legal/Policy Solutionssince the Republican Government
Chinyere Rita Agu, PhD ritachichiben@yahoo.com&Ebuwa Chimere Osarenrenosarenrenebuwa@gmail.com*
Abstract
This chapter will delve into Nigeria's foreign direct investment landscape since the Republican Government in 1963 and will shed light on the prevailing security challenges. The chapter navigates through these hurdles and examines legal and policy solutions that will be used to fortify the investment climate. The chapter will also offer a succinct overview of the interplay between security concerns, foreign investment, and the strategic remedies crafted within Nigeria's legal and policy framewor
Keywords: Foreign Direct Investment, Security, Prosperity, Legal and Policy Solutions.
Introduction
The interconnectivity and interdependence of nations today have made international trade and commerce more pronounced. According to Aremu (2005), globalization has ushered governance to a new level above the nation-states into the jurisdiction of the global economic governance institutions i.e. the World Bank, IMF, etc. Most developing countries receive their investments from a variety of sources, both international and indigenous (Oyegoke & Aras, 2021). Undoubtedly, Foreign Direct Investment (F
Through investments, business ventures, and aid from industrialized nations, FDI is a vital component in acquiring foreign reserves in many developing nations, as FDI is acknowledged as an important source of capital accumulation and financial assistance. It also acts as a useful conduit for international trade and facilitates the transfer of technology and know-how. Additionally, the spillover effect makes it easier for ideas and technologies to reach recipient nations like Nigeria. According t
Foreign Direct Investment in Nigeria has its roots in the 19th century when investors focused on cash crops and minerals to export them. Notably, Nigeria's first National Development Plan, also referred to as the "open door plan" for foreign investors, was implemented from 1962 to 1968 (Aremu, 2005). Important laws were introduced during this time, such as the Immigration Act of 1963 and the Exchange Control Act of 1962. These laws were typified by a protectionist strategy that gave preference t
Subsequent policy decisions limited the chances for foreign direct investment
also, decades of political instability, economic mismanagement, and widespread corruption made it more difficult for Nigeria to attract and retain FDI (UNCTAD, 2009b). Despite higher oil industry income, the nation's physical and social infrastructure continued to deteriorate, making these problems worse (UNCTAD, 2009b). Nigeria has the potential to be one of Africa's major recipients of foreign direct investment (FDI
Since 2007, the capital-intensive resource sectors-most notably the oil industry-have received more than half of Nigeria's foreign direct investment (FDI). The telecoms industry has also seen substantial investment, making up 23.9% of FDI investments between 2007 and 2013 (Ernst & Young, 2014). During this time, rising economies like China, India, and South Africa as well as developed countries like the USA, UK, and France were the main sources of foreign direct investment into Nigeria (AfDB), 2
/
Source: Global Data FDI Index
Today, a plethora of issues stemming from widespread insecurity, political and economic downturn in Nigeria coupled with the unending corruption and poor infrastructure, are blamed for this downward spiral. All of these concerns pose serious threats to investment and corporate operations.
Impact of Security Challenges on Foreign Direct Investment in Nigeria
The effects of insecurity on foreign direct investments, cannot be over-emphasized. It has been suggested severally that insecurity drives investors away, as it dampens investors' confidence, and in many cases, investors pull out of high-risk climes, which leads to the outflow of capital. Certain factors identify a state to be a security risk and they include
militancy, ethno-religious violence, terrorism, and insurgency, and all of these factors make a state less attractive to FDI. Nigeria exp
Identification of Security Challenges
Dealing with insecurity begins with a fundamental first step: understanding the sources of insecurity and investigating the underlying causes of social disorder and instability. Andrew and Kennedy (2003) emphasize the importance of distinguishing between different causes, as each may require unique solutions.
Perceived Government Failures: Government failure in Nigeria can be attributed to a deficiency in institutional capacity, as described by Fukuyama (2004) as the erosion or breakdown of institutional infrastructures. The unstable foundations of the country's institutional framework have resulted in a deterioration of state governance and democratic accountability. This has led to the paralysis of existing constraints, including formal and legitimate rules embedded in the social order hierarchy.
Igbuzor (2011) appropriately observed that the prevalent insecurity in Nigeria is closely linked to government failure, manifested in the government's inability to deliver public services and meet the basic needs of the population. The absence of essential requirements has created a group of frustrated individuals susceptible to being incited to violence by any triggering event. The argument presented here is that Nigeria has the resources to address the needs of its people. Still, widespread co
Ethnic and Religious Crisis: In Nigeria, ethno-religious conflicts arise from a deep-seated distrust among various ethnic groups and major religions within the nation. Scholars, including Ibrahim and Igbuzor (2002), Hazen and Horner (2007), Salawu (2010), and Igbuzor (2011), emphasize the significance of ethno-religious conflicts as a major contributor to insecurity. These conflicts are characterized by a lack of harmony, mutual suspicion, fear, and a tendency towards violent confrontations amon
Poor Security Measures: According to Achumba et al (2013), inadequate security stems from a lack of proper equipment and training for the government's security apparatus, including insufficient weaponry and training. This issue is compounded by the negative attitudes and behaviors exhibited by some security personnel. In many instances, these personnel lack the expertise and equipment to effectively handle security situations and prevent them from arising. Even when resources are available, some
Permeable Borders: The porous borders of Nigeria contribute significantly to insecurity, as individual movements are largely untracked. The porous borders, coupled with the weak security system, make it easy for weapons to enter Nigeria from neighboring countries. This ease of access has led to the proliferation of Small Arms and Light Weapons, allowing militant and criminal groups to obtain weaponry easily (Hazen and Horner, 2007). According to a report by NSACC (2021), Nigeria is estimated to
High Levels of Unemployment and Impoverishment: this menace, particularly among the youth, attracts individuals to violent crime (Adagba, et al, 2012). The failure of successive administrations to address challenges such as poverty, unemployment, and the unequal distribution of wealth among ethnic groups is identified as a major cause of insecurity in Nigeria.
Terrorism: Achumba et al (2013), posits that religious fanaticism and intolerance is a fundamental source of insecurity in Nigeria. Boko Haram, an Islamic insurgent group in the Northern region, has caused significant loss of lives since 2009. Today, there are splinter groups like Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP). ISWAP among others. Terrorism in Nigeria is attributed to factors such as religious, socio-political, economic, and cultural parameters. While initially rooted in Islamic fan
Analysis of Major Security Challenges Affecting FDI in Nigeria
Kidnapping: According to Okonkwo et al (2015), kidnapping initially emerged as a means to address neglect in the oil-rich Niger Delta, it has evolved into a lucrative multimillion-naira business extending beyond the region. In the southeast, kidnapping is now utilized for settling personal and political scores, with desperate politicians in Igbo land employing it as a tool against perceived enemies. Apart from the substantial ransom amounts collected from victims' families, often in the millions
Terrorism: Terrorism is a global phenomenon causing widespread havoc. Defined as the intended use or threat of violence by individuals or groups to induce fear, destruction, or death, terrorism aims to compel those in authority to respond to the perpetrators' demands (Okonkwo et al, 2015). In Nigeria, terrorism, particularly perpetrated by groups like Boko Haram, presents a significant threat, with activities ranging from bombings to attacks on civilians and security establishments.
Challenges and Opportunities
Challenges
The specific challenges that are huge debacles to attracting FDI to Nigeria include, but are not limited to the following
I. Political Instability: Nigeria has experienced some forms of political instability and the drums of political instability still reverberate, owing to political fissures that stem from perceived ethnic exclusion. A case in point is the agitation by the Igbos to secede from Nigeria to have their nation. These factors can create uncertainty for foreign investors.
II. Corruption: Corruption remains a recurring problem in Nigeria as sharp practices, which include bribery, fraud, and lack of transparency deter foreign investors from investing in Nigeria.
III. Security Concerns: The huge security challenges such as terrorism, insurgency, and communal violence, which Nigeria faces have continued to clog the wheels of foreign investment.
IV. Infrastructure Deficits: Nigeria's infrastructure, including transportation, energy, and telecommunications, is often inadequate or outdated, hindering business operations and investment.
V. Legal and Regulatory Environment: Complex and sometimes inconsistent regulatory frameworks, as well as bureaucratic hurdles, can make it difficult for foreign investors to navigate the business environment.
Opportunities
Nigeria possesses a lot of opportunities that could attract foreign direct investment and they include the following
I. Abundant Natural Resources: Nigeria boasts vast reserves of natural resources, including substantial deposits of oil, natural gas, minerals such as gold, iron ore, and coal, as well as fertile land for agriculture. These resources present lucrative opportunities for investment across a spectrum of sectors, from the extractive industries to agriculture and agribusiness. With prudent investment and sustainable practices, Nigeria's natural resource wealth can drive economic growth, create employ
II. Large Consumer Market: Nigeria's population of over 200 million people makes it one of the largest consumer markets in Africa. This vast consumer base presents diverse opportunities for investment across various sectors, including retail, consumer goods, and services such as healthcare, education, and entertainment. The growing middle class and urbanization trends further fuel demand for goods and services, making Nigeria an attractive destination for both local and international investors s
III. Economic Reforms: Recognizing the need to enhance the business environment and attract investment, the Nigerian government has embarked on a series of economic reforms. These reforms aim to streamline regulations, improve the ease of doing business, reduce bureaucratic bottlenecks, and enhance transparency and accountability. By creating a more conducive business environment, these reforms not only attract foreign investment but also stimulate domestic entrepreneurship and innovation, foste
IV. Infrastructure Development: Nigeria faces significant infrastructure deficits across various sectors, including transportation, energy, water supply, and telecommunications. Investment in infrastructure development projects, such as the construction of roads, railways, ports, airports, power plants, and telecommunications networks, presents lucrative opportunities for both public and private investors. Improving infrastructure not only enhances connectivity and accessibility but also boosts
V. Strategic Location: Situated in West Africa, Nigeria occupies a strategic position with access to regional markets and trade opportunities. Its proximity to other countries in the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and its membership in regional trade blocs such as the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) position Nigeria as a gateway to the vast African market. This strategic location enhances Nigeria's attractiveness as an investment destination, offering investors a
Interplay Between Security Challenges and FDI Trends
Even with several different policies put in place to address the enduring issues causing Nigeria's foreign direct investment to drop, it is clear that these issues cannot be wishfully resolved with less effective policies. As a result, notwithstanding the steps made, the highlighted enduring issues still make it difficult to draw FDI to Nigeria and are identified as persistent challenges despite implementing measures to attract FDI to Nigeria.
I. Corruption: In Nigeria, the political, economic, and social structures are still firmly rooted in corruption, even with the creation of anti-corruption organizations and legislative changes. Corruption erodes public confidence in government agencies, promotes an atmosphere of impunity, and warps the dynamics of the market, resulting in the wasteful use of resources and impeding economic expansion. Strong vested interests frequently oppose attempts to fight corruption, and the absence of effic
II. Political Instability: Political unrest in Nigeria's past has been marked by contentious elections, conflicts between different ethnic and religious groups, and sporadic acts of violence. Political unrest damages institutions, threatens the rule of law and government, and fosters an uneasy business climate that deters investment and economic growth. Competition for political power and long-standing grievances intensify instability, resulting in violent cycles and social unrest.
III. Inadequate Infrastructure: Nigeria's deficient infrastructure, encompassing substandard road networks, unstable electricity supplies, and inadequate transit systems, persistently obstructs the country's economic progress and advancement. Inadequate funding for infrastructure development and upkeep reduces productivity, drives up corporate expenses, and restricts access to basic services like healthcare and education. To achieve effective and sustainable infrastructure development, addressin
IV. Security Concerns: Nigeria suffers several security issues, notably in the Northeast and Middle Belt regions, such as terrorism, insurgency, intercommunal violence, and organized crime. Poverty and inequality are exacerbated by insecurity, which also disturbs economic activity, uproots populations, and threatens social cohesiveness. Notwithstanding government initiatives to reduce insecurity, security concerns continue to exist because of weak law enforcement, porous borders, and tensions be
Socio-economic Disparities: Nigeria suffers several security issues, notably in the Northeast and Middle Belt regions, such as terrorism, insurgency, intercommunal violence, and organized crime. Poverty and inequality are exacerbated by insecurity, which also disturbs economic activity, uproots populations, and threatens social cohesiveness. Notwithstanding government initiatives to reduce insecurity, security concerns continue to exist because of weak law enforcement, porous borders, and tensio
V. Weak Institutions: The courts, law enforcement, and regulatory agencies are just a few of the Nigerian institutions that struggle with inefficiency, corruption, and a lack of independence. Weak institutional capacity restricts the efficacy of government and service delivery, erodes public trust, and threatens the rule of law. Comprehensive changes to improve accountability, transparency, and professionalism are necessary for institutions to be strengthened. Investments in institutional capaci
Collaboration amongst several stakeholders, institutional changes, and ongoing political commitment are necessary to address these complicated issues. To overcome development barriers and realize Nigeria's full potential for inclusive and sustainable growth, effective governance, the rule of law, and transparent and responsible systems are crucial.
Legal and Policy Measures Initiated to AddressIdentified Security Challenges on FDI in Nigeria
The Nigerian government has put in place a plethora of legal and policy measures to curb security challenges on FDI in Nigeria and they include but are not limited to the following:
Legislation and Regulations on Security: The Nigerian government has been able to enact counter-terrorism laws and has also embarked on security sector reforms.
Counter-terrorism laws: To combat insurgency and terrorism Nigeria has enacted detailed counter-terrorism laws. The Terrorism (Prevention) Act primarily criminalizes terrorist activities and their provisions for the prosecution of offenders. There have been amendments to the Act, such as the Terrorism (Prevention) (Amendment) Act, 2013, which have expanded the ambit of offences and fortified enforcement mechanisms (Adeleye,2021). However, it is worthy of note that challenges rest in enforcement
Security Sector Reforms: Reforms in the security sector have been one of the priorities of the Nigerian government to amplify effectiveness and accountability. The object of these reforms is to professionalize security forces, improve coordination among agencies, and improve intelligence sharing and gathering mechanisms (Adam & Bada, 2020).
Task Forces and Specialized Agencies:
Joint Task Forces (JTFs): The Nigerian government have established JTFs in regions affected by insecurity, such as the Joint Task Force Operation Safe Haven in the Northeast. These task forces are made up of personnel from various security agencies and are saddled with the responsibility of restoring peace and security in affected areas (Obasanjo, 2019).
Specialized Agencies: Specialized Agencies in Nigeria like the Nigerian Security and Civil Defense Corps (NSCDC) and the Department of State Services (DSS) play important roles in fortifying investments and securing critical infrastructure. They also provide security services, conduct intelligence gathering, and ensure the safety of investors and assets (World Bank, 2020).Public-Private Partnerships (PPPs):
Security Collaborations by Public Sector with Private Sector: The Nigerian government stimulates collaboration between the public and private sectors to boost security. PPPs augment government endeavors and enhance security outcomes (Adeleye, 2021). However, it is pertinent to note that the fruitfulness of PPPs depends on the degree of collaboration and coordination between the public and private sectors in curbing security risks. Crystal clear frameworks, confidence-building mechanisms and coge
Legal Framework for Dispute Resolution:
Arbitration and Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR): Nigeria has The Arbitration and Mediation Act of 2023 which is the legal instrument governing arbitration and ADR for resolving disputes. This Act facilitates arbitration, mediation, and conciliation for dispute resolution. The Act is commendable because it repealed the 35-year-old Arbitration and Conciliation Act of 1988 which was operational in Nigeria then and inculcated mediation which was not part of the old Act. The Act also incorporate
Investment Promotion Policies
Investment Incentives: The Nigerian government incentives different sectors of investments to attract FDI which include but are not limited to tax holidays, duty exemptions, and preferential treatment for foreign investors. These policies build an appropriate investment climate and promote investment despite security challenges (Adamu & Bada, 2020). It is pertinent to note that the strength of incentives in alleviating security risks differs subject to the sector and location of the investment.
These legal and policy measures show Nigeria's effort to curb security challenges and encourage a favorable environment for foreign investment. However, to succeed there is an urgent need for effective implementation, enforcement, and periodic review of these laws/policies and measures are imperative to attaining sustainable security and attracting FDI in the long term. Furthermore, recent efforts to mitigate root causes of insecurity, such as poverty, unemployment and social inequality, are cru
Recommendations
Sequel to the analysis conducted in this chapter a handful of recommendations have emanated to amplify Nigeria's FDI climate and address continuous security challenges and they are as follows:
Fortify Security Infrastructure: There is an urgent need for Nigeria to give priority to investments in security infrastructure to address concerns regarding insurgency, terrorism, and criminal activities. Intensifying security measures will cushion risks linked with FDI and also encourage investor confidence. This can be done through improving law enforcement capabilities, enhancing border security, and investing in surveillance technology.
Regulatory Consistency and Clarity: Inconsistent and ambiguous regulations can discourage investment and lead to scepticism. This means that the Nigerian government should endeavor to provide consistent, clear and transparent regulatory frameworks for foreign investors. We are putting in place well-organized processes that will enhance hitch-free entry and operations for foreign investors and will invariably encourage the development and creation of jobs for the unemployed restive youths who are
Institutional Reforms and Capacity Building: There is an urgent need for Nigeria to emphasize institutional capacity and governance frameworks to successfully curb security challenges and implement regulations and laws. This may include investing in training programs for law enforcement agencies, judiciary reforms, and anti-corruption initiatives to enhance accountability and transparency.
Diversification of the Economy: Nigeria needs to diversify its economy, lessen its dependence on oil revenues and create alternative sources of economic growth. Encouraging investment in non-oil sectors such as agriculture, manufacturing, and technology can alleviate susceptibility to commodity price fluctuations and amplify strength against security-related disruptions.
Enhancing Socioeconomic Stability: Nigeria has a crucial task of investing in human capital development including but not limited to education, healthcare, and skills development.
Regional Collaboration: Fortifying regional organizations and partnerships with neighboring countries can enhance coordinated responses to security challenges, including cross-border crimes and terrorism. Invariably, Nigeria should proactively engage in regional collaboration initiatives to address transnational security threats and promote regional stability. By actualizing these recommendations through implementation, Nigeria can create a conducive and more secure environment for foreign direc
Conclusion
In Conclusion, this chapter illuminates the intricacies involved in the development of FDI in Nigeria by dissecting the security challenges from the inception of Nigeria's attainment of republic status and the legal and policy responses for mitigating the hardship created by such challenges. Firstly, it is crystal clear that security challenges have immensely contributed to impediments to the FDI climate of Nigeria and Africa at large. Other challenges include but are not limited to socioeconomi
However, despite the challenges the analysis shows the persistence of Nigeria's legal and policy frameworks to cushion the security challenges, thereby promoting and protecting foreign direct investments and the business climate. The analysis projects the necessity for Nigeria to take advantage of imminent opportunities and approach habitual challenges to release the full potential of its FDI landscape.
Finally, there is an urgent need for tactical investments in security infrastructure, regulatory clarity, and organizational/institutional capacity-building which are imperative for developing investor confidence and encouraging long-term economic prosperity.
References
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Chapter 22.Judicial Institutions and Nation - Buildingon Nigeria's Attainment of Sixty Yearsas a Republic
Chinyere Rita Agu, PhD
Abstract
This chapter explores the pivotal role of judicial institutions in Nigeria's transition to the republic and its subsequent nation-building process. It analyzes how the judiciary's evolution and its role in upholding or not upholding the rule of law have impacted the nation's identity since attaining republic status. The chapter underscores the symbiotic relationship between Nigerian judicial institutions and the ongoing narrative of nation-building by examining key issues, legislative reforms, a
Keywords: Judicial Institutions, Nation-building, Republic, Rule of law
Introduction
Nigeria is one of the countries in West Africa and was under colonial rule for more than 70 years before the country gained independence in 1960. Subsequently, Nigeria attained a Republic status on the Ist October 1963 which invariably implies that the sovereign state will always be headed by a President elected for a fixed term of office (Oji, 2018). Unlike a monarchy, succession in the office of the Head of State or President is not hereditary but elective. It is noteworthy that the attainment
It is pertinent to note that the Nigerian judiciary historically evolved through phases of colonial influence and indigenous legal traditions and found itself at the centre of this transformation. Be that as it may be, as the nation sought to strengthen its foundation as a sovereign state, the judiciary's role extended beyond its primary obligation which is legal adjudication to become a driving force in the construction of a unified and just society. The evolving legal framework, shaped by cons
This chapter delves into the intricate relationships between Nigeria's judicial institutions during the critical juncture of its transition to a republic that has spanned more than 60 years. It explores the varied dimensions through which the judiciary contributed to the preservation of law ranging from ensuring social justice, forging collective identity, fostering a sense of unity among diverse ethnic and cultural communities and above all upholding the rule of law. By analyzing pivotal judici
As Nigeria's judicial institutions navigated issues of legal interpretation, political influence, and public expectations, they played an indispensable role in shaping the contours of the republic's character. Ultimately, the exploration of the interplay between judicial institutions and nation-building during Nigeria's transition to a republic reveals the judiciary's profound influence in shaping the nation's legal and social fabric. In summation, this chapter traverses the trajectory of Nigeri
As proponents of the rule of law and custodians of justice, the judiciary's influence resonates through legal precedent, socio-political cohesion, and the enduring spirit of a united republic.
Judicial Institutions and Nation-building
Judiciary simply means "The branch of government responsible for interpreting the laws and administering justice" (Black's Law Dictionary, 2019). Nation-building has been defined by Mylonas "as the process through which the boundaries of the modern state and those of the national community become congruent." (Mylonas, 2010). Judicial Institutions play a pivotal role in nation-building. The roles of the judiciary are the following: interpreting laws in the state including the constitution and Act
The main judicial institutions in Nigeria are very strong and they consist of the Federal courts (the Supreme Court, the Court of Appeal, the Federal High Court and the State courts (the High Court of a State, the Customary Court of Appeal of a State and the Sharia Court of Appeal of a State
Landmark Cases and Precedents
One of the cases that has been a landmark created by the apex judicial institution is the case of Onuoha Kalu Vs. The State (1998) 13NWLR 531in which the Supreme Court affirmed that the death penalty violated neither the right to life nor human dignity under the Nigerian Constitution. The case of Onuoha Kalu V The State is of course one of the judicial pronouncements that invariably affirm the constitutionality of the death penalty in Nigeria. This case is Nigeria's locus classicus on the subjec
The Appeal was not allowed by the Court of Appeal and the apex court, the Supreme Court of Nigeria affirmed the decision of the Court of Appeal. It is pertinent to note that the appeal was of landmark significance. Assuming, the appeal was successful, it would have resulted in annulling all laws/statutes in Nigeria that prescribe the death penalty for such similar crimes. It should be noted that globally most countries have done away with statutes that prescribe the death penalty and the United
The recent 2023 Presidential Election has also raised legal issues which have not been envisaged since Nigeria attained a republican status. The facts of the case are that the appellants Waziri Atiku Abubakar and Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), and Peter Obi and his political party, the Labor Party (LP) challenged the affirmation of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu's victory in the February 25 election (Abati, 2023). At the Supreme Court, one of the issues that the appellants contended was that by Ti
Balancing Judicial Independence and National Cohesion
According to Azinge Judicial independence can be referred to as "the non-interference of the judiciary by the legislative and executive arms of the government and also private entities" (Azinge, 2015). This invariably means that "judges and other judicial officers should not be subjected to inappropriate influence from the other branches of government or private interests" (Azinge, 2015). He went further to state that "Judicial Independence can be classified into two broad groups: Institutional
It is also pertinent to note that the method of appointment of judges to the Superior Courts of Record in Nigeria conforms promotion of the independence of the judiciary. The Constitution enacts several provisions designed to secure the independence of Judges of Superior Courts of Record. These judges are insulated from Executive or Legislative Control. The 1999 Constitution provides a unique process that characterizes the appointment of Judges/Justices to these courts (The Constitution of the F
Nigerian Judicial Institutions and Contemporary Challenges
Judicial Institutions in Nigeria are an indispensable part of the three arms of government and they are also bedeviled by a lot of contemporary challenges ranging from conflicting laws, underfunding, interference, depleting number of judges, forum shopping by members of the legal profession, electronic devices in court, lack of adequate facilities, etc.
Conflicting Laws Regulating the Enforcement of Foreign Judgments
The laws regulating the enforcement of foreign judgments in Nigeria are the Reciprocal Enforcement of Judgments Act which came into force in 1922 (in this chapter referred to as the 1922 Ordinance) and the 1961 Foreign Judgments (Reciprocal Enforcement) Act. After the coming into effect of the Act in 1961, it appears that there were some legal opinions from renowned jurists that it repealed the 1922 Ordinance. This is based on the assumptions by counsel and the judgment of the Judges in Governor
The Supreme Court went further to emphasize that the issue was laid to rest when referring the parties to its earlier decision in Andrew Mark Macaulay v. Raiffeisen Zentral Bank Osterreich Akiengesell Schaft (RZB), of Austria, the Supreme Court held that until the Minister for Justice exercised the power conferred on him by section 3 (1) of the 1961 Act, the 1922 Ordinance continues to apply to judgments obtained from the UK. In an earlier decision in the case of Witt & Busch Lid v Dale Power Sy
To date, the Minister for Justice has not made any Order as empowered by the above section. Moreover, the 1961 Act did not expressly repeal the 1922 Act. It is only when the Minister for Justice makes an order extending the operation of the 1961 act to the UK and other dominions of Her Majesty, that the 1922 Act can be said to have been repealed. Apart from the reciprocal laws discussed above the common law also regulates enforcement of foreign judgments about judgments from countries with which
However, foreign judgment in Nigeria can be registered in two ways and they are as follows:
1. By an action in common law
and
2. By registration (which is done under the reciprocal enforcement laws)
The need to encourage foreign investments in Nigeria's developing economy cannot be over-emphasized. To effectively achieve this goal, deliberate effort must be made to see to it that everything that will discourage foreign investment is taken out of the way.
Issuance of Conflicting Orders
Forum shopping usually occurs when lawyers indulge in filing multiple cases in different courts of the same jurisdiction over the same subject matter and parties. These orders are usually conflicting and confusing puts bring down the highly esteemed reputation of the judiciary in society. Furthermore, Nigeria's judicial system, being a common law tradition, recognizes pronouncements by higher courts as having binding effects than courts of coordinate jurisdictions (Yusufari, 2021). However, to a
Election Tribunals: Insecurity of Tribunals
On the issue of elections in Nigeria, it is axiomatic that in election petitions, the burden of proof fundamentally falls on petitioners who must provide sufficient evidence to support their claims. From this perspective, the process of gathering evidence and witnesses can be challenging. This is exacerbated by the incidence of general insecurity, voter intimidation, and violence. For instance, insecurity has compelled the Tribunals in Ebonyi, Rivers, and Zamfara States to sit in the FCT and Sok
Allegations of Interference
The independence of the judiciary has been a major concern, especially on issues about electoral disputes. Political interference, corruption, and undue influence can undermine the impartiality and fairness of the court system. This can erode public reliance on the voting procedure and hinder the resolution of disputes (Punch Editorial Board, 2023). To buttress the fact that there are allegations of interference and corruption of the judiciary in Nigeria the Chairman, State and House of Represen
Slowness of Judicial Process
The slowness of the judicial process in Nigeria is an issue that needs to be addressed. In practical terms, a criminal case takes an average of between eighteen months to twenty-four months for it to be adjudicated in court in Lagos State. This is inconsistent with Section 36(4) of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria which provides as follows:
"Whenever any person is charged with a criminal offence, he shall, unless the charge is withdrawn, be entitled to a fair hearing in public within a reasonable time by a Court or tribunal."
This simply means that there should be a speedy dispensation of justice and respect for fundamental human rights. Furthermore, judges are also overwhelmed with a lot of cases and it will be of paramount interest for litigants that more judges are appointed for quick dispensation of justice. Furthermore, the number of judges at all levels of the judiciary should be increased and more courtrooms built across the country.
Besides permitting evidence to deteriorate, memories to dull, witnesses to varnish or die, and besides forcing parties into unfair settlements, the delay is said to nurture a sense of injustice because of long periods of "denial and uncertainty." As delay defeats equity, judges must always realize the essence of speedy trial and as such curtail frivolous adjournments because according to Magna Carta Chapter 40, access to justice is one thing, speedy administration of justice is another thing, fo
Lack of Adequate Infrastructural Facilities
It should again be pointed out that Nigerian Judges are doing their utmost best by maintaining and enhancing standards in justice delivery despite all odds, and even though many of their Courts and Chambers lack many infrastructural facilities which are normally pertinent and conducive to discharge their duties. For instance, they have to work under stress and strain by listening to the litigants, taking down their evidence personally, and going to their Chambers and or libraries to refer to aut
Also, one notices that their Chambers and in fact, the Courtrooms are not averagely equipped with books, law journals and periodicals owing to lack of funds to purchase them. To add to the avalanche of problems facing the Bench in Nigeria is that most of the magistrates are not equipped with books
hence unless a Counsel parts, away with the authorities cited by him, it is a Sisyphean task for such magistrates to cross-check.
We pity such trial judges and magistrates who in the circumstances are made to act like students by their regularity of library attendance.
The state and the Federal Governments must provide sufficient funds in their estimates to obviate the obtaining malaise to improve the system of justice delivery in Nigeria. Afterwards, Counsel takes it as their important duty in justice delivery to cite authorities which will support their arguments, while if the judge makes a brief note of the argument and authorities, he would read those authorities cited to assist him in arriving at a good judgement.
Lastly, one may draw an inference from the case of Ibrahim V. State that judges in this part of the world needed to be pitied for lacking infrastructural facilities to cope with their duties Ubeazone, JCA said as follows in the case:
"It must be realized that judges in this country work under severe strain and are subject to great stress. Unlike some Countries like the United States of America where judges have attorneys attached to them who do the research for them under a computerized system and produce a draft judgement
the Nigerian judge has to hear a case, take evidence and Counsel's address in hand, take the record book home and write the judgement after doing the researches himself including looking for law reports a
Apart from the few instances above, some states do not have adequate living accommodations for their judges who must travel many miles before getting to the Courts thereby putting their lives in jeopardy. One feels seriously that Nigerian judges must be handled with the kid's gloves that they deserve. A halt must therefore be made to these acts of deficiency to honour our judiciary, while the Courtroom decorum has to be maintained with all seriousness.
Election Disputes in Nigeria: The Responsibility of the Judiciary
Despite legal provisions of election disputes in Nigeria, there have been allegations of elections in Nigeria not being 'free and fair.' Hence elections have been associated with many flaws and irregularities before, during, and after elections in the country requiring aggrieved parties to make recourse to the court to seek redress to resolve election disputes as opposed to resorting to self-help through violence. However, it needs to be stated that political stakeholders and the court need to b
Accountability holds duty-bearers responsible for their actions, ensuring that they answer to the people they serve. It provides a mechanism for citizens to seek redress.
The foregoing shows the critical role the judiciary plays in safeguarding democracy and ensuring credibility in the resolution of electoral disputes by promoting accountability and transparency. The judiciary's cardinal responsibility in the promotion of accountable and transparent determination of electoral contestation is to make sure that electoral justice is served to parties that come to the court for the resolution of election disputes.
This brings us to define 'electoral justice.'
According to Agu "electoral justice here means among others that 'each action' 'procedure' and 'decision' related to the electoral process is in line with the law, e.g. (the Constitution, Statutory Hard/Soft law Electoral Act 2022, INEC Guidelines) International Instrument to which Nigeria is a signatory/Party (e.g. UDHR, ICCPR)" (Agu, 2023). Furthermore, Agu stated that "to serve electoral justice, the judiciary must ensure that basic Principles of fairness and justice must not only be done but
These Principles include the whole process of resolution of election disputes showing - 'integrity' 'participative/participatory,' 'legality/lawfulness (rule of law),' 'timeliness,' 'non-violence,' and 'acceptance.' To do all this, the judiciary must 'dispute over rules.' They have to establish 'level playing fields' for all political stakeholders. They have to be involved in 'rule evaluation' which implies that the election aligns with the principles of the Constitution as well as the legitimat
Recommendation
It has been observed that many cases are brought to Court because of motor accidents. Some have been brought without a pre-checking exercise of their validity until they are ripe for hearing
while the volume of work in our superior courts of record calls for serious concern. To enable us to decongest the Courts, we must try to the fullest extent to saddle the Court Registries with more responsibilities. The Registrars must be made the sieving agents to decide as of the first instance whether a
One is worried about criminal cases where people are put in prisons without prompt trials. In this respect, no case should be entertained in Court unless proper advice has been taken from the Ministry of Justice, while a time lag, must be stipulated commanding the Ministry of Justice to enable the Police to get advice on requests. Thus, all hands must be on deck to enable the Courts to dispense justice quickly.
Also, we have noticed lots of cases pending for determination in the Courts of Appeal which we feel should not be. It is therefore our opinion that we should equally employ more hands to see to the situation.
We have equally noticed that many of the delays are due to the faults of some legal practitioners who by some acts of want of care and lack of preparation usually ask for the adjournment of cases. The Minister for Justice by powers conferred to him by section 3 (1) of the 1961 Act can effectively repeal the 1922 Ordinance. This law was made way back in 1922 and modern commercial realities necessitate a movement away from it. It is not a thing of pride that an Act was made in 1961 conferring some
Political stakeholders should eschew the use of violence, fraud, and corruption to 'tempt' the judiciary to do their bidding. Maybe the NJC needs to rethink its approach in the appointment of judges generally and particularly those that sit over election petitions. This is to make sure that persons of 'transparent' and 'accountable' character are appointed. This will be to start a new approach that will stop people from making a mockery of the judiciary by suggesting indignantly that people 'sho
Conclusion
Consequently, this study proffers that we should increase the competency of the legal profession in this perspective and fix a time limit within which a case should be argued and finalized to judgment to avoid frivolous adjournments. Again, one finds in practice that many of the cases being appealed from are unmerited
but while we are not suggesting that the legal and Constitutional privileges and rights of the people to appeal should be denied, it is our opinion that we should make it clear by
Also, we would suggest an upward review of the charges and cost of litigation in the Appellate Courts to prohibit frivolous appeals. Credible, free, and fair elections should be the panacea for curtailing election disputes in Nigeria. It will make the result so elections not to be massively contested thereby reducing the number of mandates being obtained by politicians from the court and tribunals.
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Chapter 23.Nigeria's Republic at Sixty: Natural Gas and Unending Quest for Sustainable Development
Wasiu A. Balogun, PhDEnergy Security and Climate Governance Research GroupDepartment of History & International StudiesLagos State University, Ojo, Lagos, NigeriaEmail Address: wasiu.balogun@lasu.edu.ng
biobal1@yahoo.comORCID:0000-0001-8519-2053&Bashir O. Animashaun, PhD Department of History & International StudiesLagos State University, Ojo, Lagos, NigeriaEmail Address: bashir.animashaun@lasu.edu.ng
Abstract
This study interrogates the role of natural gas (pipeline gas) in the quest for sustainable development in Nigeria. As Nigeria's sixth decade post-independence gets underway, the country's energy landscape is being overhauled to meet emerging domestic and external challenges. Renewed focus on natural gas production capacity expansion and transportation infrastructure development justifies a critical evaluation of the vulnerabilities inherent in Nigeria's gas infrastructure and their sustainable
Keywords: Energy security, national security, natural gas infrastructure, Nigeria, Sustainable development.
Introduction
As Nigeria marks its sixtieth anniversary as a republic, she finds herself at a crossroads of immeasurable significance. This critical juncture offers the pleasure of independence and self-rule, but also the challenge of stimulating economic growth and sustainable development. Sustainable development encapsulates the significance of attaining a fair balance of the tripod of economic growth, environmental protection, and social well-being. Achieving this objective is contingent on judicious extra
With vast natural gas reserves, which, when extracted effectively and for the benefit of the majority, Nigeria is in a vantage position to maximize the opportunities for economic development while addressing the many environmental challenges bedeviling her. In comparison to coal an oil, natural gas is a cleaner-burning fuel with significant prospect for environmental protection. Hence, in achieving the goal of sustainable development, energy security, broadly defined, is crucially important. In
The goal of this chapter is to interrogate the intricate relationship between natural gas and sustainable development in Nigeria. To achieve this goal, the chapter is divided into six sections. Following this introduction, the second section discusses energy security-sustainability nexus as the foundation for unpacking the role of natural gas in Nigeria's energy transition plan, climate change mitigation and sustainable development. While the third section takes a historical overview of Nigeria'
Energy Security and Sustainable Development:Understanding an Intricate Relationship
Interrogating the complex relationship of energy security and sustainable development provides a justifiable ground for unpacking and understanding the overriding philosophical and empirical foundation of this chapter. The premise of this study follows that energy security and sustainable development are mutually reinforcing. Even empirically, several studies have focused on the role of fossil fuel in changing climatic conditions and the UN sustainable development goals. Furthermore, studies hav
Energy Security
Energy security encompasses the delivery of energy in a way that promotes decarbonization and ensures intergenerational equity. As noted by Dyer and Trombetta (2013), energy security is the stable and secure supplies of energy at affordable price. Blazev (2015) define energy security as the provision of energy resources in a way that satisfies the requirements of sustainability, appropriateness, affordability and economic growth. While the traditional concerns of energy security linger, the conc
Sustainable Development
Sustainable development has become a popular catchphrase in contemporary discourse on development. According to World Commission on Environment and Development (1987), sustainable development is an inter-generational developmental agenda which seeks to protect the capacity of both the present and future generations to satisfy their needs equitably. Duran et al (2015) conceives of sustainable development as environment-centered
with sustainable environment being a condition for sustainable deve
The Brundtland Report defined sustainable development as "development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their needs" (Brundtland Report, 1987). This definition brings the notion of intergenerational equity to the sustainable development discourse. However, this developmental process as conceived by the Brundtland Report has drawn criticisms from several scholars. For instance, Henderson and Loreau (2023) observed that it is patent
Often times, sustainability discourses are framed within three interdependent cornerstones
environmental cornerstone
social cornerstone and economic cornerstone. The environmental cornerstone is built around the need to preserve and enhance the environment and its resources for long-term benefits. It seeks to curb carbon emissions as a way of protecting the flora and fauna. The social cornerstone is anchored on the need to ensure social equity, elimination of inequalities, and the fight agains
Figure 1: Three Pillars of Sustainable Development
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Source: Purvis et al. (2019)
Energy security and sustainable development though distinct concepts, complement each other. Energy security has substantial impacts on critical elements of sustainable development, including economic, social and environmental dimensions. Energy security is the catalyst on which sustainable development thrives (Hafezi & Alipour, 2020). Energy provision and development are mutually-reinforcing in the sustainable development trajectory. As observed by Emodi and Boo (2015), sustainable energy devel
Nigeria's Energy Industry and Gas Development
Energy is central to the economic growth and development of a nation. Nigeria is known for its natural resource endowments, including oil and gas, hydroelectricity, solar, coal among others. However, the oil and gas sector control a dominant share of the country's energy mix, with both jointly accounting for 7.24% of the total GDP and 76.22% of total export in 2021 (NEITI Report, 2023). According to the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC), as of January 2024, Nigeria's crud
Table 1: Contribution of oil and naturalgas sector to GDP in Nigeria, 2018 - 2023
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Source: Statista, 2024
Figure 2: Electricity production by source,Nigeria (Measured in terawatt-hours)
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Source: Statista, 2024
Note: Other renewables include waste, geothermal, wave and tidal.
Figure 3: Share of electricity production by source, Nigeria
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Source: Statista, 2024
Nevertheless, the Nigerian gas sector is still in its infancy, with significant prospect to stimulate economic growth and sustainable development. While the export market has recorded some remarkable progress through the LNG and the WAGP, and the Nigeria-Morocco gas infrastructure looks promising, the growth and development of the domestic gas market has been hampered by several challenges. Empirical studies (Balogun, 2023
Elenwo and Akankali 2014
Asikhia and Orugboh 2011) among others identif
Evolution of Natural Gas Utilization,Policies and Regulations in Nigeria
Attempts at developing a national plan and regulatory framework for gas in Nigeria have evolved since the country attained independence in 1960. Prior to independence, there was no national policy and regulation targeted at gas despite significant exploration of crude oil in the Niger Delta region following oil discoveries at Oloibiri in present day Bayelsa State in 1956. Even when associated with oil (associated gas), the major oil companies in Nigeria at the early stage of their exploration an
Though there was a major drive towards non-commercial use of gas by Shell, with supply to industrial bases in the South-South and Eastern parts of Nigeria between 1963 and 1968, there were no export-oriented production activities until the establishment of Nigerian Liquified Natural Gas Limited (NLNG) in 1989 (Nigerian Gas Association, nd). The 1980s also witnessed an accelerated utilization of gas for both the power and industrial sectors, resulting in significant decline in gas flaring. From y
Gas Policies and Reforms in Nigeria
The Nigerian gas industry has seen the development of several gas initiatives and policies geared towards optimizing the many opportunities of the sector. From the Gas Master Plan to President Muhamadu Buhari's declaration of the Gas Decade and the formulation of the Energy Transition Plan (ETP), there has been a progressive and coordinated approach towards developing Nigeria's gas potentials.
Nigeria Gas Master Plan
The Nigeria Gas Master Plan was initiated in 2008 with the goal of opening up the Nigerian gas reserves to meet the needs of domestic, regional and international markets through a complete liberalization of the industry. Initially, this plan was to be delivered over a five-year period in renewed infrastructure development, gas market commercialization, and investments (Woodmac Consultancy, n.d). In order to achieve its goals, the Gas Master Plan had three major pillars, as shown in figure 4 belo
I. Gas Pricing Policy: This policy seeks to ensure affordable prices for domestic gas utilization, mainly for power generation and other ancillary services that multiplier effects on the nation's economy.
Figure 4: Elements of the Gas Master Plan
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Source: Nigeria's Gas Master Plan
II. The Domestic Gas Supply Obligation: This obligation seeks to achieve local content in the supply of gas by mandating all stakeholders in the gas industry agree on a pricing mechanism for domestic market. Under supply and flaring of 'unwanted' gas will be penalized with a penalty of $3.5/mcf and of 0.5c/mcf, respectively (Chukwuwinke, 2023).
III. The Gas infrastructure blueprint: The blueprint is intended to cut infrastructure cost while ensuring a more flexible supply infrastructure across the country. The gas grid is designed to ensure that there is connectivity between production and demand centers (Nwaoha and Wood, 2014).
The plan also has gas pipeline transmission system designed to transport gas to where it is needed across the country. The plan has three pipeline systems, viz: the Western Transmission System, the South-North Gas Transmission System connecting Akwa Ibom/Calabar Central Gas Gathering and processing facility to Ajaokuta, Abuja, Kano and Katsina, and the interconnector system expected to connect the Eastern gas fields with the other transmission systems (Global Energy Monitor, 2022).
The Nigerian National Gas Policy (NNGP)
The Nigerian National Gas Policy (NNGP), approved in June 2017 as a strategic roadmap, was designed to address the bottlenecks in Nigeria's quest to extract its natural gas resources. The NNGP, a project-based approach to gas development was designed to achieve the goal of stimulating Nigeria's transition from an oil-dependent economy to one driven by oil and gas. The NNGP is designed to ensure linkages of key sectors of the economy such as power, agriculture, transport and industrial sectors (M
The Gas Flaring Regulation of 2018
The gas flaring regulation is not only a critical component of Nigeria's holistic approach to meeting its obligations under the Paris Agreement, but also a critical pillar of the country's anti-flaring agenda geared towards incentivizing gas flare capture. However, the implementation of the regulation was suspended by the government in 2021 (Ashurst, 2022).
National Gas Expansion Programme (NGEP)
The National Gas Expansion Programme (NGEP), a policy initiative of the federal government to encourage and open up the domestic gas market, is designed to encourage the use of compressed natural gas (CNG) especially for transportation and off-grid power for underserved communities. The initiative also seeks to encourage the use of liquid petroleum gas (LPG) for domestic cooking and for industrial activities. To achieve the grand objective of the NGEP, the Central Bank of Nigeria set up a US$60m
The Gas Decade and Energy Transition Plan (ETP)
The federal Government under president Muhammadu Buhari demonstrated the commitment of Nigeria to extracting her gas potentials to accelerate industrial ambitions by declaring the 2020s as Nigeria's 'decade of gas.' In line with this, in 2020, the NNPC started the construction of the Ajaokuta-Kaduna-Kano (AKK) pipeline with the aim of evacuating gas from Nigeria's global south to meet gas-fired industries and plants up north. How much of efforts the government can put together towards achieving
Major Natural Gas Infrastructure Projects in Nigeria
I. The West African Gas Pipeline (WAGP)
The WAGP is a significant project aimed at expanding the Nigerian gas industry's regional market within West Africa (World Bank, n.d.). The idea that resulted in the project was first muted in 1982 (West African Gas Pipeline Authority, 2023), after which a feasibility study on the commercial feasibility of the project was carried out. But the agreement that finally sealed the project was signed in September 1995 between Nigeria, Benin, Togo, and Ghana (WAGPCo, 2023). The 681-kilometer WAGP is de
Figure: West Africa Gas Pipeline Corridor
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Source: West African Gas Pipeline Company (WAGPCo, 2012)
The West African Gas Pipeline Company Limited (WAGPCo), a public-private partnership, was established by the governments of participating countries of Nigeria, Ghana, Benin, and Togo to manage the infrastructure (WAGPCo, n.d.). The company's ownership structure reflects this partnership, with ChevronTexaco West Africa Gas Pipeline Ltd. (36.7%), the NNPC (25%), Royal Dutch Shell (18%), and the national gas companies of Ghana (Volta River Authority, 16.3%), Togo (Société Togolaise de Gaz, 2%), and
II. Trans-Sahara Gas Pipeline
The Trans-Sahara Gas Pipeline is envisioned as a key driver for stronger economic ties between Nigeria, Niger, and Algeria., with the signing of the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) between Nigeria and Algeria in January 2002. This project is crucial as Nigeria's domestic gas consumption rises.
III. Nigeria-Morocco Gas Pipeline
With over 5,660 kilometers and an estimated cost of $25 billion with a 25-year completion timeframe, the Nigeria-Morocco Gas Pipeline will mark a significant shift in Nigeria's gas strategy (NNPC, 2024). It aims to diversify the economy beyond oil dependence by utilizing Nigeria's gas potential for both domestic use and export. Proposed in 2016 by Nigeria's NNPC and the National Board of Hydrocarbons and Mines of Morocco, the pipeline will extend the existing WAGP (NNPC, 2024) and then terminate
Role of Natural Gas in Sustainable Development
Natural gas has played a significant role towards achieving the goals of Sustainable Development since the latter half of the 20th century (Averchenkova et al., 2017
Bylin et al., 2016). Researchers widely acknowledge its positive contributions across various SDGs. Experts believe that the cost-effective development of vast, geographically dispersed natural gas reserves holds the key to the future of the energy sector. Several studies have also explored how the gas sector can contribute to SDGs
Goal 1: Eradication of all forms of poverty
The natural gas industry in Nigeria can contribute to poverty eradication by increasing clean and affordable energy accessibility (World Bank, 2023). This is particularly important for communities currently relying on polluting and unhealthy fuels like firewood, coal, and kerosene for cooking and lighting. According to the World Health Organization (WHO) estimates, air pollution from dirty fuel account for the death of four million people each year (WHO, 2023). Natural gas offers a cleaner alter
Goal 2: End Hunger, Achieve Food Security andImproved Nutrition and Promote Sustainable Agriculture.
While natural gas-food security nexus might seem tenuous, there are potential benefits. Increased access to clean and reliable energy through natural gas can improve agricultural productivity in several ways. Natural gas can be used to power irrigation pumps, agricultural equipment, and food processing facilities, all of which contribute to a more efficient and productive agricultural sector (FAO, 2023). Additionally, revenue generated from the natural gas industry can be invested in agricultura
Goal 3: Ensure Healthy Livesand Promote Well-being for All at All Ages
As mentioned above, natural gas can improve public health by reducing air pollution associated with traditional methods of cooking. Additionally, revenue generated from the natural gas industry can be used to fund healthcare initiatives with telling and positive impact on access to medical services in developing countries (International Gas Union, 2023).
Goal 4: Ensure Inclusive and Equitable Quality Education and Promote Lifelong Learning Opportunities for All.
The education sector can benefit from the natural gas industry in a few ways. Revenue generated from natural gas can be used to fund educational initiatives, particularly in developing countries where access to quality education remains a challenge (UNESCO, 2023). This funding can support building schools, providing educational materials, and training teachers. Additionally, the natural gas industry itself can create educational opportunities by offering scholarships and internship for disciplin
Goal 5: Achieve Gender Equality and Empower All Women and Girls
While the link between natural gas and gender equality might not be as direct, there are potential benefits. Profits from natural gas sales can be directed towards NGOs that focus on women's education, vocational training, and scholarship programs (UNDP, 2023). Furthermore, the energy sector can advocate for policies that promote gender equality in the workplace and encourage increased female participation in leadership positions within the industry itself.
Goal 7: Ensure Access to Affordable, Reliable, Sustainable and Modern Energy for All
Natural gas plays a crucial role in achieving the goal of access to affordable and reliable energy. It offers a cleaner alternative to traditional fuels and can be an effective energy transition pathway, particularly in countries like Nigeria where there is obvious lack of well-developed infrastructure for alternative energy sources.
Goal 8: Promote Sustained, Inclusive and Sustainable Economic Growth, Full and Productive Employment and Decent Work for All.
The natural gas industry creates jobs across various sectors, from exploration and production to transportation and distribution. Additionally, revenue generated by the industry can be used to fund infrastructure development and stimulate economic growth (World Bank, 2023). However, it's crucial to ensure these jobs are "decent work," meaning they offer fair wages, safe working conditions, and opportunities for advancement.
Goal 9: Building Resilient Infrastructure, Promotion of Inclusive and Sustainable Industrialization and Foster Innovation
Investments and profits from the natural gas industry can be directed towards research and development of cleaner natural gas technologies with reduced greenhouse gas emissions (IEA, 2023). This includes exploring carbon capture and storage (CCS) techniques and promoting environmentally friendly methods for gas exploration, production, transportation, and use. Furthermore, the industry can support training programs on sustainable technologies for both internal employees and external participants
Goal 15: Protection, Restoration and Promotion of Sustainable Use of Terrestrial Ecosystems, Sustainably Manage Forests and Combat Desertification, and Halt Biodiversity Loss.
The exploration, production, storage, and transportation of natural gas can have a negative impact on land ecosystems. However, the industry can adopt practices that minimize environmental damage, such as land reclamation efforts and using technologies that reduce habitat disruption. Sustainable development requires striking a balance between resource utilization and environmental protection (UN Environment Programme, 2023).
Goal 16: Promotion of Peaceful and Inclusive Societies for Sustainable Development.
The UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights emphasize the need for companies to respect human rights in their operations (UN Human Rights Office, 2012). Oil and gas companies, including those involved in natural gas, should have strong human rights policies and procedures for addressing grievances from communities potentially affected by their activities. Effective grievance mechanisms are essential for building trust and maintaining social peace.
Challenges to the Use of Gas as Catalyst for Sustainable Development in Nigeria
I. Gas Infrastructure Development is Capital Intensive
Building infrastructure for natural gas is very expensive. The entire gas infrastructure and value chain (see the table below), from finding the gas to getting it to people who use it, costs a lot of money. These steps also depend on each other - you cannot find the gas without a way to transport it, and vice versa. In Nigeria, things are even more expensive because of the land itself. The Niger Delta region where the gas is located has shallow waterways and soft ground, which makes it
Table: Gas Infrastructure Value Chain
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Source: Backspace, 2019
difficult to build pipelines and transport the gas. Because of this, developing the gas industry in Nigeria requires a huge upfront investment. Finding the money for these projects is another challenge. Additionally, corruption discourages investors from putting their money into Nigerian gas projects. The government needs to find ways to address these issues. They could improve transparency in business practices to attract investors, and look for funding from international organizations like the
II. The Security Situation in the Niger Delta Region
Security concerns are a major roadblock to developing the natural gas industry. Violence, kidnapping, and threats to peace scare away investors who are unwilling to risk billions of dollars. This lack of investment makes it difficult to build the infrastructure needed to capture and use natural gas. Balogun (2021) extensively discussed the impact of the tripod of crude oil theft, petro-piracy and illegal fuel in trade on the energy industry and the Nigerian economy. His findings have shown that
III. The state of industrialization and low gas utilization capacity
Nigeria's huge gas reserves, a potential boom for economic development and environmental well-being, remain largely untapped due to the slow pace of industrialization and the underutilization of the country's enormous gas potentials. Several gas-fired industrial facilities remain inactive. The Aladja iron and steel factory and Ajaokuta steel company are a good reference point in this regard. Similar faith befell ALSCON at Ikot-Abasi, NAFCON, and the petrochemical plants in Warri and Kaduna. Same
IV. Future Gas Demand is Unpredictable
Nigeria's biggest customers for oil products (India, Spain, Netherlands, USA, and China) are already massively cutting down fossil fuel consumption and aiming to attain carbon neutrality by 2030-2050. This creates a risky situation. By the time Nigeria finishes building the facilities needed to export its gas (exploration, processing plants, pipelines), which takes about 10 years, demand might have already peaked or even collapsed. Contracts to supply gas often have penalties for providing too m
V. Legal Policy and Fiscal Incentives to Gas Development
Nigeria boasts vast natural gas reserves, yet its efforts to develop and utilize this resource have fallen short. The current legal and policy framework, coupled with weak enforcement mechanisms, are hindering the growth of the gas sector. Despite offering fiscal incentives, Nigeria lacks a cohesive energy policy. The Energy Information Administration (EIA) in 2015 highlighted the absence of a clear roadmap for reforming gas pricing, taxation, and regulations - aspects crucial for attracting inv
The Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC), formerly the Department of Petroleum Resources (DPR), the primary watchdog for the oil and gas industry, has not demonstrated sufficient capacity. The NUPRC faces challenges in effectively monitoring oil company operations and establishing robust standards. This ineffectiveness raises concerns about environmental degradation caused by multinational oil companies (MNOCs). As Ogbonnaya (2011) warns, the government's reluctance to hold
VI. Economics of Natural Gas Pricing
Nigeria's abundant natural gas reserves hold immense potential for economic growth. However, a crucial obstacle stands in the way - the current pricing structure for domestic gas. The uncompetitively low gas prices have significantly discouraged investment in gas development, undermining its prospect for growth and its contribution to the nation's energy needs.
Multiple studies have highlighted the detrimental effects of low gas prices. Gaius-Obaseki (1996) and Orji (2014) found that the cheap cost of gas disincentivized companies from investing in either gas production or the infrastructure needed to transport and distribute it. This lack of investment creates a vicious cycle - without investment, gas development stagnates, and without readily available gas, competitive pricing becomes difficult to establish. Furthermore, the low prices made gas an un
However, there are signs of progress. The recent announcement of a new gas price for electricity generating companies in Nigeria by the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA) as stipulated in section 167 of the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) of 2021 is a positive step towards addressing the pricing challenge. This policy aims to enhance gas domestic gas utilization by the upstream producers, establish a framework for transparency in gas pricing throughout the dom
Summary and Conclusion
Nigeria, a country rich in natural gas, has a long and complex history with both achievements and struggles. Despite recent policy changes aimed at a more developed gas market, Nigeria has not fully tapped into its natural gas potentials. The new PIA which encompasses far reaching provisions on the functionality of the oil and gas industry is indeed a positive step forward. Effective utilization of gas has significantly enormous economic benefits for Nigeria. Energy security is critical to sus
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Chapter 24.Nigeria's Republic at Sixty: A Critical Reflection on the National Assembly and Democratic Governance in Nigeria
Adebola Rafiu Bakare, PhDDepartment of Political Science,University of Ilorin, Ilorin, Nigeria.+2348055803641, +2347066925865bakare.ar@unilorin.edu.ngbolaonboard1@gmail.com
Abstract
The National Assembly, for the first time since 1960, has had twenty-four years of uninterrupted legislative politics and governance. Legislative activities during this period recorded mixed reactions as actions of the lawmakers some points promote democracy while at some other times inimical to democratic survival in the country. There seem not to be a period when the National Assembly did not feature in the news reportage, public debates, and academic discourse, unfortunately mostly in negativ
Introduction
In Nigeria today, the National Assembly has become one of the most discussed institutions in the public space. This is not unconnected with the fact that it is clearly one of the foremost institutions of democracy. While the National Assembly as the national lawmaking institution has continued to perform its primary constitutional roles, it has been observed that its activities at some points engender good governance while at some other points, seem inimical to the survival of democracy in Niger
Paradoxically, one can describe the performance of the National Assembly with the avowal of 'beautiful in-self but ugly in the mirror' (Bakare, 2022). As the legislators heap praises on themselves claiming effectiveness, the feelings in the public space show otherwise. The public court pick faults in most of the actions of the lawmakers and hardly acknowledge their positive acts. In view of this, the National Assembly is usually in the news for negative topics. The most common denomination is th
Historically speaking, the 1999 general elections ushered in the current National Assembly giving birth to the emergence of the Fourth Republic after a long sixteen-year military rule from 1983. At the call for the elections, many Nigerians showed interests in occupying the 469 coveted seats in the legislature during the February 20, 1999 conducted election by the Independent National Electoral Commission. Having declared the winners of the election, both chambers were inaugurated on June 3, 199
However, both winners of the chairs of the two chambers did not survive the politics that come with the offices. They occupied the offices for barely a year before been kicked out via impeachment. Coincidentally the previously defeated Senator Okadigbo was subsequently elected as the Senate President. Like his predecessor, he was also booted out by impeachment and Senator Anyim Pius Anyim was elected to take charge of the Senate affairs
all these changes occurred within the space of four years.
One of the consequences of this is the pronounced leadership instability which in one way or the other has negatively affected the effectiveness of the legislature. This is premised on the notion that institution has become an 'indispensable bad egg.' Should it be possible, most people in Nigeria will opt to the cancelation of the institution but its centrality to democratic governance makes it and indispensable institution. By implication, the 4th Senate in its four legislative sessions was adm
The National Assembly is also notorious for scandalous salaries and allowances allegation as the public believes that the lawmakers are earning some monies outside the purview of what the Revenue Mobilization Allocation and Fiscal Commission (RMAFC) specified. In spite of this allegation, the salaries and allowances of the Nigerian lawmakers is still shrouded in secrecy to date. While National Assembly authorities have at one point in time and the other tried to refute this allegation, some of t
External influence in decision-making process of the National Assembly is yet another issue of concern. Despite the independence granted the institution by the 1999 constitution and the doctrine of separation of power, there are many instances of executive overbearing influence on the institution. In addition, party leaders also influence the lawmakers hindering them from been accountable to the people of their constituencies. Most lawmakers pledge loyalty to the President and their State Govern
It is on this note that this chapter seeks to reflect on role of the National Assembly in the Nigerian governance process. The objective is to highlight the area of strength and identify the weaknesses of the National Assembly, and subsequently suggests implementable policy suggestions on how to enhance the effectiveness of the National Assembly.
Major Development/Issues that have affectedthe National Assembly in the Fourth Republic
Since the inception of the Fourth Republic in 1999, the National Assembly has continued to make news headlines on either internal controversies or confrontational battles with the executive. These issues mostly end up contributing to the negative public image as people often see the lawmakers as only having concerns for self-interests. The number of issues that affect the National Assembly is enormous. However, this chapter attempts a highlight of the major ones. As posited in the introductory s
The issue of excessive politicking and confrontation with the executive defined the nature of the legislative-executive relations under the Fourth Republic. The first in this regard was the attempt by the Rt. Hon. Ghali Umar Na'Abah-led House of Representatives to impeach the then President Olusegun Obasanjo on August 13, 2002. The House requested the President to resign within two weeks ultimatum or face impeachment. The House premise its action on the allegation that the President committed se
Another defining moment in the history of the National Assembly was the wide allegations and its condemnations for corruption related activities. The instances of corrupt tendencies were enormous that the institution has become synonymous to corruption. There were several instances where people referred to the National Assembly as a den of self-centered people with stealing tendencies. One of such accusation was made Obasanjo (2016) when he posited that the National Assembly is "an assemblage of
The third term agenda bothering on attempt by President Obasanjo to elongate his tenure beyond 2007 was another issue that characterized legislative politics in Nigeria. The President in a bid to remain in power beyond the maximum term limit stipulated in the constitution had approached some members of the National Assembly to amend the constitution to that effect. While some legislators argued that they killed the idea without taking any bribe (Masari, 2017
Godwin, 2017), others claimed Presid
The issue of public perception of the National Assembly is one that refused to abate since the inception of the Fourth Republic. The National Assembly is seen as a conduit pipe through which public fund is siphoned, especially under the banner of constituency project fund and extraneous allowances that are shrouded in secrecy despite public outcry for the institution's finances to be made public (Oladesu, 2016). Though, the legislators are aware of the negative perception and described it as wor
Other major development/issues that rock National Assembly in the Fourth Republic includes
the much celebrated budget padding in 2016, poor performance of oversight function, cold Executive-legislative relations, uncoordinated constitutional amendment attempts, and scandalous salaries and allowances, among others. All these serve as factors in assessing the effectiveness of the National Assembly in the Fourth Republic.
Factors Hindering LegislativeEffectiveness of the National Assembly
There are several factors that are hindering the effectiveness of the National Assembly under the Fourth Republic. These factors include poor capacity and lack of innate ability on the part of most lawmakers, inadequate funding, constitutional defect in setting timeline for the President's presentation of Appropriation bill, public misconception of the powers and functions of the legislature, and inter-organ suspicion and excessive rivalry between executive and the legislature, among others.
At inception in 1999, virtually all elected lawmakers were coming to the legislature for the first time. This culminated into the lack of experience and inadequate capacity to effectively perform their legislative duties. Though trainings, seminars, and workshops were organized both in the country and outside the shore to mitigate this challenge, yet it persisted. Most of them lack the capacity to engage bills under consideration. To further solve this problem, the global practice of recruiting
Aside this, the inability of many lawmakers to utilize the information and communications technology (ICT) gadgets put in place to assist them and drastically reduce the encumbrances of lawmaking also largely contributed to their ineffectiveness. Despite the series of training and procurement of ICT equipment, most lawmakers are not inclined to the usage. To date, the electronic voting machine installed in the gallery of the National Assembly is seldom use as voice voting is still popularly used
The challenge of inadequate funding also hinders the effectiveness of the lawmakers. Not until around 2023, the annual budget of the National Assembly hovers around N120-150 billion which is grossly inadequate for running the legislature (Sumaila, 2013). This is because the salaries and wages of the legislators and their legislative aides, management of National Assembly offices and constituency offices and consultancy of professionals and technical experts in various fields as well as running t
In the aspect of timely passage of the appropriation bill (budget), the National Assembly is faced with the challenge of lack of timeliness in the constitution. This allows the President to present the bill at his own convenience. In most cases, this is usually done around November/December and the National Assembly is expected to pass it before the commencement of the new fiscal year in January. The failure to do this on time has put the National Assembly at the receiving end of the backlash fo
There is also the challenge of the misconception of the power and functions of the lawmakers is also hindering the effectiveness of the National Assembly. Most people did not understand the line of demarcation between the legislature and the executive in terms of their constitutional functions. The failure of the executive to provide all basic needs of the people and the consequent high poverty prevalence in the country make most Nigerians to turn to the legislators (given their proximity to the
There is also a wide gap between the executive and legislature to the extent that both arms see themselves as rivals and not different parts of same system. This promotes suspicion and consequently leads to excessive politicking, confrontations and rivalry between them. To a large extent, the rivalry creates unfavourable environment for development and good governance, with the legislature always receiving the blame from the people.
Improving the National Assembly'sEffectiveness: Some Recommendations
From the analysis so far, it is established that the National Assembly has the potential to perform better than what is obtained, if necessary measures are taken into consideration. In light of this, the paper recommends that the authority and management of the National Assembly should consider serious and adequate capacity training and re-orientation of the legislators toward effective performance as against the ceremonial trainings given to them at the beginning of the first session which hard
It is also recommended that the budgetary allocation to the National Assembly be increased to enable the legislators perform their oversight functions without relying on logistics from the MDAs under assessment. However, we recognize the fact that the institution is not accounting for the methods of expending the current funds by making the budget public like that of the executive. To this end, the National Assembly budget should be made public for people to see who gets what, when and how? This
The Ministry of Budget and National Planning and its ministerial agencies should commence working on the next fiscal year budget on time to enable the President present it to the National Assembly around August of the preceding fiscal year. This will afford the National Assembly the average of four months needed for the scrutiny and passage of the budget. It will also absolve the unnecessary pressures that open rooms for manipulation of the budget process. In light of this, the National Assembly
We also opine that the National Assembly should consider massive and continuous public re-orientation of the power, roles and functions of the institution. Many Nigerians are unaware of the starting and end point of the power bestowed on the National Assembly by the constitution. Perhaps, this is the reason why people perceive them to be engaging in excessive politicking and needless confrontation with the executive during lawmaking and oversight functions. Also, it will reduce the high expectat
On the issue of restructuring, the National Assembly should take the bull by the horn. The institution should muster the courage to trigger the commencement of restructuring the country in a way that will enhance regional and national development. Moreso that the former President Muhammadu Buhari once alluded that it is the responsibility of the National Assembly to set the ball rolling for restructuring the country. A special public hearing should be organized to galvanize and articulate opinio
We also recommend that there should be frequent interactions between the legislature and the executive through the Presidential Advisers on National Assembly to reduce the gap between the two arms. This will also enable the National Assembly to have prior knowledge of executive disposition/position on issues under discussion and factors to consider in line with mutual inclusiveness (without undermining the independence) of the arms and institutions of government. Carrying the executive along and
Conclusion
The chapter highlighted some issues that characterized the fourth National Assembly since inception which subsequently shaped its nature, status and public perception. It is discovered that while few are seen to be positive developments in the bid to entrench good governance, most others are inimical to democratic survival. It is discovered that the institution has high potential to perform better if necessary machinery is put in place. Based on the identified challenges hindering its effectiven
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Authors' Bios
Dr. Chinyere Rita Agu is currently a Senior Research Fellow and heads the International Law Unit of the Division of International Law and Organizations, Research and Studies Department, Nigerian Institute of international Affairs (NIIA), Lagos State. She is also the Chairperson, Linkages and External Relations of the Nigerian Institute of international Affairs (NIIA). She obtained her Bachelor of Laws (LL.B.Hons.) from Enugu State University of Science & Tech., Nigeria, Master of Laws (LL.M) fro
Dr. Erameh Nicholas Idris possess a Bachelor of Science (BSc), Masters of Science (MSc) and Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) in Political Science with specialization in International Relations, from Department of Political Science, University of Ibadan. His research interest includes
Global Politics & Security, Human Rights, Human Security, Mass Atrocities, Peace Keeping, Post Conflict Reconstruction, Refugee and Migration, Armed Conflict, Ethnic & Genocide Studies, Humanitarian Intervention, and th
Olusegun Paul Adesanya is an associate professor of international relations in the Department of International Relations and Diplomacy at the Afe Babalola University Ado-Ekiti (ABUAD), Nigeria. Prior to coming to ABUAD, Adesanya was a senior lecturer of international relations at the Department of Political Science at Kings University, Osun State. Adesanya has published articles in such journals as Cogent Arts and Humanities, Cogent Social Sciences, and several other international and local jour
Joshua Olusegun Bolarinwa, PhD
is the Head
Division of Security and Strategic Studies
Research and Studies Department, Nigerian Institute of International Affairs (NIIA) Lagos, Nigeria. He teaches International Relations, Strategic Studies, Peace Studies and Conflict Resolution at the University of Lagos (UNILAG), Lagos State University (LASU) and Babcock University (as a Visiting Lecturer) respectively. He is a Friedrich Ebert Stiftung (Germany) and International Peace Academy (U.S.A) schola
Dodeye Uduak Williams is an Associate Professor in the Department of Political Science, University of Calabar, Nigeria with over twenty (20) years of academic work experience. Dr. Williams is a former Commonwealth Scholar with the Center for African Studies (2008-2009), University of Edinburgh, UK. She teaches strategic studies, peace and conflict studies, and other related courses at undergraduate and postgraduate levels. She holds a Bachelor's degree in Political Science (Nigeria), Master of S
Chinasa Agatha Ohiri, PhD is an Associate Professor and Research Fellow with the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs (NIIA), Lagos. She is a graduate of the Ahmadu Bello University (ABU) Zaria - Kaduna State, Nigeria, where she obtained her degrees in Agricultural Economics and also a Masters in International Affairs and Diplomacy. Her research interest include but not limited to food security, climate change and development studies. Chinasa has attended several national and internationa
Dr. Bakare, Adebola Rafiu teaches in the Department of Political Science, University of Ilorin, Nigeria. His major research interest is on legislative studies. Other areas of interest include political institution, security studies, and election. He has developed a model for legislative assessment which is suitable for assessing lawmaking effectiveness. He recently participated in a European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights-(FRA) funded research with Eticas Research and Consulting (Barcelona,
Marie Beauty Dirisu posses a Doctor of Philosophy Degree (PhD) Library and Information Service from the University of Ibadan. She is currently the Acting Director of Library and Documentation Service, Nigerian Institute of International Affairs (NIIA). Her research interest are in the areas of copyright studies, intellectual property, library conservation, library automation, information technology in library and social sciences research. She has participated in several and international and loc
Ogunniyi, Olayemi Jacob is a lecturer in the Department of History and International Studies, Faculty of Arts, Lagos State University, Ojo, Lagos. He holds a National Certificate in Education (NCE) in History/English from Osun State College of Education Ila-Orangun, a Bachelor of Arts Education (BA.Ed.) with Second Class Honors (Upper Division) and adjudged best graduating student in History, a Master Degree in Education (M.Ed.) at the Lagos State University, Ojo, Lagos, Master of Arts (M.A) an
Kazeem Ajasa Badaru (Ph.D.) is a Nigerian scholar who works at the University of South Africa, Muckleneuk Campus, Pretoria, South Africa. He obtained his doctorate in political education from the University of Fort Hare, South Africa. His predoctoral qualifications include a bachelor's degree in political science, history, and teacher education as well as a master's degree in political science from the University of Ibadan in Nigeria. His research interests include political studies, intergovern
James Osoata is an accomplished administrator with over twenty five years of dedicated service in the public sector. His extensive career spans various roles at the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs (NIIA), Lagos, where he has excelled in various position among which are administrative management, budgeting, policy planning and procurement. James is recognized for his strategic acumen, driving operational efficiency, and ensuring compliance with regulatory standards. His leadership s
Temitope Olukemi Akande holds an Msc in Political Science from the University of Ibadan, Ibadan. She is presently an Assistant Lecturer with the Department of Political Science, Nigeria Police Academy, Kano. Her area of expertise is Gender Studies and Peace and security studies. She has both published journals and unpublished book chapters/journals to her credit.
Ojo Abimbola Olamide is a Research Fellow at the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs, Lagos. She is of the Division of International Politics. Her research interests include Foreign Policy and Diplomacy, International Development and Migration, Globalization. She holds a Bachelor's Degree in Political Science from the University of Ibadan, Nigeria and a Masters from the same University. She has attended and presented papers at a number of seminars and conferences.
Rauf Tunde Sakariyau obtained PhD in Political Science from the University Utara Malaysia. He is presently the Head of Department of Political Science, Nigeria Police Academy. His area of expertise is Electoral Studies and Democratisation.He has published widely in both local and international outlets.
Enoch Ndem Okon holds a Ph.D in International Relations and Strategic Studies, and a MSc in Political Science and International Relations from the University of Calabar and Lagos respectively in Nigeria. His research interest includes: African Regional Security and Governance, Peace and Conflict Studies, Terrorism and Counterterrorism, and Politics of Energy and Environmental Security.
Dr. Bello, Olaide Wasiu, is a distinguished academic and a lecturer in the Department of Political Science at Chrisland University, Abeokuta. His educational journey began in the vibrant 70s, encompassing primary and post-primary education in his hometown. Dr. Bello pursued his undergraduate studies at Ogun State University (now Olabisi Onabanjo University) in mid 90s. Building on his passion for understanding the intricate dynamics of industrial and labor relations, he furthered his education a
Wasiu A. Balogun, PhD, specializes in energy and maritime security with a particular focus on sub-Saharan Africa. He earned his doctorate in International Relations from the University of Lancaster, England, and holds a Master's degree in Energy Studies, with a focus on Energy and the Environment, from the Centre for Energy Petroleum Mineral Law and Policy (CEPMLP), University of Dundee, Scotland. Wasiu Balogun is currently pursuing an Executive MSc in International Strategy and Diplomacy at the
Animashaun Bashir Olalekan, PhD, is an associate professor of history in the Department of History and International Studies, Lagos State University. His research specialty is on the social and political history of Nigeria. He has published several articles in reputable refereed journals and books. He is a fellow of the Historical Society of Nigeria.
Dr. Solomon Babatunde Kumapayi is an International Defense and National Security specialist with substantive insight and over 30 years' experience in defense, peace and security (Security Sector Reform, Peace Support Operations, Counterterrorism, Counterinsurgency, Mediation, Gender and Civil-Military Relations) in Southeast Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa. He has consistently made contributions to these issues by way of his professional work, academic scholarship, research, and publications. An inn
Dr. Abayomi Agbeyangi is an erudite scholar, lecturer, and researcher with wide and profound knowledge in computing. He has a Bachelor of Science in Computer Engineering with Second Class (Upper Division) honors from Obafemi Awolowo University, a Master of Science in Computer Science, and a Doctoral Degree in Computer Engineering from the same university. Dr. Agbeyangi has taught various undergraduate courses at different citadels of learning. He has over 19 publications to his credit. He is cur
Ruth Aigbe is a lecturer in the Department of History and International Studies at the University of Calabar, Calabar, Nigeria. She is a doctoral candidate at the University of Calabar, Calabar-Nigeria. With over seven years of experience as a lecturer, Ruth is passionate about research, teaching and learning. She has co-authored numerous research papers and articles and attended several conferences and workshops. She is currently a member of the Historical Society of Nigeria. Her research areas
Dr Seun Bamidele is a Postdoctoral Research Fellow at the Department of Sociology, Faculty of Humanities, and University of Johannesburg, South Africa. He holds a Ph.D. in Development Studies from the University Of Pretoria, South Africa, and a Ph.D. in Peace and Security Studies from Ekiti State University, Nigeria. His research interests are multidisciplinary, covering African affairs, peace and conflict studies, forced migration, internal displacement, coping and survival strategies of women
Dr. Olusegun A. Hassan is a distinguished scholar of Governance, Institutions and Public Policy who is at the forefront of academic excellence with a wealth of knowledge in institutional studies and Public Policy analysis. He holds a B.Sc in Political Science from the University of Ado Ekiti, M.Sc International Relations from the University of Ibadan and PhD Public Policy Analysis, also from Ibadan. Dr. Hassan has contributed immensely to unraveling the complexities of governance, socio-economic
Dr. Aborisade, Daniel Atilade is a research Fellow with the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs, International Law and Organizations Division. He holds a BSc (Hons) in Political Science from Olabisi Onabanjo University, Ago-Iwoye, Ogun State
MSc in Political Science from the University of Lagos and Ph.D in Political Science (International Relations) from Babcock University, Ilishan-Remo, Ogun State. He has published in some reputable journals, contributed to chapters in books and have
Omosefe Oyekanmi is a Post-doctoral fellow at the Pan African Women Studies Unit, Institute of Pan African Thought and Conversation, University of Johannesburg. She is a Research Fellow in the Political and Governance Policy Department, Nigerian Institute of Social and Economic Research, Ibadan, Nigeria. She is also an academic facilitator at the University of Ibadan Distance Learning Center. Omosefe is a laureate of the British Academy funded program, Writing and Researching the Political Econo
Salau Jelil Olawale, is a Lecturer in the Department of Political Science, Lagos State University of Education, Lagos, Nigeria. He specializes in conflict management and industrial dispute management. His research interest cover a wide range of areas, including conflict resolution, industrial dispute management, elections, human rights, ethnicity and national development, public sector reform and services delivery. He has several national and international journals articles to his credit publish
Mrs Adeola Akindoju is a Research Fellow at the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs, (NIIA) Lagos with the division of International Politics in the Research and Studies Department. She has attended and participated in many local and International Conferences including think-tanks and academic dialogues. While her geographic areas of interest include Africa and Nigeria, her research interests are in Poverty Reduction, Gender, Security, Migration, Women and Children in Conflict zones and
Lawrence Omachi Haruna is currently a research fellow with the Nigeria institute of international affairs (NIIA). He was educated at Kogi State University with a B.A. degree in mass communication, master in international affairs and diplomacy from Ahmadu Bello university Zaria, master in conflict, security and development from the Nigerian defense academy, Kaduna, master in law enforcement and criminal justice from the Ahmadu Bello university Zaria, Master of science degree in international rela
Kazeem, Olayinka Sodik is currently with the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs (NIIA), Lagos, Nigeria as a Research Fellow. He was educated at the Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Osun state, Nigeria
where he graduated with B.Sc in International Relations and M.A. in History and Strategic Studies from the University of Lagos. He has also participated in research works for international organizations and think tanks including AU-NEPAD Peer Review on 'Corporate Governance' in Nigeri
Ameh Moses is a PhD candidate of political science in the University Of Ibadan, Nigeria. He holds a master's degree in International Relations and Bachelors in Political science from University of Ibadan and Kogi state university respectively. He is currently a graduate, research and teaching assistant at the department of political science, University of Ibadan. A recipient of the federal government scholarship award for studies in tertiary institutions in Nigeria. His research interest include
Ebuwa Chimere Osarenren is a Research Fellow with the Nigeria Institute of International Affairs (NIIA), Lagos, Division of Security and Strategic Studies in the Research and Studies Department. She holds a B.Sc in International Relations from Caleb University and an M.Sc in Political Science with a focus in International Relations from the University of Lagos, Akoka, with a PhD in view. Her research interests include International Relations, Nigeria's Foreign Policy, Transnational Security, Def
Oluseyi Elijah Akinbode, is currently a Research Fellow with the prestigious Nigerian Institute of International Affairs (NIIA) Lagos, Nigeria. He was educated at the Lagos State University, Ojo, Lagos, Nigeria
where he graduated with Bachelor of Science (B.Sc Hon)in Political Science and also obtained Masters of Science (M Sc) in Political Science from the prestigious Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Osun State, Nigeria. He is currently a Doctoral candidate at the same institution. He has
Igwe kelechi Njoku is a Research Fellow at the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs (NIIA). He is a foreign policy enthusiast, a geo-political and diplomatic analyst. He is an enterprising young Nigerian who bagged both his B.A and M.A degrees in History and Strategic Studies, University of Lagos. He graduated with distinction in his M.A degree with a masters' degree dissertation "Geo-Politics and Security: AU 2063 Agenda in the New World Order." Kelechi serves in the NIIA Gen. LEO Irabor
Victor Obaba, is a research assistant at the Nigerian Institute of Social and Economic Research (NISER). He holds a Bachelor's degree in History from the Obafemi Awolowo University. He is also the founder of Obaba Museum, a captivating blog that both entertains and enlightens readers on a weekly basis. His diverse experience includes serving as Corps Camp Director for the National Youth Service Corps Orientation Camp, Oyo State, and O-Level teacher at Apex Olive. With a Jobberman Certificate of
Rahman Ibrahim Abiodun has a Bachelor of Science (Ed) in Political Science from Lagos State University and currently a post graduate student at the Department of Political Science, University of Ibadan.
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