The Melted Pot

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Diversity, Antisemitism, and the Limits of Tolerance

Harry Saul Markham(Autor*in)

Academica Press

Erschienen am 30. September 2025

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In the decades since 1945, Western Europe has undergone a seismic social and political transformation. The evils of racism, authoritarianism, and exclusionary nationalism, which once prevailed, have been defeated and marginalized. Through an arduous process of democratization and liberalization, today's Western Europe is almost unrecognizable from the one our grandparents were raised in. Yet despite this commendable progress, the warning system for a civilization in danger has been activated. Once again, the Jews are in trouble. This time, however, the menace facing Europe's greatest other does not emerge from the extreme right. Rather, to the surprise of many, it comes from a fellow minority.

In this book, which was canceled by its original publisher because it addresses ?sensitive issues,? Harry Saul Markham reveals how well-intentioned policies?meant to advance democracy and foster inclusion?have instead endangered the very fabric of our democratic societies and betrayed the principles upon which the ?New Europe? was founded. Although this book confronts head-on the normalization of Islamist thinking within swathes of our Muslim communities, as well as the silence and complicity of mainstream institutions, The Melted Pot is not a repudiation of diversity. With its foreword by a leading British Shaykh who is working for change, this urgent book presents a vision for a new multiculturalism, one that does not compromise on core democratic values and instead empowers voices for change. This book is essential reading for anyone who believes in the promise of diverse, free societies and refuses to surrender to the illusions of either naïve utopianism or divisive nationalism.

Beyond its novel revelations, and meticulous research, this work is endorsed by concerned Muslim voices, as well as other leading experts, journalists, and intellectuals. As such, what Markham has produced is valuable not merely for its content, but as a symbol of concerned citizens of all faiths who are eager for an honest reckoning with multiculturalism in Western Europe.

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The Melted Pot
Antisemitism, Diversity,and the Limits of Tolerance
Harry Saul Markham
The Melted Pot
Antisemitism, Diversity,and the Limits of Tolerance
Harry Saul Markham
Academica PressWashington
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Markham, Harry Saul (author)
Title: The melted pot : diversity, antisemitism, and the limits of tolerance | Markham, Harry Saul.
Description: Washington : Academica Press, 2025. | Includes references.
Identifiers: LCCN 2025937172 | ISBN 9781680534061 (hardcover) | 9781680534078 (paperback) | 9781680534085 (e-book)
Dedication
This book is dedicated to the memory of my grandparents, Eva and Jack Sherman, and Ida and Norman Markham. Without their influence and inspiration, as proud and loyal British Jews, I would not have written this book. Their kindness, love, and warmth touched all who were fortunate enough to know them. This is a small token of my appreciation for everything they did for me and my siblings. May their memory be a blessing.
Praise for The Melted Pot
"This is a magnificent contribution to a subject that needs exactly this kind of sane, balanced and forward thinking. A wonderful cooperation between people of different communities and faiths this important book might even be said to give . hope."
- Sir Stephen Fry, comedian, actor, writer, and presenter
"Are you shocked by the rise of authoritarian populism in Europe? Stunned by the rise of antisemitism in the continent that seemed to have learned the lessons of the Holocaust? Flabbergasted that the apparently irresistible idea of a liberal, cosmopolitan world order is plunging in popularity? If so, there must be something about the present you're not understanding. With style, humanity, and good sense, Harry Markham diagnoses the problems that Europe has blundered into and points the way towar
- Steven Pinker, Johnstone Professor of Psychology, Harvard University, and the author of Enlightenment Now
"Multiculturalism is the collectivist philosophy that was enthusiastically applied in the West in the last few decades. It has hollowed out European and American institutions and rendered nationhood meaningless. It has become among other things a vehicle that enables Anti-Semitism. Everyone needs to read Harry Saul Markham's book, The Melted Pot, not only to understand how this happened, but crucially what to do about it."
- Ayaan Hirsi Ali, Human Rights Activist & Bestselling Author, Research Fellow, The Hoover Institution
"The Melted Pot is a rare and necessary book, which calls for honest conversation about the challenges and promises of multiculturalism. This urgent and brave book offers not just critique, but a roadmap for renewal-a path toward a multiculturalism that does not compromise on democratic principles. Read this book!"
- Natan Sharansky, human rights activist, former political prisoner, and author of The Case for Democracy, a New York Times Bestseller
"We need more books like this exposing not only the evils but also the dangers of tolerating antisemitism."
- Professor Alan Dershowitz, Harvard University, best-selling author, leading lawyer
"The key point of agreement between the far left and the far right appears to be persistent antisemitism. Harry Saul Markham's The Melted Pot is a much-needed contribution to our understanding of how this most ancient and repugnant of prejudices has lately regained its momentum. At a time when self-proclaimed "anti-fascists" are enabling fascism to flourish, Markham's passionate and enlightening book could not be more timely.
- Andrew Doyle, bestselling author and broadcaster
"Harry Markham takes an honest look at the urgent problems facing the European continent, and the paradoxical clash between a desire to promote multiculturalism and a desire for government to respect and support productive discussion and debate. Unless we take an honest look in the mirror, it is unlikely that current dangerous trends will reverse. And this is exactly what The Melted Pot does. Important reading for anyone concerned about these issues today."
- Lawrence M. Krauss, President, The Origins Project foundation and bestselling author of A Universe from Nothing, the Edge of Knowledge, and the forthcoming War on Science
"As a Muslim and Arab who is deeply committed to fostering Jewish-Muslim understanding and promoting peace in the Middle East, I recognize the urgent need for honest conversations about rising antisemitism and its impact on our societies. The Melted Pot is a courageous and timely work that challenges us to confront uncomfortable truths about the unintended consequences of some policies and the dangers of extremism."
- Fatema Al Harbi, First Bahrani Peace Activist to EU, Gulf Affairs Director at Sharika, Leading Peace Advocate
"Harry Saul Markham makes a powerful, personal case for a renewal of centrist national integrationism in western European societies like Britain. The political mainstream, wedded to a left-liberalism born - ironically - out of antisemitism, is laying the groundwork for a new epoch of Jewish persecution. Tolerating the dangerous level of antisemitism present in many sections of Muslim Europe in the name of political correctness can only hasten Europe's sad journey towards illiberalism and divisio
- Eric Kaufmann, Professor of Politics, University of Buckingham, and author of Taboo: How Making Race Sacred Led to a Cultural Revolution
"As Harry Markham points out, the insidious nature of antisemitism threatens both Jewish people and the nature of our entire democracy. Too many people seem blind to antisemitism or appear to tolerate it, almost as if it is not as serious as other forms of racism. Harry isn't afraid to go where others fear to tread and this book is a welcome contribution to the debate on how best to counter antisemitism."
- Iain Dale, leading national broadcaster and author
"Far from any reactionary or nostalgic manifestos, [Markham's] book offers both a virulent denunciation of the consequences of ideological multiculturalism, and a plea for 'the dignity of difference:' the conditions that will allow the emergence of a truly multicultural society to emerge. This is what makes his book so original, urgent, and necessary."
- Marc Weitzmann, leading French journalist and novelist
"The Melted Pot is a compelling attempt to illuminate how the progressive and humanitarian principles of Europe are being gradually and steadily undermined due to unbridled political correctness and an unholy alliance between radical Islam and European anti-Semitism. In such turbulent times, Harry Markham graciously offers a viewpoint that encourages efforts to foster cohesion and shared values instead of polarizing identity politics. The book is worth a read for those who believe that introspec
- Khadija Khan, Journalist and broadcaster
"The Melted Pot is a timely and essential read for anyone concerned about the future of social cohesion in the UK. Harry Saul Markham confronts hard questions surrounding multiculturalism, extremism, and the rising tide of intolerance with clarity and courage. In a world where extremist ideologies threaten the fabric of our society, this book provides a much-needed call for honest dialogue and principled action. A vital contribution to an urgent conversation, it is a must-read for policymakers,
- Mohammed Abbasi, Deputy Chair, The Association of British Muslims
"This is a vital and timely book. It is deeply troubling that, less than a century after the most horrific crimes in human history, too many self-proclaimed anti-racists and advocates of multiculturalism are either unwilling or unable to confront the uncomfortable truth behind its resurgence, let alone take action against it. Harry Markham offers a courageous and refreshingly balanced path forward, showing how we confront this civilizational threat and reclaim liberal values - the very principle
- Inaya Folarin Iman, journalist and founder of The Equiano Project, an anti-racism charity
"The Melted Pot offers a sobering account of the fragility and limits of Western Europe's tolerance. Markham delves deep into the roots of European antisemitism and its newfound alliance with radical Islam. The Melted Pot calls for an urgent reckoning of the individual and collective responsibility behind antisemitism. It sheds an unforgiving light on the failures of divisive diversity policies."
- Marie Daouda, University of Oxford
"The Melted Pot takes a bold step in confronting one of the most critical issues of our time: the rise of antisemitism in the West and beyond. In a world where radical ideologies are gaining ground and even Muslims who speak out for peace are silenced by labels like "Islamophobe," Harry Saul Markham has written a difficult but essential book that bravely confronts the truth of what is really happening. This book is for anyone seeking to understand the lived experiences of Jewish people in the We
- Faezeh Alavi, policy researcher, artist, and Iranian Muslim advocate for peace in the Middle East
"With profound courage and incisive acumen, Harry Markham has undertaken a desperately needed investigation into the rising antisemitism that plagues the Western world and beyond. This book is a must read for anyone who wishes to have a deeper understanding of this growing threat to society. It is deeply insightful, informative, and transformative."
- Professor David Patterson, University of Texas at Dallas
"With precision, conviction, and courage, Harry Saul Markham dissects the paradox of tolerance: how, in our attempt to build a pluralistic utopia, we have cultivated new dogmas, new blindness, and new dangers. He challenges us to act before the foundations of liberal democracy crumble under the weight of its own illusions. This book is essential reading for anyone who still believes in the promise of Europe-not as a museum of past glories, nor as a battlefield of competing victimhoods, but as a
- Pascal Bruckner, author of The Tyranny of Western Guilt: An Essay on Western Masochism
"Much has been written on contemporary European antisemitism, yet few authors are as uniquely positioned to address the academic avalanche as Harry Markham. Like countless students, he has witnessed pedagogical authoritarianism in the making from the classroom to the courtyards, yet he departs from many on campus in his willingness to confront it. Markham thus offers fresh insights that render this read on antisemitism novel."
- Professor R. Amy Elman, author of The European Union, Antisemitism, and the Politics of Denial
"Since the horrific events of October 7, 2023, this book, perhaps more than ever before, is a must read for all those concerned at trajectory of our societies. As a concerned Muslim, Brit, and someone who has for the last 20 years been involved in trying to combat extremism and racism, I am delighted to commend this important and timely contribution."
- Haras Rafiq, Trustee of Secure Canada and former trustee of the UK Charity Muslims Against Antisemitism and former CEO of the counter-extremist organization, Quilliam International
"The Melted Pot is a passionate call to confront antisemitism within Muslim communities without demonizing all Muslims. Markham explores why this conversation has been avoided for so long and why addressing it is crucial. This book is essential reading for anyone deeply concerned about rising antisemitism and seeking to understand the lived experience of a young British Jew in today's climate."
- Dr. Gunther Jikeli, Erna B. Rosenfeld Associate Professor, Institute for the Study of Contemporary Antisemitism, author of European Muslim Antisemitism
"At a time when antisemitism has gained widespread influence and when tolerance is in serious trouble it is important that we understand the issues at stake. Harry Saul Markham's The Melted Pot: Diversity, Antisemitism, and the Limits of Tolerance offers an important counterpoint to the outlook of the intolerant elites who dominate our culture. Read this book!"
- Professor Frank Furedi, University of Kent
Acknowledgements
This book was written over the course of a few years. There are many deserving of thanks, and it is not possible to mention all those involved throughout this arduous process, especially to all those who were kind enough to endorse this work. You know who you are!
However, there are some people I feel compelled to name. Firstly, none of this would have been possible without the unwavering love and support of my dear parents, Deborah and David Markham, and siblings, Candy and Ross. I also thank my dear friend, Golda, who first encouraged me to write this book in the summer of 2021, even when I had major doubts. Thank you for always believing in me! Along with these people, I offer my sincere gratitude to my inspirational friend, Professor David Patterson,
This book was meant to be published in the October of 2024, to mark the first anniversary of the horrors of October 7th. However, the publisher I was due to publish with, decided, at the last minute, to withdraw its offer of publication. As such, I was left despondent, and without a prospect of this project seeing the light of day. However, with immense thanks to my good friend, Robert McLiam Wilson, and several others, I was encouraged not to give up. Indeed, from the day this book was cancelle
All those I have thanked, and those I haven't, have made valued contributions to the final product. However, every shortcoming of this book is mine. On a final note, these past few months have been challenging for me, and I would not have got through it without the love and affection of my dear partner, Arielle Zilkha, and for that, my Ella, I am forever grateful.
Foreword
As the Managing Director of the Association of British Muslims, it is with a profound sense of responsibility and urgency that I pen this foreword for Harry Saul Markham's The Melted Pot: Antisemitism, Diversity and The Limits of Tolerance. This book arrives at a critical juncture in our nation's journey, offering a compelling exploration of the challenges and paradoxes inherent in our multicultural landscape.
As an unwaveringly devout Muslim and proud Englishman and Briton, my life stands testament to the harmonious coexistence of diverse identities. This unique interweaving of faith and nationality underpins my deep commitment to classical liberal and democratic ideals. These values form the bedrock of our society, fostering an environment where diversity is not just tolerated but celebrated. Yet, it is with a heavy heart that I observe the growing shadow of extremism, both Islamist and other forms,
The growth of extremism is a tide against which we must all swim. Islamist extremism poses a grave threat - not just to the societal fabric of our beloved country but also to the very essence of Islam, a religion of peace and compassion. Markham's book is a crucial narrative that echoes my sentiments, warning of the perils of extremism and the distortion of Islamic teachings for nefarious ends.
Yet, the concern does not end with Islamism. The proliferation of extremist ideologies has a ripple effect, impacting minorities of all faiths - Jews, Hindus, Sikhs, and indeed, fellow Muslims who find themselves increasingly alienated. Many Muslims feel trapped between the rising tide of radical ideologies within their communities, often steeped in conspiracy theories, and the reactionary swell towards far-right ideologies in broader society. This dichotomy is not just disheartening
it is a cl
The presence of Islamist organizations in the UK, and incidents involving grooming gangs where the perpetrators were predominantly Muslim, have fueled a narrative that threatens to overshadow the contributions and the inherent goodness of the vast majority of British Muslims. This narrative, left unchecked, not only distorts the reality of our diverse communities but also feeds into a cycle of mistrust and fear.
As British Muslims, we stand at a critical juncture. We must confront these challenges head on, fostering dialogue and understanding, not just within our communities but across all
sections of British society. Our faith teaches us the values of peace, empathy, and respect - principles that align seamlessly with the ethos of a modern, democratic Britain.
The Melted Pot is more than a book
it is a mirror reflecting our society's current struggles. It calls upon us to look beyond superficial narratives, to address the underlying issues that fuel extremism, and to recommit to the ideals of unity and understanding. This book is a valuable contribution to a conversation that is as necessary as it is urgent, reminding us of the power of shared humanity to overcome the challenges of our times.
In closing, I extend my gratitude to Harry Saul Markham for this enlightening work. It is a pivotal addition to the discourse on multiculturalism and societal cohesion, urging us all to strive for a future where diversity is not just an aspiration but a reality, where every individual, irrespective of faith or background, can thrive in a society anchored in respect, understanding, and shared values.
Sheikh (Kyai) Paul Salahudin Armstrong Managing Director, The Association of British Muslims
Preface
When I completed this manuscript on October 5, 2023, I sought to convey a message of hope. After all, as my dear mother would emphasize, most people are not antisemites, nor are they tolerant of extremism, and if things turned sour, they would stand by their Jewish neighbors, and do what is right. In that positive spirit, the final pages of this book attempted to vindicate my mother's optimism. It may take a long time, and will involve many difficult conversations, but the route out of this mess
My sanguinity, however, was to be short-lived. When all seemed calm, a couple of days later, on October 7, we awoke to unspeakable devastation. In what has since been described as Israel's 9/11 (although, proportionately speaking, far more deadly), the place where Jews are ostensibly most safe, witnessed the deadliest and most barbaric assault on Jewish life since the Holocaust
resulting in the brutalization and butchering of over 1200 children, women, and men, in cold-blood. Reminiscent of fas
Yet this bloody rampage did not end with death. Their incursion resulted in the kidnapping of 242 people, including babies, children, and the most vulnerable, and at the time of writing, many are still being held hostage. But this is no ordinary hostage situation. They are immured in dungeons of torture. Their bestial and merciless guards delight in the physical and mental anguish which they exact. And since October 7, Hamas have made no attempt to cover up their crimes. They live-streamed their
This is the era of the happy massacre. Corpses are dragged behind a 4x4 while its occupants shriek with joy
a decapitated head is kicked about like a football or a woman's severed breast is tossed around like a toy
the enemies of God are beheaded to the sound of laughter and a musical score-this is something like genocidal euphoria. Just as Levi Strauss distinguished the cooked from the raw, so we must distinguish the Nazis' cold and bureaucratic death machine from the murderous fervor of jiha
However, what occurred ought to be understood not only by the instruments of terror employed, or the monstrous celebration of such wicked acts, but by Hamas' calculated timing. Bad enough this happening on shabbat, or the sabbath, a time when families come together to mark the end of the week, Saturday, October 7, was also Simchat Torah, the day when Jews rejoice at the conclusion and restart of the annual Torah reading. The timing of Hamas' butchery has gone largely unnoticed and unmentioned. A
Those of us outside Israel cannot begin to comprehend, much less articulate, the impact of such a bloodcurdling atrocity on this small nation. The villainy of October 7 shattered and demoralized the Israeli people
and it marked a departure from perceived security to a widespread sense of vulnerability. And these sentiments have reverberated across the Jewish world. Events of this kind are not new, of course. History repeats itself, and any student of Jewish history will confirm that this was ye
Yet this book is not written in order to examine the geopolitical foundations of what occurred. Rather, through exploring events in the years preceding October 7, this work details the political, cultural, and social origins of what has since unfolded, and taken hold in Western- Europe. Contrary to the view of many policymakers and much of the commentariat, this insurgency against Jews, as well as against liberal democracy, is not because of a resumption of violence in the Middle East. While som
This is a book that a publisher cancelled because it tackles issues of a "sensitive nature." But now, as the following pages detail, it is time for a bold, honest, and significant challenge to an issue which will determine the future of the societies which we call home. This is a book for all people who wish to see our civilization remain free, democratic, and above all, secure.
Contents
Acknowledgements xv
Foreword xvii
Preface xix
Introduction 1
Chapter One:What is going on? 21
The Brutality: 23
The Data and Victims: 32
The Perpetrators: 37
The Warning Signs: 43
Final Remarks: 54
Chapter Two:Where is this hatred coming from? 55
Some Data 60
Section One: Historical developments 69
Section Two: Communal Antisemitism 80
1. Social 80
2. Institutionalised Jew-hatred 89
3. Media 93
Section Three: Anti-Israelism and its Extreme Alliances 96
The Troubling Future 106
Chapter Three:Why are we here? 109
Section One: The Politics of Fear. 112
Section Two: Politics of Numbers 134
Section Three: The Politics of Identity 153
Concluding Thoughts 173
Chapter Four:How do we get out of this? 179
Section One: To Confront Reality and Reclaim 185
Section Two: Prevent & Enforce the Law 189
Section Three: Non-Jewish ally-building 198
Section Four: Amplification, not Reformation 204
Section Five: Restructuring Society:A New Vision for Western Europe 211
Final reflections 216
Afterword: The Road to October 7th 219
Introduction
"You're all in serious danger," declared the policeman to my terrified mother. Although it wasn't just my mother who was terrified. We all were. But recounting the events of that fateful, warm spring afternoon is no easy task. And for someone who is an outrageous schmoozer, being lost for words is not something to which I am accustomed. Yet, as best I can, I must try to convey the enormity of what we experienced. Since this ordeal not only led me to reassess my place as a young Jew living in Bri
So, with that, I must do something out of character, and begin on a rather somber note. We thus turn to London, on the 11th of May, 2021, during Israel's war with Hamas. Much like previous periods of intense fighting, a pro-Palestinian demonstration was arranged to take place in Westminster, just outside the Prime Minister's residence in Downing Street. And this city was not alone. Similar events took place throughout Western Europe and across the globe. All of which drew substantial crowds. As
Arriving in our designated area, meters away from the main crowd, guarded by a row of police and a small metal barrier, we were stunned by the sheer number of activists who had gathered. In a matter of minutes, their numbers had swelled from a few hundred to a couple of thousand. Although they were mostly young or middle-aged Muslim men, what was particularly disturbing was the number of children who had accompanied their parents. As if this was an agreeable day out for the whole family, they ha
One might think, of course, given our comparably infinitesimal numbers, our presence would go unnoticed, or ignored. Those in front of us, however, did not agree. As their numbers grew in this febrile atmosphere, a large mob splintered off from the main demonstration, and encircled us: this small group of Israel flag waving, hava nagila singing, albeit tone deaf, counter-protestors. They decided to ignore their various speakers, which included a hero of theirs, Jeremy Corbyn, the disgraced forme
With more joining their ranks, scores of charged men, with a murderous fury beaming from their piercing stares, as if we had become their prey, began chanting in Arabic. Making as much bone-chilling noise as possible, their aim was to intimidate us. And, by Jove, this was box office intimidation. Only a few minutes after this predatory behavior, one of their men broke out, jumped over a fence, and wrestled an Israel flag off one of our activists, injuring her in the process. Witnessing this, in
Of course, naturally, at this point, the anxiety began to kick in. But then, who wouldn't be anxious in such a situation? Behind a protected cage, we were confronted by a sea of seething, hate-ridden, almost foaming at the mouth men, for whom it was an ineffable pleasure to see this small group terrified. In the midst of this raging chaos, aside from hearing one or more individuals chant, "put away your Jewish flags," there were bangs
terrifying, close to vomit-inducing, thunderous bangs. As yo
At this point, trembling with trepidation, I turned to my mother, and said, "we need to get out. Now!" With dread in her eyes, like everyone else, she agreed. This was no typical demonstration which went a bit fruity. We were surrounded by a marauding sea of men, who, at boiling point, were ready, indeed eager, to unleash their bloodthirsty wrath on a small group of Jewish activists. In that moment, it seemed we all became theists, and prayed that the outmanned police line stayed in place. In th
Thankfully, coming to our rescue, were police reinforcements trained to deal with hostile crowds. They formed a large cordon around us, and speedily pushed us to safety. As we were weaving through this venomous crowd, I remember saying to myself 'be prepared for a punch or a knife,' all while trying to reassure my mother that everything was going to be okay. That didn't help much. One of their more dedicated foot soldiers jumped on my friend, also a student, causing another activist, a grandfath
While this frightful experience was unimaginable, to say the very least, the police plan worked. Although shaken, and perhaps emotionally scarred, we all got to safety. The warning to my mother from the police officer was no exaggeration. Had the police not been there, or removed us to safety, I have no idea if I'd be here to tell the tale. That night, however, I returned home, overcome with despair and anxiety, and I thought to myself, how could it be that in the 21st century, a large group of
This riot was blockbuster levels of distressing
and it certainly was an award winner for antisemitism in the May of 2021. Yet, sadly, it was one amongst a plethora of antisemitic and anti-democratic intimidation in that month. Unfortunately, that period was a very busy time for antisemites all over the globe. Jew-hating was big business. It was just like the good old days.
In a report on UK-based antisemitic incidents in the period between the 8th of May and the 7th of June 2021, the Community Security Trust, the main body for recording antisemitism in the UK, found that antisemitic incidents in the UK were up by 365%. In other words, there were 628 instances of criminal antisemitism, compared to 135 incidents in the preceding 31 days. This 628 figure, they say, is the highest number they have ever recorded in a month-long period. No wonder they named their report
This, however, went well beyond the shores of Blighty. That year, 2021, was the worst year for antisemitic attacks in a decade, according to a report from the Jewish Agency and the World Zionist Organization. The report notes that, on average in that year, there were more than ten reports of antisemitic incidents each day, with almost 50 per cent of these cases taking place in Europe. Although not all incidents were connected to events in the Middle East, the report makes it clear that anti-Jewi
Across the world, it became apparent that it was bloody hard to be a Jew. However, few commentators readily acknowledged that a great many, perhaps the bulk of the perpetrators of these hostilities in the May of 2021, were Muslim. No doubt others were also involved, too. At our May 11th event, the crowd included a fascinating assemblage of white leftists, and- to the best of my recollection- a neo-Nazi who approached me, and while performing a Sieg Heil, whispered, "You're not going home tonight
Worse, there are strenuous and tawdry attempts made to justify this strain of Jew-bashing. Most obvious, the actions of Israel and her government. The Palestinian issue is of supreme importance to Muslims around the world, and so, when tensions are high in the region, inevitably, there is going to be more pro-Palestinian activity, and some of this can disintegrate into antisemitism. But this does not mean, so the argument goes, that such people are motivated by an anti-Jewish animus. If only tho
Unfortunately for those who subscribe to this 'get out of jail card,' their arguments stand neither the test of history nor that of reality. Now, while it could be said that the factors above may well exacerbate hostilities, it is not the cause of the anti-Jewish hostility and violence we are seeing on the streets of Western Europe. Rather, these factors, credible though they sound, serve as a convenient distraction. There is a reason why Günther Jikeli, a first-rate scholar in this field, notes
There is, indeed, a particular problem of antisemitism within Western Europe's Muslim communities. In fact, Medhi Hassan, a practicing British-Muslim, in an article some years ago for The New Statesman, stated, "It pains me to have to admit this, but anti-Semitism isn't just tolerated in some sections of the British Muslim community
it's routine and commonplace. Any Muslims reading this article - if they are honest with themselves - will know instantly what I am referring to. It's our dirty li
In the case of Western Europe, this form of intolerance, because of multiculturalism, is tolerated and has regrettably flourished. With its emphasis on the imperatives of diversity and acceptance of all, and thus a subsequent reluctance and even refusal on the part of our leaders to promote shared values and identity, antisemitism in our Muslim communities becomes not only acceptable, but most disturbingly, it becomes inevitable. This anti-Jewish thinking, as well as a lack of social cohesion wh
It is, no doubt, the strangest of ironies that Jews, of all people, are the ones to pay the price for this delusion. The very values which became foundational in our civilization, in large part because of Jewish suffering in the Second World War, are precisely the values that have enabled these new threats to Jewish life in the region. This book explores the nature of this new menace, and details what must be done to protect minority rights, and make the most of living in diverse societies. Befo
Firstly, defining what constitutes Western Europe is not as straightforward as it seems. This has always been more of a political region than a clear, geographical one. During the Second World War, Western Europe meant the allied powers and their neutral neighbors. Of course, Germany and Italy, which today are regarded as Western European, were certainly not in the 1930s and 1940s. During the Cold War, this region came to mean the states which were not under Soviet rule in Eastern Europe. And to
This region, more than any other, is at the epicenter of debates and issues surrounding multiculturalism, Islamism, and integration. To be clear, while the concentration of Muslims in Western Europe has significantly increased over the years, with the majority residing in the UK, France, and Germany, there is no one way to be a Muslim. It is often said - 'two Jews, three opinions.' This is no less of a truism for Muslims. Like Jews, our cousins, are a diverse people, with multiple identities and
Before we unpack this, when talking about Islam and Islamism, important distinctions and qualifications are required. Far too often these terms are conflated. This work is not arguing that Islam, a religion, which consists of a set of diverse ideas and values, is inherently responsible for this anti-Jewish hostility. For there are the Fatemas of the Muslim world, and there are many like her, who reject this kind of bigotry, again, because they are true to their Islam. Rather, what is responsible
For this reason, the term 'extremists,' to a great degree, is no longer useful. We face ordinary people who subscribe, often without thought, to ideas in conflict with the ideals which underpin Western democratic civilization. As such, this book, though acknowledging the fact many do not give credence to these ideas, encourages an approach which views Muslim perpetrators of abuse, harassment and violence against Jews to be the products of communities in which such attitudes have become, in many
At this stage, it should also be said that while Islam and Islamism are certainly not synonymous, one should not make the mistake of entirely divorcing the former from the latter. After all, there is no Islamism without the first five letters of that word and thus, we do need to recognize that Islamism is, at its core, a plausible interpretation of Islamic doctrine. But because of the sheer variety of theological interpretations which exists within Islam, as with any religion, I use the term 'Is
When it comes to multiculturalism, this term is equally ambiguous. There is no universal definition, and the way it manifests differs from country to country. The French, for instance, view multiculturalism as anathema, and regard it as an expression of separatism, or communautarisme. Nevertheless, to varying extents, all countries in the region experience it. A useful definition is given by the European Union (EU), which states that multiculturalism is a 'policy that endorses the principle of c
At the outset, however, it needs to be said that while this work is written in opposition to multiculturalism, it is very much in favor of societies which are multicultural, and those which embrace what the late Chief-Rabbi Jonathan Sacks described as 'the dignity of difference.' This work, in no way, is written in opposition to diversity. After all, yours truly is a Jew with East European origins, and would not be here, in Britain, if it were not for diversity. But to ensure the preservation of
Now, I bet your bottom shekel, many of you, with hot-blooded exasperation, will point to the ubiquity of antisemitism. And you would be right to do so. From Britain to South Africa, and from Afghanistan to China, no one community or culture has ownership of Jew-bashing. A 2014 poll from the Anti-Defamation League, found that 24 per cent of the population in Western Europe agreed to at least six out of eleven antisemitic stereotypes. In a post-Holocaust, post-colonial, postmodern world, that stat
And, of course, none of this is new. In a piece for Liberation, Robert McLiam Wilson, who now writes for Charlie Hebdo, rightly pointed out, "In the churning washing machine of human race hatred, anti-Semitism is the fabric that never loses its color. We've been at this stuff for millennia. All of us." He isn't wrong. I recall my grandparents discussing with me their struggles as young Jews in 1930s London. It wasn't easy. My grandmother would lament about her experiences on Easter, when she was
However, the point here is that while antisemitism has a long-standing history within the West, and even though it remains widespread in society, there is a fundamental question of scale. The unpalatable truth for many, as we shall see, is that many Jews in Western Europe are concerned by the Islamist threat more than they are any other. And for good reason. Although there have been other social, political, and economic grievances resulting from the failure to manage cultural diversity, this wor
This is understood by exploring the nature of this plague. Never has antisemitism been a mere xenophobia or racism. It has never just been a plain loathing of Jews or an odious contempt for Judaism. If only! Although it can be expressed in these terms, what gives Jew-hate its distinct "color" is that it is more like a paranoid psychosis in which the thoughts and ideas of antisemites are not only divorced from reality, but are its very negation. Their weltanschauung, or worldview, is polluted wit
This 'diabolical causality,' as described by the late French historian, Leon Poliakov, has distinguished antisemitism from every other prejudice under the sun. For Christian antisemites, past and present, it is thought for the world to be saved from its godlessness, at first, those Christ-killers, those Jews guilty of killing the son of God, had to be converted, expelled, or worse. Otherwise, mankind would be deprived of its impending redemption. Taking some inspiration from this, for European f
Back in the day, my old, East-End Jewish grandfather, like many Jews back then (because they could be their own bosses), was a black taxi driver in London. It was said, in those days, you could tell how well the economy was doing by how well the black cabbies were doing. If the taxi trade was doing well, so was the economy. Similarly, we can measure a society's commitment to liberal democracy and a society's commitment to the 'dignity of difference' by the way a society treats its Jews, historic
Visiting the Weiner Holocaust Library in London, I discovered that in France, the Dreyfus Affair, in which a highly prominent French-Jewish officer was falsely accused and convicted of treason, this "became a symbol and rallying point for antisemites and the opponents of liberalism and republicanism on the one side, and defenders of French democracy on the other." In other words, the perception of this Jew, and by extension, the Jews, was fundamental to the way French society perceived democracy
With that, in Chapter One, I explore why it is that despite Western Europe's progress over the years, large numbers of Jews are concerned for their futures. Through using surveys, data and anecdotal evidence, I analyze what is going on within this region, and what many of its Jews are experiencing. What we experienced on May 11th was not that dissimilar from anti-Jewish pogroms of the past. This Russian word, meaning, "to wreak havoc, or to demolish violently," were local affairs across Eastern
Accordingly, leading on from this, Chapter Two explores what is motivating Muslim antisemitism, why it exists, and what the future could look like if no action is taken. The fact is, we cannot begin to understand what is causing this unless we look beyond the odious criminality of the individuals who carry out these anti-Jewish crimes. As such, this chapter dwells on three factors, namely historical developments, communal antisemitism, and anti-Israelism. By addressing the sources of where this
Before we turn to this, however, in Chapter Three, the question to which we must investigate is why this intolerance has been able to thrive in a civilization which boasts universalism and tolerance for all. By evaluating three factors, the politics of fear, the politics of numbers, and the politics of identity, this chapter not only attempts to answer why multiculturalism has, unwittingly, become the means to a terrible end, but why our leaders have been, as I argue, negligent, and even, in som
And lastly, in Chapter Four, I offer, or try to at least, a message of hope. Although things are bleak, it is not too late for there to be lasting and credible change. To that end, this chapter wrestles with five areas: 1. To Confront Reality and Reclaim, 2. To Prevent & Enforce the Law, 3. The importance of non-Jewish ally-building, 4. Amplification, not Reformation, and 5. Restructuring Society: A New Vision for Western Europe. The purpose of this chapter is to put the case forward
This work is written, in part, because of the growth of parties, rightly or wrongly, dubbed as populist and/or even extreme. However, I take the view that their appeal and success at the ballot box is more of a reflection of the failure of mainstream politics than of their success, which, in the context of this book, describes parties that have tendencies to veer towards both the hard left and hard right. At present, it seems the only political movements willing to discuss some of these uncomfor
What we experienced on May 11th serves as a warning to us all. If we do not stand up to violent antisemitic and anti-democratic forces, we shall pay the price in the years to come. What is being addressed is not a parochial issue. It is one of the most burning cultural crises of our age. We ignore it at our own peril.
Now, what's going on in Western Europe? To this, we now turn.
Chapter One: What is going on?
The Brutality
The Data and Victims
The perpetrators
The warning signs
Final Remarks
In case it wasn't clear already: my family and I have a shared proclivity for discussing the existential questions facing Jews and civilization. In fact, in recent months, perhaps because of this book, it seems all we speak about is why people dislike us, and what this means for us and our deliciously complex identities. Sometimes, I just want to discuss my weekend plans (not that I ever have any), or the best series currently on Netflix, and yet there we are, in the kitchen, cacophonously debat
Speaking of the Jews today in Europe, Hans Christian Krüger, the former Deputy-Secretary General of the Council of Europe, the continent's leading body for human rights and democracy, remarked, "Your presence reminds us about our raison d'être, about our roots and hopes. Indeed, the very concept of the Council of Europe would not have arisen without a cataclysm, what was World War II, without Shoah and racist lessons of the totalitarian wave that swept across Europe." The haunting legacies of un
Thank goodness for that. The very systems and structures which allowed this Shoah, this catastrophe, to take place, have now, for the most part, been marginalized for the sake of this post-nation state, pan-European community - which, as the motto of the European Union makes clear, celebrates 'unity in diversity.' The former President of the European Commission, when accepting a Nobel Peace Prize on behalf of the EU stated, "The genius of the founding fathers was precisely in understanding that
Yet, despite Europe's progress, however, its response to the historic suffering of Jews is a fantasy. For many, the harrowing images of piled up, Jewish corpses have become emblematic of the continent's nationalist, exclusionary, and racist past. The brutality Jews endured has been subsumed into a wider, universal message of all that is wrong with Europe's foundations, and thus the moral imperative of the postwar core maxim, namely, to 'think beyond the nation state.' Liberals may have thought,
In 1920, the great Yiddish author and playwright, Sholem Aleichem, wrote a play describing the tribulations of Jewish life in the Russian Empire. It follows a Russian-gentile, Ivanov, who initially dismisses the idea that being a Jew is hard. Upon the suggestion of an acquaintance, he takes on the challenge of being one for a year, and the play details his day- to-day struggles of this decision, be that state sanctioned antisemitism, socioeconomic discrimination, threats of a pogrom, accusations
A hundred and four years later, a lot has changed. Neither Russia nor any European nation has state sanctioned antisemitism, where pogroms and discrimination are a part of daily life. However, the denial over the realities of contemporary antisemitism remains, as does, in some places, the threat to Jewish lives. And if only the scholars, politicians, and journalists who minimize this issue were to be like Ivanov, and become a Jew for a year, they would realize, for many of us, it ain't easy.
To understand why, we begin in Bagneux, a rundown, poverty- stricken Parisian suburb, or Banlieue. On the 20th of January, 2006, life for the Halimis, a small and poor Jewish family, was to change forever. The oldest child, Illan, an unassuming, but outgoing 23-year-old, lived with his observant mother and two sisters. Life was hard for this family, and Illan had to take on the role of father figure, as well as working as a salesman in a Parisian phone store. Despite the tribulations, they were
Demanding a staggering 450,000 Euros for his release over a course of 600 agonizing phone calls, Foufana sent pictures to the Halimis via email of their Illan brutalized. His head was shaved, his cheek was sliced with a knife, with blood streaming down his face, and a few days later, cigarette burns appeared on his forehead, with open wounds everywhere which, again, were gushing out blood. With each passing day, in addition to the beatings and torture, Illan was also left on a on a freezing boil
When Fofana was tried, he declared "Allah will be victorious," and was sentenced to life imprisonment, while more than twenty others received lesser sentences. This, however, was by no means the last instance of brutal Islamist violence against Jews. This was the beginning.
Six years later, on the 19th of March 2012, a Jewish high school, in Toulouse was the target of 23-year-old, Mohammed Merah, born in France to Algerian parents. He murdered four people at this school, three of whom were young children. This Islamist began his killing spree eight days earlier. On the 11th, he shot dead an off-duty paratrooper, Master Sergeant Imad Ibn-Ziaten, right in the head, outside the Chateau de l'Hers school in Toulouse. Merah was able to flee the scene the quickly on his m
But he was not finished. A few days later, he would go to the Ozar Hatorah school, since renamed Ohr Torah, and savagely murder his last victims. It was to be the first time Jewish children had been killed in Europe since the Holocaust. The Ozar Hatorah schools, of which there are several, were established for young Jews from Middle Eastern and North African backgrounds. The school, in fact, was known chiefly for being a place of academic excellence. Even to this day, this school remains a high
At 8:00 AM, Merah arrived on his motorbike, and immediately fired several bullets towards the front of the school. According to the local prosecutor, Michel Valet, Merah "shot at everything he could see, children and adults, and some children were chased into the school." His first victim at the school, and fourth over this eight-day period, was Jonathan Sandle, a 30-year-old rabbi, father and teacher, who was trying to protect his two young boys from this bloodthirsty Jihadist. However, after k
This time, though, he did not get far. At this point, the French authorities embarked on one of, if not the biggest, manhunts in French history. Eventually, Mohammed Merah was shot dead by police in a siege on the 22nd of March 2012. In the words of Nicole Yardeni, who led the regional branch of CRIF, the leading body for Jewish affairs in France, "It is unbearable that someone be able to dehumanize children to this point." And this is not only true in the case of Merah. This trend of employing
Despite the tragedy which unfolded at this place of learning, the school continued to thrive, but sadly, it was to face other, albeit less serious, incidents of antisemitism. As if it had become a prison, with a new high wall and barbed wire put in place, Ohr Torah received innumerable threats and insults. In 2014, two years after the attack, a man would post a picture of himself doing the quenelle, an inverted Nazi salute first performed by the notorious antisemite and comedian, Dieudonné M'bal
On a personal note, I will never forget the day the Ozar Hatorah shootings happened. I had just turned 12, and heard the tragic news on my way to my Jewish high school. And like other people in my class and Jews throughout the world, I immediately thought to myself, could this happen here? Indeed, like others, I thought, is it even safe to attend my Jewish school, knowing that this kind of thing could happen here? This reaction, which doubtless was shared by my peers, illustrates the way in whic
Yet, the shooting of innocent Jewish children was not enough for Islamists. A couple of years later, on the 24th May 2014, the Jewish Museum in Brussels, was the target of Mehdi Nemmouche, a repeat offender, born in France to Algerian parents. Here, in the Belgian capital, Mr. Nemmouche, with the support of Nacer Bendrer, the man who supplied him with a Kalashnikov assault rifle and a handgun, murdered four innocent people. Like Mohammed Merah, Mehdi Nemmouche loathed Jews. In fact, while servin
Courtesy of his friend, he got hold of a Kalashnikov and a pistol. He arrived at the Jewish Museum, and murdered two Israeli tourists, a French volunteer, and a Belgian receptionist, in the heart of the country's capital. This was, in fact, the first terror attack committed by a Jihadist returning from the war in Syria. At his trial, like many killers before him, he was remorseless. In fact, before the jurors left the courtroom to deliberate, Nemmouche folded his arms, offered the court a perfun
After 2015, violent and deadly anti-Jewish violence would reach a new high across Western Europe. On the 9th of January 2015, at the Hypercacher Kosher supermarket, Amedy Coulibaly, a French-Malian Jihadist, in sync with Islamist shootings by Saïd and Chérif Kouachi (his Jihadist-trained-friends) at the office of Charlie Hebdo two days earlier, in which 12 people were murdered, raided this supermarket in Paris, immediately killing four people, all of whom Jews, before taking hostages. Just a mon
Before looking at the situation in numbers, there are two final examples worth highlighting as they are particularly depraved. And like most of these murderous assaults, we return to Paris and its banlieues. The first is the 2017 murder of Lucie Attal Halimi, posthumously named Sara Halimi, a 65-year-old retired doctor and schoolteacher, the second, which occurred a year later, is the murder of Mireille Knoll, an 85-year-old Holocaust survivor.
We begin with Sarah Halimi. It's probably best to start with her name. Her Hebrew name was Sarah, and Halimi came from her former husband, Yaacov Hallimi, with whom she divorced decades earlier. No one is quite sure why she was posthumously given that name. One suspects, however, she was known by Sarah Halimi to draw a symbolic parallel between her murder and that of Ilan Halimi eleven years earlier. That is, Sarah Halimi was perceived to be the next Illan Hallimi, the latest Jew to be a victim
Like with Illan Halimi, Sarah lived in an apartment located within a city, in a social housing project in the Parisian suburbs. In the early hours of the 4th April 2017, Sarah Halimi was violently beaten, and subsequently murdered, by being thrown out of her third-floor balcony. She was asleep when the man and neighbor who would soon murder her, Kobili Traoré, a 27-year-old Franco-Malian Muslim, entered her apartment, and woke her up. In his gruesome assault, her skull was crushed, and the night
Although we have seen similar incidents, what was particularly disturbing, indeed outrageous, about this affair was how the courts subsequently dealt with Kobili Traoré. The country's highest court, the Court of Cassation, ruled in the April of 2021 that Traoré could not be tried because, on the night of the murder, he took marijuana, and this, therefore, absolves him of all culpability. It should be noted, however, that in 2017, a man who had been drinking and threw his dog out of the window, w
In any case, this was not the first time the French courts decided not to prosecute an Islamist killer. In 2003, Sebastien Selam, a 23-year-old French-Moroccan Jew, also in the Parisian suburbs, was murdered from multiple stabbings, by his childhood friend Adel Amastaibou, a man who previously violently assaulted a random rabbi in the street. In the parking lot where this Islamist thug murdered Salem, he proudly declared, "I killed my Jew! I'll go to heaven! Allah made me do it!" It was decided,
What a similar picture we see in the case of Kobili Traoré. This man did not become a murderous antisemite after smoking marijuana. He had long terrified Sara Halimi. According to an interview with Sarah's brother and the Guardian's James McAuley, Sarah would tell her brother that she would only feel safe if this man were locked up, after he had verbally abused her in the building's elevator. And it should be said, he later confessed to authorities that he knew she was an Orthodox-Jewish woman.
Some years later, Sarah Halimi's family and Jews around the world are still in pursuit of justice. What they rightly point out is that this decision from France's highest court set a precedent that if you kill a Jew, and at the time you were high or intoxicated, the case against you could well be dismissed. As the front cover of Charlie Hebdo, the French satirical magazine, put it on the 28th of April 2021, with a Muslim man holding a knife, lighting his joints from a Menorah, "Faut-il dépénalis
No doubt the lack of justice Traoré faced enabled Yacine Mihoub and Alex Carrimbacus in their murder of Mirelle Knoll, our second and last victim, a year later, on the 23rd of March, 2018. An 85-year-old Holocaust survivor and an escapee of the Vil D'hiv roundup in 1942, Knoll, who was also suffering from Parkinsons in her old age, was savagely murdered in her home (also located in a suburb). Both men, aged 31 and 25 respectively, had their problems. They met in prison while serving sentences fo
When it came to this three-week trial, in this case, the French courts got it right and confirmed that this was fueled by a blaze of Judenhass. Yacine Mihoub was sent to prison for life, while Alex Carrimbacus received a sentence of 15 years for burglary with antisemitic motivations. A harrowing episode, but thankfully, the French courts, this time, got it right.
The examples I have considered are not exhaustive. The list could have been longer. Nevertheless, what matters here, aside from the common denominators here being the geographical proximity they have with one another, the jail time each spent (where some of whom were radicalized), as well as the authorities failing to keep Jihadists out of Western Europe, all points to which we shall return, is that these instances of murderous antisemitism have traumatizing repercussions on the way Jews view bo
However, though leaving many desperately fearful, since such events seldom occur, it would be wrong to suggest that these events are the principal source of Jewish concerns in the region. Much more frequent are the almost daily instances of anti-Jewish harassment, abuse, and violence. Such acts are wider ranging, but as the data demonstrates, things are far from good. Altogether, recent years have left Jews feeling deeply unnerved about what lies ahead. These fears were expressed in two major su
Both painted a sorry picture for those who embrace this `New Europe.` The 2018 report identified that nine in ten of the respondents believed that antisemitism had increased in their country five years before the survey. In fact, more than eight in ten considered it to be a serious problem, and many of whom see it as the most serious social or political problem where they live. Young Jews share the concerns of their elders. The 2019 survey points out that well over 80 per cent of young Jews say
If we return to the FRA data, we can see that a startling number of Jews have been the victims of such incidents. The 2018 survey found that hundreds of Jews had experienced a physical antisemitic attack, and one in four experienced antisemitic harassment in the 12 months prior to the survey. It added that one in five claimed that they were aware of a relative or people close to them that had been abused, harassed, or even physically attacked. For young Jews, again, we see a similar picture. It
A few years ago, when in Paris, I visited the Jewish quarter, located in Le Marais, an elegant part of the French capital, a small gem for the city's Jewish and gay communities. I remember walking into a bakery, wearing a big Star of David necklace, and the lady behind the counter, with some vehemence, insisted that I remove or hide it. She said words to the effect of, "it's not safe to show that you're Jewish in Paris." While I was aware of antisemitism in the country, I found it to be chutzpah
To hide one's identity is borne out of a sense that the risks are not worth it. Respondents to the FRA surveys speak to this sentiment. A woman aged 20-24, living in Denmark stated, "The way things are now, I experience, for example, that 'Jew' is a widespread cuss word in Copenhagen. As a Jew who has grown up in Denmark, I have always avoided showing/telling people I am a Jew." A 30-34-year-old man, living in Britain, said, "I walk down a main street every Shabbos, {and] I don't think a week go
Such realities, however, do not just affect individual Jews, often with very bruising consequences: they also serve to undermine a Jewish way of life. I came to appreciate this in the December of 2021. A group of Jews, largely teenagers, were out on Oxford Street, London, celebrating Channukah on a big open-roof bus. This festival isn't just an opportunity to scoff doughnuts and latkes, and suffer from gastric discomfort as a result, it is also the time when Jews celebrate their triumph over ant
In its reporting of this criminal activity, the BBC, the national broadcaster of the UK, disgraced itself (once again) by making repeated references to the allegation that there was an anti-Muslim slur uttered by one of the Jewish victims. Even when this was challenged, and when confronted with overwhelming evidence which found this to be an incontrovertible falsehood, the BBC refused to change their minds. Almost a year later, on the 7th November, 2022, Ofcom, the country's agency for media sta
However, to no small extent, events of this kind, which have become far too common, have left many Jews feeling that they want to leave this region. Both FRA surveys reveal that a large proportion of Jews have considered leaving for Israel and elsewhere. The 2018 report notes that in the five years before the survey, more than a third of Jews thought about leaving because they did not feel safe as a Jew in the country where they live. For young Jews, that number is around 4 out of 10. Clearly, t
I am writing this a few nights after having dinner in Jerusalem with several young French Jews. They have all left their country of birth for Israel. When I asked each one why, all of them said, as well as leaving to build a Jewish life in Israel, they just don't feel safe as Jews in France. Simply put, they see no future in their country of birth. For a number of Jews in France, particularly those of an Algerian background, they are thinking along the lines of their ancestors back in the Algeri
So why, then, are Jews feeling like this? Back in the day, when my parents were growing up, and I was a mere twinkle in my father's eye, antisemites, the dangerous ones at least, tended to be neo-Nazis, most of whom with disastrous haircuts. These days, such charged hate-merchants are few and far between, and for those that still operate, they largely operate in the arena of cyberspace. For many, the recent rise in right-wing populism, and in some places, far-right activities, is a source of con
Before we look at the data and reports on this issue, in brief, let's compare the situation of antisemitism in Hungary and Poland from that of Western Europe. A report initiated by the Action and Protection League, a European organization for combatting antisemitism, found that although there are widespread antisemitic beliefs in Hungary and Poland (and Greece), there are fewer antisemitic incidents compared to Western- Europe. These societies in Eastern Europe suffer with a Jew-hate problem, an
Returning to those FRA surveys, both gave respondents several options to describe the perpetrator(s) of the most serious incident of antisemitic harassment in the five years prior to the survey, and one of those was the description: "someone with an extreme Muslim view." This approach to understanding who Jews identify as perpetrators is flawed twofold. Firstly, not every instance of antisemitism is a serious form of harassment. Needless to say, there are multiple expressions of antisemitism- an
Despite these criticisms, this specific part of the report, at the very least, gives us a critical insight into where much of the antisemitism is coming from. Thus in 2018, of the respondents in the 12 countries who say they have been the victim of a serious antisemitic harassment in the five years before the survey, 30 per cent stated that their perpetrator was "someone with extreme Muslim views," and the report notes that many of these respondents selected this in combination with another cate
At this stage, however, two further things need to be said about this data. The first, and we return to the point made some moments ago, the report limits its utility in restricting the option to 'extreme Muslim view.' Primarily with the 2018 report, the largest category victims of 'serious harassment' selected was, on average, 'someone I cannot describe' (31 per cent of victims said this). As such, it is plausible that many of the perpetrators in this category were Muslim, but not necessarily -
The FRA surveys are not alone in making these revelations. And by no means are these studies novel. In 2003, an important finding was made by the Center for Research on Antisemitism (CRA) in Berlin. On behalf of the European Monitoring Center for Racism and Xenophobia (EUMC), the predecessor to the FRA, the CRA gathered the data on antisemitism collected by agencies from all European countries, and they found that, "the anti-Semitic incidents in the monitoring period were committed above all eit
However, although this denial over the issue of Muslim antisemitism continues (as we shall see), the data which analyses the nature of antisemitic incidents within the region reveals why it can no longer be ignored, downplayed, distorted, or denied. Since the early 2000s, there have been notable studies on this issue which need to be, at the very least, mentioned. In the Netherlands, CIDI found that between 2002-2006, it was estimated that 33 to 40 per cent of antisemitic incidents reported to t
However, like with other studies, there are major issues with the data, which leads to what can be described as 'antisemitism-distortion,' meaning a contrived effort to misrepresent the realities Jews are facing. An egregious case of this is within Germany. In a piece for The New York Times Magazine, The New German Anti-Semitism, James Angelos, a Berlin based journalist, discusses the multifaceted nature of antisemitism within Germany. He rightly points out that "police statistics attribute 89 p
In investigating Jewish attitudes to contemporary antisemitism, I undertook a study of my own, asking Jews my age, twenty-one back then, to share with me their experiences of antisemitism. Take, for instance, Jack, a 30- year-old Jewish man from London. He said, "Islamism is everywhere and accounts for a huge portion of antisemitism I have faced." He added that, "I have heard casual conversations [INVOLVING MUSLIMS] calling for the death of Jews, blaming Jews for absurd issues (controlling Holly
Another Brit, Em, a nineteen-year-old girl from up north, also described her experiences of antisemitism in her school. She explained that "Due to there not being a Jewish presence in the city of derby (the last shul closed in 1987) I couldn't attend a Jewish school." As a result, she said, "I went to a local secondary school which was 90% Pakistani Muslim. The lack of diversity served as a breeding ground for extremist Islamist anti- semitism. A boy threatened to set me on fire as "all Jewish w
Respondents from within the continent also shared similar sentiments. For instance, Arthur, a twenty-four-year-old Jew living in Berlin. He, like others in the survey, agrees that while antisemitism does cross borders, there is a particular problem of violent Islamist antisemitism. He argued, "In big cities (especially Berlin), male jews cannot wear a kippah without being offended or even attacked. These attacks are recently caused by young groups of Arabic men out of antisemitic circles."
To state the obvious, the background of the perpetrators of these crimes matter. While it is comforting that governments speak of tackling antisemitism across society, there needs to be explicit attention given to this specific problem. To ignore the elephant in the room, as governments in the region are currently doing, has rendered the nice words from governments as redundant. Currently, in our region, we have at least two areas where this problem is particularly acute and visible, namely, Mal
To begin with, Malmö, this city is home to over 350,000 people, and is characterized by its cultural and ethnic diversity. One-third of the population is foreign-born, and the largest groups of such come from Iraq and Syria. The Jews of this city, who number around 500 (in Sweden, there are 15,000-20,000 Jews), arrived in 1871. It is a well-established, albeit tiny and fragile, Jewish community.
In recent years, this city has earned a reputation of being a hotspot of Islamist antisemitism. For the avoidance of doubt, antisemitism in Sweden, is not new. The country has never been Scandinavia's Goldene Medina. To this day, antisemitic attitudes remain widespread in this country, and to some extent, like other countries, Islamist Jew hate is a product of this. However, it's in Malmö, where, because of Islamism, things have been particularly sour. In fact, in 2010 the Simon Wiesenthal Cente
When looking at some incidents of antisemitism against this tiny community, one can understand why many of its residents identify with Sholem Aleichem's agonizing assertion, 'shver tzu zayn a yid,' it is hard to be a Jew. In a superb article, Can Malmö Solve Its Antisemitism Problem?, Liam Hore interviewed Rabbi Shneur Kesselman, one of the city's few visible Jews. He says that since moving to the community in 2004 from Detroit, "I've been cursed at in various shapes and forms, many times in Ara
Disgracefully, the Rabbi has not been alone. There are many more examples which speak to the troubles in this city. In 2008, a Jewish pro-peace demonstration was interrupted by a large group of Muslim and left-wing activists, who attacked Jewish demonstrators with bottles and fireworks. In 2009, Molotov cocktails were thrown at the local Jewish funeral home. In the same year, when the Israeli tennis delegation came to Malmo, there were 200-300 violent demonstrators with stones, fireworks and pai
There is, unsurprisingly, the regular, and even daily experiences of antisemitic harassment, abuse and violence. Speaking of the situation in the city, Judith Popinski, a Holocaust survivor, stated that "Malmö reminds me of the anti-Semitism I felt as a child in Poland before the war." Many agree with her. Indeed, the city's Jewish population over the past twenty years has halved. The synagogue which wrote the letter had a membership of 842 members in 1999, and as of 2019, it had just 387 member
For the Jews of France, the realities of Malmö are all too familiar. In their 2022 analysis, Fondation pour l'innovation politique, known as Fondapol, along with the AJC, found that 85 per cent of French Jews consider antisemitism to be widespread, with 73 per cent of which arguing that it is getting worse. Although chilling, tis hardly staggering. There is, alas, a distinct manifestation of anti-Jewish exclusion within the secular republic. Of course, ça va sans dire, as a Francophone on steroi
While France was certainly ahead of its counterparts in terms of granting its Jews citizenship as individuals, within this liberal framework, is the necessary othering of Jew
the sense that Jewishness, as a collective hegemon, undermines a nation. Traces of this perception, which was later seen in Napoleon's Grand Sanhedrin of 1805, in which Jewish leaders were posed with questions about the degree to which their Jewish counterparts were loyal to the Republic over Judaism, remain to this day. P
Nevertheless, in his 2015 book, Une France antijuive? Regards sur la Nouvelle Configuration Judeophobe (An Anti-Jewish France? (Glimpses of the New Judeophobic Configuration), Pierre-André Taguieff, the leading expert in French antisemitism, points out that what exists today is not a continuation of the old hatred, as endorsed and propagated by the likes of Drummont and the Catholic Church. Rather, he describes this as "a reinvention, an entirely new birth, revealing in sociohistorical terms mor
Like in the rest of Western Europe, it isn't far-right extremism that constitutes the bulk of concerns shared by French-Jews. Of those surveyed by Fondapol, 62 per cent and 45 per cent argue that the two driving factors of antisemitism are the rejection of Israel, and Islamist ideas, respectively. These ideas are, as we shall see, closely and inextricably connected. The concerns surrounding Jew-hatred remain widespread, across the country, from Rouen to Marseilles. When I began writing this sect
The banlieues, which literally translates as suburbs, have taken on a particular connotation in recent years. The term, which can also be understood as "banlieues défavorisées" (disadvantaged suburbs), has come to mean immigrant-heavy slums, in which there is not only a clear lack of integration, but also an abundance of poverty, crime and overpopulated cités, or large housing projects. While there are also affluent banlieues, I am referring to those with clear economic, social, and class-based
This impression that between the banlieues and Paris (and the rest of France), there are "two parallel worlds," as described by Mehdi Meklat, is something relatively recent. In the 1950s, because of the post-war housing crisis within France, a large-scale housing program was initiated. These so-called cités, which for many years were home to many middle-class, Français de souche, or native French, were built quickly, with not the best quality materials, to house as many as possible. However, in
Thousands of Jews, arriving to France from the homes they were forced out of in North Africa, also settled in these unattractive, uncared for projects. And, for the most part, Jews and their Muslims lived and worked together in peace. One place in particular, Sarcelles, north-east of Paris, earned the nickname 'La Petite Jérusalem,' or 'The Little Jerusalem.' For years, this city was a kaleidoscope of Jewish life
a hub for those who sought to maintain traditions in their new country.
However, like many of these banlieues, Sarcelles is no longer the haven it once was. In the summer of 2014, life for Jews in this Little Jerusalem was to drastically change. Following Israel's Operation in Gaza, "Protective Edge," the streets of Sarcelles became home to what was an Islamist pogrom against their Jewish neighbors. After pro-Palestinian rioters failed to set fire to the Synagogue, while chanting "death to the Jews," they went on a rampage, looting Jewish stores, and setting fire to
Since 2000, both during and after the Second Intifada, or uprising, the banlieues have become the place in which a great many, even the bulk of antisemitic incidents in France, take place. Some of the most extreme incidents include murders, countless assaults, or even the case of a Muslim gang breaking into the home of a 19-year old Jewish woman (living with her boyfriend), stating, "You must have cash here because you are Jews," before brutally raping her. These are not daily experiences, but t
In an essay for Vanity Fair, Marie Brenner, spoke to an 18-year-old Jewish girl living in Paris. This girl, who was about to be a student in England, asked Marie "Is it true that if I lived in America, I could wear a tiny Star of David necklace or a sweatshirt from Technion university?" Upon hearing this, Marie responded with a question of her own, "What would happen if you wore it in this neighborhood? Do you think you would be physically attacked?" To which the student said, "I would be made t
These suburbs have not only been the place in which most antisemitic incidents happen, they have also provided a fertile ground for extremism. As we shall see in the next chapter, a vehement and conspiratorial hatred of Jews, alongside a Gallophobia, a hatred of France (and of the West more broadly, defined as anti-westernism), is passed on to younger Muslim generations. As such, it should come as no surprise that these places, and the young people within, are so disconnected from not only Franc
In France, a notable case in point is the 2014 jour de colère, or Day of Wrath, in late January of 2014. What began as a protest against Francois Hollande's socialist government, especially after it drew up plans to legalize same sex marriage, wound up becoming a large, public Jew-hating fest. A coalition of far-right groups, with Muslims from the banlieue and far-left activists, were clamorously chanting, amongst other things, "Jew, France is not yours," and "Europe paedo criminal Zionist satan
In the French context, however, this is not something new. Commenting on French antisemitism under Drumont, Pierre Birnbaum reminds readers, "it should be recalled that Drumont's movement represented a populism that brought together far left and far right alike, in which white supremacists took part, along with Guedists and sometimes even socialists, who had no scruples about being involved in a large scale anti-Semitic movement that overwhelmingly drew its inspiration from the far right." Those
Nevertheless, what has been discussed has profoundly affected the Jewish communities of these areas. In addition to a range of security measures, a number of Jewish families have left. Adam Nossiter cites the pollster, Jerome Fourquet, who co-authored a book, 'Next Year in Jerusalem, French Jews and anti-Semitism.' Forquet gives us the data on these shrinking Jewish communities. He says, "In Aulnay-sous-Bois, the number of Jewish families dropped to 100 in 2015 from 600 in 2000
in Le Blanc-Mesn
After visiting the 17th Arrondissement, I was impressed. It is a progressive and diverse area. And yet there is a worry among French Jews that even this is a temporary refuge. Sadly, I think they are right. Like Sarcelles, indeed, like anywhere, it can happen there, too.
For the Jews of both Malmö and the Banlieues, their right to live in peace and dignity, like every other group, has been compromised, as a direct consequence of the delusions of our liberal-minded leaders. As we shall see in the next chapter, when looking at the nature of contemporary antisemitic attitudes and demographic forecasts, this is set to get worse. It is well within the realms of reason to suggest that more places within the region will look like Malmö and the Banlieues.
This chapter has argued that, despite the best intentions of Western European leaders, this 'New Europe' - which emerged, to no small degree, as a consequence of Jewish suffering - has allowed for the return, resurgence, and indeed reincarnation, of a plague we thought would never again gain traction in our midst. In what has been discussed, doubtless the absurd and pernicious charges of racism and Islamophobia will be levelled against myself and others who make this critique of a system which h
With that, we must now explore the sources of this hatred. As I explain in the next chapter, this is complex, multifaceted, and requires analysis. It is by no means straightforward. But by grappling with these varied sources, we are in a better place to discuss effective and credible solutions, if indeed there are any.
Chapter Two: Where is this hatred coming from?
Some Data
Section One: Historical developments
Section Two: Communal Antisemitism
1. Social
2. Institutionalized Jew-hatred
3. Media
Section Three: anti-Israelism and its extreme alliances
The Troubling Future
There is a crisis of antisemitism within our Muslim communities. Not in small pockets, but in disproportionate numbers, Jew-hate has become endemic, systemic, and rife. And it is getting worse. Of course, as underscored in the introduction, this does not mean all Muslims are antisemitic, nor is it to say that this a problem only for Muslim communities. Such an assertion would be demonstrably and palpably false. Yet, while anti-Jewish poison traverses oceans and continents, transcends community b
Before exploring why this is the case, it should be said that the recent intellectual, social, and political climate, has made it a gargantuan challenge to discuss racism among non-white and/or non-European people. In recent years, particularly within certain scholarly, left-wing, and self-proclaimed "anti-racist" circles, there have been concerted efforts to not only downplay, but deny the very idea that non-white people have the capacity to be, dare I say it, racist. In fact, the claim is vexi
This kind of pathology, of course, is self-abnegation and self-abasement to the point of naked racism. The late Manfred Gerstenfeld, a pioneer in the field of antisemitism studies, described such refutations as 'humanitarian racism,' meaning, "the conviction that people of color are only victims and thus are not responsible for their own fate." Although this 'bigotry of low expectations,' (the view that we expect nothing better from non-white people), may be cloaked under the guise of progressiv
Above all, this travesty of what is evidently true both exonerates the victimizers and further endangers the victimized. In our case, if Jew-hatred among Muslims is not treated in the same way we would treat similar expressions from the far-right, such lethal views go unopposed. This first came to my attention back in the June of 2019. Four activists, including my mother and I, went to stand outside the Cambridge Union when the Malaysian Prime Minister, Mahathir Mohamad, was invited to speak. Ye
Such double standards do not simply manifest in an apathy bordering on indifference, it leads to scholarship and research being dismissed and covered up. In his article, The Denial of Muslim Antisemitism, Neil Kressel, a US-base scholar, begins by detailing what happened, back in 2006 to Professor Pieter van der Horst of the Dutch, Utrecht University. A member of the well-regarded Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts and Sciences, and a specialist in early Christianity and Judaism, this scholar sou
The reasons given for this episode, some of which shall be explored in the next chapter, are outrageously misguided. This example, along with others, demonstrates how within our own social ecosystem, it has become extraordinarily hard, and in some cases out of the question, to discuss these issues. As Kressel rightly points out, "Most people in the West are quite ready to denounce Jew-hatred when it comes from Nazis and other long-dead antisemites," however, he adds, "there is deep resistance to
A refutation which is often levelled in the discussion surrounding antisemitism amongst Muslims is that they cannot be antisemitic since they, like Jews, are semites, too. In the same vein as Gerstenfeld's 'humanitarian racism,' this absurdity leads to the absolution of Muslim bigots since, according to this line of argument, only non-semites can be accountable for expressions of anti-Jewish racism. If a fellow semite says or does something anti-Jewish, indeed antisemitic, it doesn't really coun
On several fronts, this argument, which crops up far too often in discussions on this matter, does not hold up. Firstly, the concept of semites describes a group of shared languages, not, contrary to this ahistorical interpretation, a distinct ethnic or racial group. The late eminent historian, Bernard Lewis, in his Semites and Anti-Semites, a work to which I shall return, identified a logical fallacy of the rebuttal that Muslims cannot be antisemitic. He remarked, "The logic of this would seem
Nevertheless, although there are those who wish to deny the realities of this crisis, the evidence for it is overwhelming. Despite the fact only a minority of Muslims go out and commit acts of antisemitic abuse, harassment and violence, to see those individuals as bearing no relationship to their communities, is delusional in its own right. Rather, Muslim perpetrators of antisemitism, more often than not, are a product of these communities in which anti-Jewish thinking has become commonplace, ac
Across many parts of the Islamic world, there is a widespread problem of Jew-hatred. This was revealed in a 2011 Pew survey, which explored Muslim-Western relations. The report noted that while Jews are largely viewed positively in the West, the data is "dismal in the Muslim world." In numbers, "about 9 per cent Muslims in Indonesia, 4 per cent in Turkey, 4 per cent in the Palestinian territories, about 3 per cent in Lebanon (3%), 2 per cent in Jordan, 2 per cent in Egypt, and 2 per cent in Pak
Measuring attitudes in the European setting, however, is a challenge. In his incisive 2015 article, Antisemitic Attitudes among Muslims in Europe: A Survey Review, Gunther Jikeli rightly points out that "few representative surveys have been conducted to establish levels of antisemitism among Muslim European," adding that this "leads to false generalizations about Muslims, on the one hand, and, more frequently, the denial of an increased level of antisemitic attitudes among Muslims, on the other.
Let's begin with Jikeli, and his monograph, European Muslim Antisemitism: Why Young Urban Males Say They Don't Like Jews. His meticulous investigation, which interviewed 117 ordinary Muslim men in London, Paris, and Berlin, all of whom from different educational, ethnic, cultural, and religious backgrounds, sought to discover the extent to which anti-Jewish stereotypes and feeling exist amongst this small cross-section of Muslim men in Europe. In interviewing these individuals, he discovered tha
In any event, another important study came in 2006 from the Pew Global Attitudes Project. It asked Muslims and non Muslims in a number of countries if they have "favorable or unfavorable opinions of Jews." Although only a single question was asked, it found that Muslims in France, Germany, and Spain were twice as likely as non-Muslims to harbor negative views of Jews. In the case of Britain, British Muslims were seven times as likely. In fact, this survey found that Muslims were even three to te
Such disturbing findings are further corroborated in a 2013 international survey, also made some important revelations. The well-regarded WZB Berlin Social Science Center undertook a major study, led by Rudd Koopmanns, focused on religious fundamentalism and out group hostility (attitudes towards Jews, homosexuals, the West, Muslims/Christians) amongst native-Christians and Muslim-immigrants in Germany, France, the Netherlands, Belgium, Austria and Sweden. In Germany, the study found that 28 per
For now, though, many of the studies exploring this issue have looked at antisemitic attitudes within schools. Returning to Germany, in 2010, perhaps the most detailed survey was undertaken by Jürgen Mansel and Viktoria Spaiser, which sought to understand antisemitic attitudes amongst 2,404 high school students from different backgrounds in Bielefeld, Cologne, Berlin, and Frankfurt. It found that anti-Jewish attitudes related to Israel, religious antisemitism, classic antisemitism, and false equ
A few years later, in 2022, a study by the Konrad Adenauer Foundation added to this worrying picture, by finding that Muslims in Germany likely to agree with antisemitic than the general population. In a survey of 5,511 people, including 500 Muslims, people were asked, over the phone, whether they agree with certain antisemitic tropes. It found such attitudes to be rare, with a mere four per cent agreeing with the idea that "Jews are sneaky," and six per cent agreeing with the view that "rich Je
The glaring state of this continental plague is further evidenced in a 2013 book, authored by Mark Elchardus, a Flemish sociologist. He dedicated a chapter to antisemitism in Dutch-language schools in Brussels. This looked at the attitudes of students from 14 years old. He found that 55-50 per cent of the Muslim students could be considered antisemites, as opposed to 10 per cent of the non-Muslim students. Indeed, he found that antisemitic attitudes were unrelated to low educational levels or so
Given what was noted in the previous chapter about Malmo, you won't be surprised to discover that this has also reached Scandinavia. In Denmark, a 2009 study by the Institute for Political Science at Aarhus University interviewed 1,503 immigrants from Turkish, Pakistani, Somali, Palestinian, and former Yugoslavian-states backgrounds, as well as 300 ethnic or native Danes. Antisemitic stereotypes, the data found, are up to 75 per cent more common amongst immigrants and amongst ethnic Danes. It al
And then, of course, is my neck of the woods, Blighty. A 2020 Henry Jackson Society (HJS) paper written by Rakib Ehsan, entitled, Muslim Anti-Semitism in Contemporary Great Britain, found, amongst other things, that "when compared with their perception of other faith groups, British Muslims have the least favorable attitude towards Jewish people." In late 2019, HJS commissioned the polling organization, Savanta ComRes, to undertake a survey of 750 British Muslims. Eshan's paper noted that 18 per
Of all countries in Western Europe, however, the situation in France is particularly dismal. The Fondapol studies have been critical, indeed indispensable, in our understanding of antisemitism in the nation that is home to the largest Jewish population in Europe. The 2022, An Analysis of Antisemitism in France, made the point that "According to our data, 15% of Muslims admit to experiencing antipathy for Jews, a proportion 10 points higher than that measured across the French population." It fur
Above all, these various studies matter because they shed on why this crisis needs to be understood beyond the barbaric actions of a few wrong'uns in our Muslim communities. This is much more than a radical few. And, indeed, such disquieting results further underscore why we must not see this as a parochial problem, one between Jews and Muslims alone. In her article for the Fathom Journal, Intersectionality and Antisemitism - A New Approach, the German sociologist, Karin Stögner, pointed out tha
This intersectionality is particularly evident within our Muslim communities. If we return to Rudd Koopmans, his 2013 study found that "religious fundamentalism is by far the strongest predictor of hostility against gays, Jews and, respectively, Muslims (for Christians) or the West (for Muslims)." Despite the need for more research in this regard, what was particularly striking about his findings was that, as well as religious fundamentalism being far more prevalent among Western European Muslim
With this, we must now address the sources of this crisis. Although there is no one root of this problem, there are, I believe, three overarching factors, which adumbrate how we have ended up here: 1) historical developments, 2) communal antisemitism, and 3) anti-Israelism and its dangerous alliances. By wrestling with how this has come to be, scholars and those in relevant governmental authorities will have a better idea of what can be done, if anything, to stop this worrying trend. As James Ba
This book explores that which has been dubbed the 'new-antisemitism.' To wit, in Western Europe today, Islamist antisemitism has largely replaced the traditional, Christian, and European expressions of this hatred. While it is true that for Western Europe this particular form of Jew-hate is novel, historically speaking, it is not. Rather, as this section shall detail, the emergence, development, and proliferation of this venom in the Islamic world must to be understood beyond the reductive appro
The late eminent historian, Bernard Lewis, in an exchange with the journalist, Fareed Zakaria, stated, "People often note that in the late 1940s and 1950s, hundreds of thousands of Jews fled Arab countries," but added, "they rarely ask why so many Jews were living in those lands in the first place." From 1948 until the early 1970s, more than 850,000 Jews fled (often forcibly) their homes in Muslim lands. Jewish civilization had existed in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region, uninterru
However, it would be a travesty of historical truth to view the Jewish experience in Muslim lands as one of constant strife and challenge. In his 1986 Semites and Anti-Semites, Bernard Lewis, rightly pointed out that "Jews have lived under Islamic rule for fourteen centuries, and in many lands, and it is therefore difficult to generalize about their experiences." However, he says that while Jews were never free from discrimination, "there is nothing in Islamic history to parallel the Spanish exp
Also taking note of this complexity was the late Sir Martin Gilbert in his 2010 work, In Ishmael's House: A History of Jews in Muslim Lands. As one of the most reputable historians of the past one hundred years, Gilbert described with sensitivity and detail the contents and discontents of Jewish life under Islamic rule. Like Bernard Lewis, he noted, "for Jews living in Muslim lands, times of suffering and danger have alternated with times of achievement and fulfilment." He continued, "from the t
Evaluating the various interpretations to Jewish life under Islamic rule, Neil Kressel correctly evaluates, "that Jews, under Islam, were treated considerably better much of the time than Jews in Christian Europe-but, also, that such a conclusion unfortunately is not saying all that much." In other words, despite the fact that many Jews had legalized protections under Islam, this did not mean Islamic rule was a beacon of tolerance and respect. While Bernard Lewis was right in that dhimmitude gav
It is important to state, however, that some historians depart from the claim that Jew-hatred was a major problem in Islamic lands prior to the advent of colonialism in the 19th century. The likes of Bernard Lewis, for instance, argues that although Jews were often held in contempt, sometimes treated with condescension, and could be on the receiving end of discrimination, antisemitism was not a tectonic force in the Islamic world until the emergence of these colonial influences. Going further, h
Others, of course, do not make the same assessment. The likes of Andrew Bostom, for instance, a medical scholar, submits in his magnum corpus, The Legacy of Islamic Anti-Semitism, from Sacred Texts to Solemn History, that "Islamic antisemitism is as old as Islam." In this view, Jew-hatred was a part of Islam from its inception, and is foundational in the relationship Islam has had to Jews. Indeed, the likes of Bat Ye'or and Philippe Simonnot have suggested that the roots of antisemitism are grou
Both sides of this debate present interesting, but ultimately, problematic arguments. Although Jew-hatred did exist in the Islamic world prior to Europe's expansion, what came to be, and what exists today, is of a different breed. The essentialist view of history, as ever, diminishes from the important complexity of this subject. While instrumentalizing both Islamic literature and history, antisemitism in the Muslim world is distinctly European in its conspiratorial flavor. By the same token, it
Acknowledging this fusion, it is important to examine this 'Islamization of antisemitism,' and thus, recognize its proliferation across the Muslim world. Firstly, though, a definition for this term needs to be established. In short, it is the marriage of European anti-Jewish ideas with parts of Islamic theology and literature. It is worth dwelling on a few such examples.
This fusion is evident in several places, but most notably is the 1937 manifesto, Islam and Jewry, published in Cairo. The author of this work is not clear, with some attributing this to the derangements of the Grand Mufti El-Husseini. The Nazis, in particular, made this claim. In fact, this became an important part of their propaganda campaign. As the historian, David Motadel put it, "Berlin made explicit use of religious rhetoric, terminology, and imagery and sought to engage with and reinterp
The verses from the Qur'an and hadith prove to you that the Jews have been the bitterest enemies of Islam and continue to try to destroy it. Do not believe them, they only know hypocrisy and cunning. Hold together, fight for the Islamic thought, fight for your religion and your existence! Do not rest until your land is free of the Jews.
This 31-page diatribe, which would later be published and disseminated by the Third Reich, was, as Matthias Küntzel details, pioneering in several ways. Firstly, Mohammed's struggle with the Jews, which for centuries was treated by Islamic literature as a minor episode in his life, was now given profound significance, and arguably became a central theme. Secondly, traditional Judeophobia in the Islamic world was enveloped with a range of non-Islamic European themes. As Küntzel puts it, "convergi
Another notable instance of this fusion comes from crucial figure in the history of the Muslim Brotherhood, as well as one of the key architects of Islamism, Sayyid Qutb. In his pamphlet, 'Our Struggle With the Jews,' Qutb asked: "Who tried to undermine the nascent Islamic state in Medina and who incited Quraish in Mecca, as well as other tribes against the foundation of this state?" He answered, "It was a Jew!" Qutb asked, "Who stood behind the fitna-war and the slaying of the third caliph Osma
For Qutb, the war with the Jews was not recent development. It began from the inception of Islam and has continued uninterrupted. Adding to his bellicose preachings, he said, "The Jews perpetrated the worst sort of obedience (against Allah), behaving in the most disgusting aggressive manner and sinning in the ugliest way. Everywhere the Jews have been they have committed unprecedented abominations. For such creatures who kill, massacre and defame prophets one can only expect the spilling of huma
One final, but certainly not last example of this fusion, is Hamas' charter. Article Seven of its Covenant of 1988 borrows from the Hadith, in which violence against Jews is called for, "when the Jew will hide behind stones and trees. Then stones and trees will say: O Moslems, O Abdulla, there is a Jew behind me, come and kill him." Indeed, the same genocidal manifesto, in Article 22, declares that "Jews were behind World War I ... [and] were behind World War II ... There is no war going on anyw
Such examples, if you needed them, demonstrate the way in which European antisemitism was incorporated into the worldview of Islamic antisemites. And they are by no means exhaustive. The joining of these two polarities did not happen overnight. Rather, as Bernard Lewis correctly observes, this occurred in a series of phases, beginning with Christian minorities in Islamic lands and ending in the translation, publication, and dissemination of antisemitic literature - often translated directly from
The issue of Palestine, perhaps more than any other, has been the "favorable weather," or the fanning of the flames, which has allowed Jew-hatred to spread from the Islamic intelligentsia and/or elite to wider audiences. Through the mediums of state media, be that television, literature, school-books, or even school curriculums, the perception that Israel, like Jews, is the source of all evil, has become not merely a popular belief, but in many quarters, the standard. This pernicious inversionis
Yet, contrary to popular belief, Jew-hate to the tune of anti-Zionism did not begin in the June of 1967. Rather, although Israel's astonishing victory in those six days gave it a new lease of life, as pointed out by Matthias Küntzel, the first instance of Arab opprobrium of Zionism coupled with conspiratorial antisemitism, was evident in the Bludan Conference, held in Damascus, in the September of 1937. This conference, notes Küntzel, was important because it was the beginning of a pan-Arab move
But why instrumentalize religion in this way? On this, Küntzel's reasoning is instructive as it is irrefutable. By using this pamphlet, the intention was to "theologize" this territorial conflict in order to dissuade others in the Arab world more predisposed to accepting territorial compromise with the Jews, particularly in light of the 1937 Peel Commission, which suggested a division, much more in the favor of Arabs, in Palestine. Indeed, the Arabic publisher of Islam and Jewry, Mohamad Abdel T
For now, although this analysis of Islamic antisemitism is far from panoramic, it has shown how, and why, anti-Jewish attitudes have gone from the peripheries to a significant worldview in much of the Islamic world. And like its European counterpart, this Islamist conviction is rooted in a psychosis that the Jews are behind a variety of cunning, but no less diabolical, plots. However, given this historical analysis reveals the way in which antisemitism has become the norm in the Islamic world, i
On that note, we turn to section two, where we see the impact of such attitudes on the region's Muslim communities.
Historical developments have paved the way for antisemitism in the Islamic world, be that in Muslim-majority nations or amongst Muslims in Western Europe, to become deep rooted, widespread, systemic, and institutionalized. So much so that rooting this out is, perhaps, an insurmountable task. Nevertheless, in our case of Western Europe it is important to see how these historical developments have led to both a vocabulary and culture of Jew-hatred within these communities, and how this is leading
There are multiple agencies from which antisemitism continues to be disseminated and reinforced. A concern which many have correctly raised, however, is the lack of research and data, that aims to quantify the impact each factor has on this crisis. Accordingly, given the nature of this complex issue, it is important to establish a framework that can be used to clearly understand these various elements, and the way in which they interact. Therefore, I have categorized the sources of communal anti
In the view of Pierre Andre Taguieff, when discussing the "new-antisemitism," we ought to reintroduce the term "banalization," for, he explains, "it is exactly as if many different attitudes and manifestations of Judeophobia had become banalized, as if they fitted so well into the ideological scenery that they were no longer perceptible." Although he mulls upon various reasons behind this, it is the case that particularly within Muslim communities, so much are anti-Jewish expressions uttered lib
Let's, however, begin with France. A leading sociologist, Michel Wieviorka, in his first-rate study of European antisemitism among Muslims, studied the French areas of Trois-Ponts in Raoubaix (north of France) and Sarcelles, an area we considered in the previous chapter. Both areas have a significant Muslim population, with only the latter having a visible Jewish community. Nevertheless, this study, concentrating on "disenfranchised youths" (many of whom are Muslim), found that antisemitism in b
In fact, Jikeli's own study of 117 ordinary Muslim men, Jikeli found influence of friends and peers to be a vital portal of antisemitism. He noted, "most interviewees were no exception to this rule, and many of the respondents referred to the antisemitic views of friends and classmates, which are usually accepted and questioned." What was particularly concerning, however, was that, "antisemitic actions by peers are often trivialized and justified." One interviewee, Bilal from Paris, condemned an
However, peers and friends are the tip of the iceberg. The leading French historian of Jews in Arab lands, Georges Bensoussan, landed himself in court for hate speech after he declared in a radio interview with Alain Finkielkraut, "in Arab families, antisemitism is suckled on the breast of the mother." This aroused the attention of many intellectuals, with some anti-racism groups accusing him of stirring up racism, and others claiming he has the right to make such statements, even if they are in
If we return to Jikeli's study, he notes that "interviewees mentioned, some approvingly, that their parents and other members of their family possessed antisemitic views, while others distanced themselves from such views." There is good reason for this. A number of Muslim families reside in Western Europe as first, second, or third generation immigrants, coming from places in which antisemitism, as previously detailed, is mainstream and is the norm. Hardly astonishing, therefore, why these attit
One deplorable case of this is Mohammed Merah, the 23-year-old Jihadist, who murdered three paratroopers, a Jewish school teacher, and three Jewish schoolchildren in 2012. In a brave admission, Abdelghani Merah, Mohammed's brother, remarked in a book he later co-authored, Mon frère, ce terroriste (My brother, the terrorist), that the Merah home was rife with Jew-hate. As children, they were taught, "Arabs are born to hate the Jews," and that "In the Merah household, we were brought up with hatin
Like antisemites over millennia, they did not just regard Jews as the embodiment of evil, but they were raised to see Jews as the source of everything that is evil. Or, in their case, to regard Jews as the very antithesis of Muslims and Islam, and to regard their Abrahamic cousins as an enemy which must be tenaciously fought, and never, under no circumstances, to be appeased or propitiated. It will come as no surprise that none of Mohammed's siblings had a damascene conversion like Abdelghani. A
Although extreme, this example reflects the way in which negative anti- Jewish attitudes have the capacity to inspire deadly actions. A lexicon of dehumanization, or nonviolent violence, produces the likes of Merah and Nemmouche. In fact, no. It is more. It is the necessary precondition for their inhumanity. It is for this reason that we must understand the influence of Islamism beyond Islamists. And this has long been true of historic antisemitism. While it only takes a minority, even a tiny mi
What happens in the home is, of course, heavily determined by external social interactions. The two that I shall turn to in a moment are both the influence of Islamic intuitions, as well as the role of social media. For now, though, it's worth seeing how non-Islamic institutions have also become a breeding ground for anti-Jewish poison amongst Muslims. One such place, of many, is schools.
Here, anti-Jewish attitudes are communicated and reinforced from multiple sources, not least by teachers and peers. In her 2022 analysis of antisemitism in 1,314 British schools across the country, Charlotte Littlewood, an Associate Research Fellow for the Henry Jackson Society, found amongst other things, that there has been a "173.3 per cent rise in antisemitic incidents of pupil misconduct, bullying, or harassment reported in schools over the last five years, with a 29.13 per cent rise in rec
Addressing schools, Jikeli cites many examples of students encouraging one another to participate in anti-Jewish activity. One extreme example includes the assault of a Holocaust survivor in Berlin by Muslim pupils. The interviewee, Ismail, stood next to his friends while they assaulted, screamed, and spat on this survivor. As Jikeli notes, no sanctions were reported, and the survivor had to return at a later date, when it was safe to speak. Describing this disgraceful affair, Suleiman, who was
At this stage, it is important to return to an observation made in the previous chapter: virtually all Islamist perpetrators of antisemitic murder have spent time in jail. This common denominator is important, though most work has overlooked this all too crucial stage on the road to murderous barbarism. Those guilty of these crimes were, to begin with, imprisoned for a variety of petty (and some non-petty) crimes, not, as you might expect, for violence, terrorism, or extremism. Rather than rehab
To show how possible and easy it is to be radicalized in prison, it is worth citing an example from Haras Rafiq, a leading expert and consultant on extremism. In an interview in the Financial Times about this very issue, Rafiq described how a British Muslim, who found himself in prison as a result of a brawl, came out an Islamist. According to Rafiq, this man, before prison, was entirely irreligious, and he neither fasted nor prayed. In prison, he was afraid, and he sought "to explore his faith
Returning to a more 'moderate position' was certainly not the case for the people I looked at in Chapter One. It is necessary to highlight some examples of how significant the prison-experience was in the radicalization of those who subsequently became murderous antisemites. For instance, Mohammed Merah, although raised to hate Jews, first found himself in jail for robbing a woman off her handbag. He arrived to prison, and was, according to a prison guard who knew him "just a kid banging on his
There are, of course, other institutions which need analysis. As part of our efforts to combat this issue, more research needs to be undertaken to establish the significance of these social structures in the dissemination of Jew-hate. What, however, has been discussed demonstrates the way in which expressions of antisemitism penetrates various places in which Muslims interact. It has become normalized. Now, we must consider the way in which antisemitism has become endemic in important Muslim ins
The comparison between Islamism and white supremacy is often made. They are both, so people claim, insignificant and marginal, even in their own communities, and should not be used as a stick to attack all Muslims or Christians. And certainly, the latter part of this assertion is correct. But the comparison between the two is barefaced distortion. While exponents of white supremacy tend to operate out of their cluttered bedrooms (I know, I am no one to talk), their supremacism and murderous raci
A number of important Muslim organizations in Western Europe have ties, either directly or indirectly, to Islamist entities, and/or Islamist influencers. In his study, Jikeli listed a number of these disconcerting affiliations, and as the years go by, the number of such organizations is increasing. Some of these exist in cyberspace, and have large numbers of followers on social media. Others, by contrast, have ties, perhaps even influence, over Mosques, schools, community centers, and more. Alth
Returning to Jikeli's interviews, he found that these and other organizations play an important part in the anti-Jewish activities of Muslim activists. In the UK, the Islamist organization, Hizb ut-Tahir, is, according to Jikeli's interviewees, active. One interviewee from London said, "They put up stalls and stuff, in markets, and they distribute leaflets." This person added, "they're probably the most active of all the groups in East London." A fellow interviewee, Hussein, said that this organ
Yet this doesn't end here. There are Islamic religious institutions which have also become vehicles of antisemitism. We know that from the Fondapol Study of 2022 that the attendance at places of worship is linked to beliefs in anti-Jewish prejudice. The more religious and devout one is, the more likely one is to cleave to particular negative attitudes of Jews. In numbers, the survey found 61 per cent of Muslims who visit the mosque every week subscribe to the belief that "Jews have too much powe
This is particularly acute in the British setting. Ex-Islamist and author, Ed Hussein, estimates that up to 50 per cent of British Mosques are run by the Deobandis, an Islamist movement which played an important role in the birth of the Taliban in Afghanistan. This is along with a number of seminaries and schools. That is, important, even core Islamic institutions in Britain, and beyond, receive money from organizations and entities which are, by their nature, antisemitic, anti-democratic, and e
The Mosque, like any other religious center, is not a place for just prayer and reflection. It is also a place of community and a center of discussion. In his interviews, Jikeli took note of the fact that "interviewees reported that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is a constant theme of discourse in Mosques and among Muslims gathering there, and that this discourse often contains strong anti-Israel or anti-Jewish subject matter." Jikeli cites the study undertaken by Anke Schu, a German social-s
Sadly, Islamic schools and/or Madrassas, Islamic evening or weekend schools, have also become an important distributor and reinforcer of anti-Jewish ideas. A leading expert in Islamism in Europe, and a Senior Fellow at the Investigative Project on Terrorism, Abigail R Esman, wrote a detailed article of the most disturbing realities in these places. This issue, Esman notes, has been excessive in the Netherlands. She cites a report from the Dutch newspaper, HRS Handelsbald and television news show
This problem exists throughout across our region. One other notable case is in point is Belgium. Esman found that "more than half of all public school students in Brussels and Antwerp are enrolled in religious Muslim schools, with as many as 81 per cent in the Antwerp region of Borgerhout." At least one school, the Plura C school, had a connection to a group with alleged links to extremism. A report into this school found that it "would become an extremist vector in the Limburg educational envir
As ever, though, more studies will need to be undertaken to see the extent to which these organizations and institutions influence anti-Jewish attitudes. Even if, however, they are not so influential, they are contributing, at least in some measure, to this epidemic of Jew-hatred. The point must be reiterated, though, that this problem is not comparable to some preacher in the Westboro Baptist Church. This problem is deep-seated in many core Muslim institutions of Western Europe.
There are those who call for the closure of these institutions which push such radical ideas. And some Mosques and other institutions in the region have been closed. For reasons I shall now detail, this may have little effect given that this crisis has now gone well beyond the confines of religious congregations, meetings, and in-person social interactions. Finding a hospitable environment on the internet, especially on social media, renders this crisis of antisemitism, perhaps, impossible to co
This is a topic deserving of its own book. Not wishing to diminish from the enormity of this topic, I shall be terse, and defer to the expertise of those much more qualified. Nevertheless, what is clear, is that while not particular to Islamist extremism, social media, along with other forms of media, has given rise to Islamist voices who are able to reach much larger audiences over the internet and beyond. This has added an entirely new, but most perturbing element to this crisis. For what hap
What is known, however, is that the internet, not only social media, is identified by the ADL Global 100 survey as a primary means through which anti-Jewish attitudes amongst Muslims is shared and reinforced. And if that is not enough, it found Muslims who get their information about Jews from the internet are much more likely to harbor antisemitic views than those who get their information from non internet sources. This includes, antisemitic ideas surrounding the Israeli-Palestinian conflict,
That said, this prejudice is not only being passed through virtual sources. The media, be that on print, the news, or online, has reinforced these attitudes. There are many such examples of this, however, for brevity, I shall look at one example, television media. Discussing this, Jikeli found that the television is "one of the most important sources cited for antisemitic beliefs about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, as well as for stereotypes of rich Jews and Jewish control over large compani
The emergence of new media puts into question the efficacy of silencing extreme voices in institutions, be that Mosques, schools, or prisons. Even if these places are closed down, or radicals denied a physical platform, what good is that when all this stuff can be accessed in your bedroom? If anything, this underscores the importance of sunlight as the best disinfectant, the importance of free speech as a means of identifying, and in turn countering, extremist ideas. By keeping an eye on these p
Regardless, social media companies are going to work judiciously to ensure their platforms are not being used to incite and inspire violence, particularly when it comes to malleable young and disgruntled men. I am no expert with regards to how we best limit the influence of online radicalization, but when the arena of the online world has changed the way in which anti-Jewish, anti-Western thinking is passed down, the approach of yesteryear, if there ever was one, is no longer fit for purpose.
Section Two of this chapter has considered where this hatred is coming from in Western Europe. It has considered the roles of social interactions, institutionalized racism, and poisoned digital agencies, which have allowed antisemitism to proliferate throughout our Muslim communities, with little to no resistance. Beyond the complexity of this issue, what remains blindingly obvious, is that so long as nothing changes to deal with these communal sources, then no matter how robust our borders, how
This work has explored the issues which have led to the development of antisemitism among Muslims in Western Europe. What now needs to be discussed is the elephant in the room, the issue of Israel and Palestine. It is this issue which is rightly and wrongly said to be the real reason for why antisemitism is seemingly out of control amongst Western European Muslims.
As noted in the introduction, there are many who regard anti-Jewish feeling and activity amongst Muslims to be the sole consequence of Zionism, and the actions of its progeny, the State of Israel. As elaborated in the first section of this chapter, however, anti-Jewish feeling amongst Muslims pre-dates both factors. Although it can be said that baseless conspiracies about the Jewish-State is one of most significant modes through which antisemitism amongst Muslims is expressed, there exists, as d
Before we turn to the role of Middle Eastern politics, I feel compelled to give the usual, albeit platitudinous, disclaimers. Criticisms of Israel and her government are not, on their own, antisemitic. If they were, scores of Israelis, many of whom regularly protest, lambast, lampoon, and vituperate their government, would be antisemites. One can make criticisms of all aspects of Israeli society and government, and do so without apology, without being an antisemite. In fact, as with any democrat
It would be honest to acknowledge that, although the conflagration of 1967 was a major turning point in the way it led to the popularisation of conspiratorial anti-Israelism, there were clear traces of this beforehand. The following examples, from leading Nazis, reveals how Zionism was, even in the days before the State of Israel, greeted with diabolical suspicion. In 1922, Alfred Rosenberg, an infamous Nazi ideologue, in his, 'Der staatsfeindliche Zionismus' (Zionism, The Enemy of the State), a
Does this ring a bell? These attitudes, plucked straight out of Nazi literature, have become pervasive globally, but especially within the Islamic world. The former King of Morocco, Hassan II, rightly pointed out: "The hatred for Israel is the most powerful aphrodisiac in the Arab world." Although there has been much progress since the Abraham Accords, or, the beginning of normalization agreements between Israel and several Muslim states, the potency of anti-Israelism remains a present and uniti
Both Zionism and Israel represent the very negation of dhimmitude, and for that matter, the idea that Jews can be self-governing in territory which was once conquered by Islam. The belief that Jews must be subordinate to Muslims under Islamic rule, particularly in this land, remains a powerful feeling in the Islamist orbit. In an important sense, Jewish self-determination on that land serves to refute the traditional perspective that Jews are weak, defeated, and a people that must submit themsel
Make no mistake: the desire for statehood, and the commensurate wish for Palestinian dignity, should not be considered antisemitic pursuits. And they are not. However, it has become apparent that this cause has become indistinguishable from a much more shady pursuit: the destruction of the Jewish-state, and in its stead, the emergence of an Islamist theocracy between the Mediterranean sea and the Jordan river. Although liberals have a tendency to deny this, all they need do is listen to the vari
However, a requisite component of this burgeoning anti-Israelism is that these dangerous views have been koshered and enabled by non- Muslim actors. In a 1974 interview, Jean Genet, the prolific left-wing French author opined, "Why the Palestinians? It was perfectly natural that I should be attracted not only to the most disadvantaged people but also to the one that most fully crystallizes hatred of the West." This quotation best encapsulates why, in Western Europe, this anti-Israelism has been
What is central in in this strange partnership between Islamism and the hard-left, often dubbed the 'red-green alliance,' is a shared loathing for all things Western, and Israel, as a Jewish force, is ultimately perceived to be the defining essence of this irredeemable satanic Western hegemony. The Islamist call to destroy Israel has been lent, by virtue of its support by the cognitive dissonance of the 'tolerant' Left, an air of social and intellectual acceptability. One needs to look no furthe
The university space is the epicenter of this unholy alliance. I've had my own experience of this, witnessing Palestinian events on campus, in which religious Muslim students' team-up with rainbow-flag-waving leftists, whom agree on nothing, except vilifying and delegitimizing Israel and the West. On this, they are soulmates. One vivid memory takes me back to 2017, at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS), in which a range of far-left organizations turned up, including the socialists
This Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact of our age has indeed been reinforced by many far-left academics who devote much of their time, in some cases all of it, to educating their students about the evils of Zionism and Israel. As such, there are some university campuses, particularly the likes of SOAS, which young Jews increasingly avoid. I will never forget the May of 2021, during that bloody conflict, in which the president of my Jewish Society at UCL sent a message to our WhatsApp group suggesting that
We must remember, however, universities are not only places of higher education. These centers of learning are also businesses. The reality is that many institutions around the world are in receipt of money from overtly antisemitic sources. The Institute for the Study of Global Antisemitism and Policy (ISGAP) in their 2020 paper 'Examining Undocumented Foreign Funding of American Universities: Implications for Education and Rising Antisemitism,' found that, in the past few years, "totalitarian M
Alas, there is no similar study of the situation in the European context. However, we know there has been Qatari involvement in universities outside of the United States. For instance, in their 2015 paper, Gulf- funding of British Universities and the Focus on Human Development, published in the Middle East Law and Governance journal, Jonas Bergan Draege and Martin Lestra, noted that between 1997 and 2007, Gulf entities gave UK institutions around £70,000,000. Indeed, Abudulkhaleq Abdula, a scho
More studies will need to be undertaken to evaluate the extent to which this problem exists in Western Europe, however, it is the case that there are universities or sections within these institutions, which are influenced by these antisemitic, anti-democratic, extremist donors. This not only brings into question the very integrity of academic freedom but as a consequence of taking this money, many universities, across our region and beyond, suffer from an institutionalized, and funded problem,
There are those who pooh-pooh this being a mere proclivity for eccentric leftist scholars, rendering what occurs in the university space as inconsequential. In fact, in 2015, Boris Johnson, who was Mayor of London at the time, in a characteristically humorous speech he gave in Israel, dismissed the BDS campaign against Israel by suggesting that "the supporters of this so-called boycott are really a bunch of, you know, corduroy-jacketed academics." He continued, "They are by and large lefty acade
It was rightly pointed out by George Orwell that, "there are some ideas so absurd that only an intellectual could believe them." In our case, anti- Israelism is the refashioning of a very old bug. The intellectual reverence lent to this ideology provides those who work towards such destructive ends with a justification, indeed a motivation, for their actions. And as the historical record demonstrates, when intellectuals make Jew-bashing sexy, this leads to deadly consequences.
So far, only the far-left and Islamism has been considered. But the far-right also joins this party. What has been described as the 'triple-threat,' describes the three major security risks to Britain and Europe: the far-right, the far-left and Islamism. The common denominator for these three groups is their shared hatred for Jews. It has become apparent that certain far-right movements have been willing to compromise on their racist, white supremacist policies to team up with the radical-left a
There are other such examples of this 'unholy' trinity of Jew-hatred. For our purposes, though, the assault upon Israel, which is perhaps one of (if not the most) common expressions of Muslim antisemitism has found support and thus been reinforced across the political spectrum, mostly, though, from the far-left. As such, the implacable hatred of the Jewish nation is not only the most enticing aphrodisiac in the Islamic world, but has found a home across all political extremes which use this issu
This chapter has considered the various sources of contemporary Islamist inspired antisemitism in Western Europe. It refutes the all-too- often made arguments that this hatred exists as a mere reaction to socioeconomic issues, discrimination, and/or a response to Israel's treatment of the Palestinians. Rather, though it can be said these factors add fuel to the fire, they are not, as this chapter has argued, the genesis of what has become the greatest threat to Jewish life in the region. Rather,
However, before concluding, it's worth seeing how this could get worse before it gets better. One study, undertaken by Pew in 2017, looked at what the Muslim population of Europe might look like by 2050. It offered three different potential scenarios of future Muslim population forecasts in the continent. In one such scenario, it suggests that even if "all migration into Europe were to immediately and permanently stop - a "zero migration" scenario," this would still mean "the Muslim population o
Although this report notes that it is impossible to predict future migration levels, this study, with its three different scenarios, "provides a set of rough parameters from which to imagine other possible outcomes." If we look at specific countries in Western Europe, we can see just how significant these changes would be. Some notable examples include, for instance, Germany, in which the Muslim population in the high migration scenario could grow from nearly 5 million in 2016 to almost 17.5 mil
Interestingly, and perhaps importantly, this study also found that, "while Europe's Muslim population is expected to grow in all three scenarios - and more than double in the medium and high migration scenarios - Europe's non-Muslims, on the other hand, are projected to decline in total number in each scenario." It added, "Taken as a whole, Europe's population (including both Muslims and non-Muslims) would be expected to decline considerably (from about 521 million to an estimated 482 million) w
What is clear, Islam in Europe is growing, and is the fastest growing global religion. And although Muslims are not a monolith, and have diverse communities, like any other minority, the growth of this population, certainly has implications for our purposes. Put simply, if nothing is done to address the issues this book explores, with forecasts predicting a definite population growth, this will become a crisis so impregnable that Jews may be forced to reassess their place in the countries they h
For now, the crisis of Jew-hatred in our Muslim communities needs to be faced. The culture of not grappling with this crisis is not only a betrayal to Jews, the very people to whom Europe swore never-again, but also to its commitment to liberalism, democracy, and the rule of law. If there is to be a future for that which we hold dear, our leaders must be willing to confront the harsh truths this chapter has explored.
Before considering what can be done, we must first try to understand why this has been permitted to happen in the first place. In other words, why has this intolerance been tolerated?
Chapter Three: Why are we here?
Section One: The Politics of Fear
Section Two: Politics of Numbers
Section Three: The Politics of Identity
Concluding Thoughts
Our diversity, the cornerstone of our humanity, is not to blame for this crisis. There has been a lamentable failure to manage our cultural- differences
and that failure is one of government across Western Europe. We are here because those in power have been negligent to the same degree as they have been well-intentioned in trying to engineer a utopia (a word we would do well to remember translates as 'no place'). And with each year that passes, with their continued reluctance to deal with the
Before exploring this further, we must examine the seismic transformation of Europe after 1945. Various post-war developments, not least in the realms of democratic processes and human rights, have made our societies more open, stable, and liberal. But in addition to this social and political progress, Western Europe has witnessed an astonishing change in migration and demographics.
The region, of course, has always had its minorities, as well as migration to its shores, including that from the Islamic world. This was happening well before the twentieth century. What happened in the post- war period, however, was markedly different from previous years of migration, both quantitatively and qualitatively, that is, in terms of both the numbers of those who have since arrived, and the places from which they came.
Since the end of the war, there have been several waves of migration to Europe, which included various cultural and ethnic groups, many of whom have been of Muslim background, albeit from vastly different places. Over the years, those who left their countries of origin did so for multiple reasons, including for economic opportunities, refuge, family considerations, and some for an amalgamation of these and other reasons. Most of those who came, particularly because of decolonization, arrived as
Overall, although it is hard, even impossible, to quantify the exact figures of those who have arrived over the past eighty-odd years, as well as the fact that there are country-based variations, migration over the years, notably from Islamic nations, has increased by several million. The speed of change on the demographics front, particularly from the latter part of the previous century, has been both exponential and unprecedented. The change in many towns and cities across Western Europe, demo
Speaking in 2015, the then German Chancellor, Angela Merkel, in a speech she gave about the European migration crisis, asserted, in the face of much criticism, that Germany should take in those fleeing Syria and the Middle East. With her words of "Wir schaffen das," we can manage this, between 2015 and 2020, five million asylum seekers arrived into Europe, with 40 per cent of which settling in her country. Notwithstanding the various issues which have arisen out of this policy, Merkel's statemen
The point needs to be reiterated, however, that having a society which makes space for difference does not, necessarily, lead to cultural conflict, and a break down in social cohesion. So long as it is managed responsibly, a multicultural society enriches nations and serves to strengthen their democracies. The very idea of what the Germans describe as Willkommenskultur, or a welcoming culture towards cultural difference, which is at the heart of multiculturalism, is not, in principle, a bad idea
From 1945, our region's policies towards migration and multiculturalism have been chiefly driven by economic and practical considerations rather than the ostensibly obsolete notions of shared culture, identity, and values. But not all that is 'good' can be quantified in terms of its economic benefit. Do we want migrants only for their labor, or do we want those to come here to be a part of our collective future and story? Liberal elites, who have been at the forefront of Western Europe's migrato
For the avoidance of doubt, our leaders and those in other relevant authorities are not oblivious to this reality of multiculturalism, nor to the resurgence of Jew-bashing, and the extent to which this threatens Jewish life in Western Europe. Even though I have presented a variety of studies that attest to the seriousness of this problem, I haven't told governments and state officials anything new. They know full well. And so, their pitiful efforts cannot be excused by ignorance. Nor should the
Therefore, the question to which we must now turn is why governments have been so derelict in their duties to all their citizens. As with the previous chapter, a culmination of the following factors explains this, namely: 1. The Politics of Fear
2. The Politics of Numbers
and 3. The Politics of Identity (or lack of it). A blend of these three has rendered those who represent us to be not merely negligent, but through their own reluctance, complicit. This chapter argues that so long as these fa
While in a seminar, a professor encouraged a class discussion about Islamism in Europe. To vivify the sullen mood which had gripped the classroom, I raised the point that in order to challenge this militant ideology, we need to recognize that while far from synonymous, it does have some connection to Islam. For making this perfectly legitimate observation, made by many, a non-Muslim student, with rage in their voice, tempestuously asserted, "this debate needs to end now." The professor, without
For even daring to talk about some of the issues we see in the Islamic world today, to their easily offended sensibilities, my words were racist. In response to this idiotic charge, I pointed out that, as a Jew, who has his ancestry in Eastern-Europe, I am more than prepared to speak out against the weaponization of Christian ideas which provided the foundations for the suffering of my ancestors. Therefore, "why," I asked, "is that not Christianophobic?" In response, they spoke of societal power
There are plenty such examples which speak to this, but I begin with this anecdote since it led me to ask why those, who would be the first to speak out if the perpetrators of hate and similar crimes were Christian (specifically, white Christian men), exhibit a deafening silence in the face of Islamist crimes? A factor which plays a critical role is this reluctance, and this negligence, is a deep-rooted, two-fold fear. Firstly, that of being regarded as an Islamophobe, which has been synonymized
With regards to this fear of being labelled a racist, in one sense, it is a testament to the huge strides we have made that this heinous creed is so widely frowned upon. Yet inasmuch as we are far less tolerant of intolerance, our hyper-awareness of racial-sensitivities has led to an over-correction, which itself has created confusion, distortion, and profound misunderstanding, particularly when it comes to the much-needed conversations about Islamism. In the name of Islamophobia, a term scarcel
Before we explore this further, to be clear: there are, tragically, criminal and deplorable acts of abuse, harassment, and violence against Muslims because they are Muslim, which is deserving of the label anti- Muslim hatred. Indeed, in recent years, there have been an alarming number of these incidents, perpetrated by the far-right, on Muslim individuals and places of worship. This poison of anti-Muslim-hatred is a loathsome and murderous doctrine, as witnessed in Christchurch back in 2019, whi
However, contrary to popular opinion, anti-Muslim-hatred is not Islamophobia. Speaking of the latter, the venerable French philosopher and public intellectual, Pascal Bruckner, who has written extensively on this subject, points out that this term "was a clever invention because it amounts to making Islam a subject that one cannot touch without being accused of racism." He reasons that when Islamophobia became popular in the 1980s, particularly after the Rushdie Affair, it was, and has since bee
Nevertheless, this false conflation between challenging ideas and race hate, has become a trend which seems unstoppable in certain circles. There are many such examples which attests to this, but here, I shall focus on two egregious cases of the pernicious and unconscionable efforts to undermine free expression.
The first takes us back to my time at school, when I first noticed this attempt by well-intentioned liberals to advocate, albeit not in explicit terms, for blasphemy laws. At this Orthodox Jewish High School, in which Jewish pupils are the minority (more on this further down), an external organization came into speak about racism, antisemitism, and so called 'British-values.' During this talk to a group of spotty and bedraggled, but suggestible teens, I recall their representative turned to the
With a disarming incisiveness, such arguments, nonsensical though they are, were rubbished by Robert McLiam Wilson, a journalist at the magazine. In his article for The Guardian, entitled, The Scurrilous Lies Written About Charlie Hebdo, he quips, "If Charlie Hebdo is racist then it's not very good at it." He not only observes Charlie's continued and interminable assault upon the populist right, but also the "routine and constant support of Charlie on the part of SOS Racisme, France's main anti-
However, not only are these charges absurd, but they are also exceedingly dangerous. When McLiam Wilson first became a journalist with Charlie, after the shootings, he described what it was like walking into the new office of the magazine:
A few days ago, I went into the new, secret-location, super-secure offices of Charlie. Being Northern Irish, security was not unfamiliar to me but this was on a different level. It was the villain's lair in one of the dumber Bond films, hermetically sealed, massively protected. And yet inside was a typical small magazine set-up - not many people, untidy kitchen, debatable dress sense. And a bunch of gentle, humble, funny people that I adore. As always when I see Charlie people en masse, there's
The intellectual and cultural vilification of Charlie has provided those murderous fanatics with the permission they could not do without. In the mind of those kind-hearted, yet obsequious and supercilious anti-racists: yes, the actions of those Islamists are wrong, but their vexation and desire for vengeance are not illegitimate. Their victims had it coming. It was their own darn fault. This magazine, so they say, is racist. The haughtiness of these people knows no bounds. Such an inversion and
Another such example of this conflation between blasphemy and racism takes us, once again, to France. This time, to the case of Mila, who back in 2020 said some rather disobliging things about Islam. Sixteen at the time, Mila (last name not published), like many her age, took to social media to livestream details about her life, including about her sexuality. She is a lesbian. While interacting with her audience, a grown man, watching her live-stream, made unsolicited sexual advances, which Mila
Naturally, Mila's life was wrecked by this wretched ordeal. Not only have the usual avenues and experiences open to people of her age been cut off, but to top it all off, she continues to live, in perpetual fear of falling to an assassin's gun. But this has never stopped her. Throughout this tumult, and to this very day, she displays a fortitude which few could muster. Indeed, in a subsequent TV interview did for Le Qotideien, she responded to the charges levelled against her, stating, "I am not
Many did not see things her way. Out of the over 100,000 abusive and threatening messages she received, just 13 individuals found themselves on trial. Of these, 11 defendants were given suspended sentences, and only some would have to pay fees to the teenage and legal fees. What was extraordinary was that not all those convicted were Muslim. In fact, a number said they were atheist! Yes, even those who those who proclaim to have no faith, and reject God, joined an Islamist bandwagon to traduce h
This is what McLiam Wilson meant when he said, "the point is that this is now the world you live in." A state in which our progressives, with all their supercilious self-serving piety, deem it laudable and noble not only call out, but abuse, intimidate, and threaten those who do that which is seen to be disrespectful towards religion. But not all religion. This standard, it seems, is only applied to Islam, which, for many, has become the exception to the rule on what can be scrutinized and chall
Above all, these instances demonstrate the insidious weaponization of an anti-racist politics by the guardians of our progressive milieu, which has not only emboldened Islamist forces, but has, in the process, diminished the enormity of racism to its victims, past and present. If only this human evil were a criticism, dislike, or hatred of an ideology. If it were, perhaps millions would not have been enslaved, dehumanized, and murdered in its eternally grotesque name. But this failure to disting
For this reason, Bruckner identifies Islamophobia as "a clever invention," since it succeeds in giving radicals a new alibi: opposition to blasphemy and dissent is justified on the grounds that such acts are not only heretical, but they are indeed racist. In turn, this has given traditional exponents of rights and liberties, especially those on the left (though not exclusively), a justification to maintain an unpardonable silence with regards to Islamism. This explains why various "defamation of
Summarizing what this term had set out to achieve, Salman Rushdie, who we shall return to, in memoir which followed his Satanic Verses (1988), stated:
Something new was happening here: the growth of a new intolerance. It was spreading across the surface of the Earth, but nobody wanted to know. A new word had been created to help the blind remain blind: Islamophobia. To criticize the militant stridency of this religion in its contemporary incarnation was to be a bigot. A phobic person was extreme and irrational in his views, and so the fault lay with such persons and not with the belief system that boasted over one billion followers worldwide.
Critically engaging with ideas, especially those which emanate from a religious tradition, should be widely encouraged in our secular Western- culture. It was, after all, a consequence of Judaism and Christianity undergoing major intellectual criticism, that it was able to, for the most part, reconcile its theology and ideas with modernity. But Islamists, with the support of their non-Muslim progressive allies, have denied this right to Islam. As Rushdie elucidates, to even contemplate doing thi
What is clear is that Islamophobia, and the use to which Islamists and progressives have put it, serves to stifle any reckoning with the issues of contemporary Islam, especially antisemitism. The issues which exist within our Muslim communities are often ignored because the consequence of being charged with Islamophobia is not worth the abuse and aggravation which often follows. In the UK, we saw this when it came to the state and law enforcement failing the victims of Pakistani grooming gangs i
And this fear has major implications for our purposes. The nonsense of Islamophobia claims is that to discuss Islamist intolerance, in fact, makes you intolerant. For raising the issue of antisemitism, which we know is widespread in the Islamic world, I have become a bigot. Behind a veil of well-intentioned anti-racism, actual racism, as well as sexism, homophobia, and supremacist thinking, go unchallenged. It has been under the cloak of this #bekind culture, which has become the civic- religion
Notwithstanding these concerns, some have put their heads above the parapet. And not, it must be said, without great risk. Many of those who haven't maintained a meek disposition, even those who have expressed themselves through artistic and creative means, have found their lives to be irrevocably changed. Almost imperceptibly, their lives went from one of comfort and safety to one of abject fear. Here we must face a stark truth: many, perhaps even most do not speak out, because they are frighte
A man who knows all about this is Salman Rushdie. A year after publishing Satanic Verses, a fatwa, or religious decree, was issued by Ayatolah Khomeini, the then Supreme Leader of Iran, offering a $3m reward to any Muslim who would slay the head of Rushdie, and those involved in the publication of this work of literature. The ruler called "all zealous Muslims to execute quickly wherever they find them," so that "no one will dare to insult Islamic sanctity" ever again. Subsequently, in addition t
The Rushdie Affair set a template and a precedent for those who dared to speak out, or worse, do something deemed as blasphemous. While writing this section, I was reminded that just over two years ago, in Batley, England, a Religious Studies teacher, who has not been named, went into hiding, along with his family. His crime? In a lesson to his pupils about blasphemy, this teacher, in his late-twenties, dared to show his students an image of the Prophet Mohammed, allegedly from Charlie Hebdo's 2
After becoming public knowledge, mobs of Muslim men decided to gather outside the school gates and loudly protest. A large group of men, chanting (amongst other things) 'Allahu Akbar' outside a place of learning, with the sole aim of terrifying students and staff. And, boy, did they succeed. Rather than stick by their colleague and resist this anti-democratic extremism, at the first opportunity, the school suspended the young teacher. The headmaster, in the face of this thuggery, publicly stated
Be under no illusion, this incident, which threatens to destroy the life of an innocent man, stemmed from one malicious falsehood, that he, for showing an image of the Prophet, is an Islamophobe
a racist who cannot be forgiven, and must pay for his transgression. When this unsubstantiated charge was bandied around, the school not only threw him to the wolves, but their commitment to 'British values,' which apparently includes a commitment to 'personal freedoms,' seemed to fly out the window. Li
Although this teacher and his family have had to endure unimaginable anxiety, he has been luckier than others. Following Satanic Verses, those individuals and publications who did something to anger Islamists, whether they meant it or not, found that they encroached on dangerous and, in some cases, lethal territory. After the attacks on those connected with the publication of Satanic Verses, notable instances of reprisal include the killing of Dutch filmmaker, Theo Van Gough, the killing of thos
Of course, however, the most depressing aspect of this ignominious situation is how self-proclaimed liberals shrink from the core principles of liberalism, which they purportedly champion. Since the Rushdie Affair, they have not only repeatedly abandoned those who dissent, but also apportion, at least some of the blame, to those individuals for the threats and life-changing circumstances many subsequently deal with. This first came to my attention while, one day, scrolling through YouTube, I cam
And, sadly, today, all over Western Europe, we are spoilt for examples of not only a stomach-churning culture of victim-blaming, but a clear betrayal of the liberal commitment to liberalism. Nowhere, however, is this victim-blaming more evident than in the UK. It is worth taking note of a few of the most striking cases.
In 2015, in a talk she gave about blasphemy and apostasy to the Atheist, Secularist, and Humanist Society at Goldsmiths University in London, Maryam Namazie, a secular Iranian dissident who campaigns for the rights of women (and others) in the oppressive Islamic Republic, was interrupted by a number of male members of the university's Islamic Society (Isoc). This protest, orchestrated by the Isoc, in Maryam's words, "began," when, "ISOC 'brothers' started coming into the room, repeatedly banging
In 2021, we saw a similar picture during the Batley Affair. After this teacher was suspended, the Labor Member of Parliament (MP) for the area, Tracy Brabin, who resigned soon-after, in the face of this intolerable mob-pressure, condemned the threats and intimidation the teacher faced, but qualified her remarks by saying, "I welcome the school's apology" adding that she is pleased with the "recognition of the offence this has caused." In other words, while what the teacher continues to face is w
A few months after this incident, Naz Shah, Labor MP for Bradford West, a city in which copies of Satanic Verses were burnt by a large number of Muslim men, in a parliamentary debate about a government police and crimes bill, argued that depictions of the Prophet should be recognized as a form of 'emotional harm.'
Along with her words that such images are not 'not just a cartoon,' this Labor MP, belonging to a party with a long and distinguished commitment to democracy, stated in Parliament, "When bigots and racists defame, slander or abuse our Prophet (peace be upon him), just like some people do to the likes of Churchill, the emotional harm caused upon our hearts is unbearable." In other words, if the government criminalizes the vandalization of statues, then depictions of the Islamic prophet, the work
A retrograde politics has, it seems, found an important ally in members of progressive parties. What this might mean for secular liberal democracy, time will tell. For sure, though, this is setting us on a path which, not too long ago, would have disconcerted every secularist going, especially those attached to the Labor Party and the political left. However, before we consider the implications of this fear for our study of governmental negligence, there is one last example that needs to be dis
And so, we turn to Kettlethorpe High School, in the city of Wakefield, which is only ten miles from Batley. In the February of 2023, this school was home to an incident that highlights the extent to which our free societies have retreated and cowed in fear. In brief, four children, in Year Ten, no older than fourteen, were suspended by this secular state school. One of them, who has not been named but who suffers from Autism, brought a Quran into school, after an innocuous dare from his friends
Upon becoming aware of this, a local Labor councillor, Usman Ali, went on to Twitter to describe this event, on a now deleted tweet, as "provocative action," stating that it needed to be dealt with "urgently by all the authorities, namely, the police, the school, and the local authority." Well, the authorities heeded Mr Ali's call. Although the school found that there had been "no malicious intent," the police spokesperson for this incident, Chief Inspector Andy Thornton, said that this was goin
Notwithstanding this double standard, in an effort to calm things down after the boy who had brought in the Quran became the target of various Muslim death-threats, a meeting was arranged at the local Mosque, where the boy's mother, wearing a headscarf, addressed a local audience, along with the headteacher, Muslim leaders, and the Chief Inspector. Here, pleading for her son, the mother said that the boy was left "absolutely petrified," and that she does not "want anybody to be prosecuted becaus
As if things could not get any more monstrous, there was, it seemed to me, a woeful lack of condemnation and denunciation, in unequivocal terms, of the threats towards this child by the panelists. In the case of both the Chief Inspector and the headteacher, the people you would expect to be most vocal, aside from emphasizing that that people should not take the law into their own hands, and that this should be dealt with through the proper channels of law and order, they said few words of conseq
This incident, at the time of writing, is the most recent example of liberal-minded individuals, this time with the responsibility of a child's welfare, failing to stand up for his rights in a liberal-democratic society. Instead, like the other examples given, in the face of Islamist intimidation, they were scared shitless. And the only one who paid the price for this was the victim, a fourteen-year-old, who may, heaven forbid, have to live in fear for many years to come.
What, though, such examples demonstrate is how those who are widely regarded to be the guardians of liberalism, in the face of potential Islamist retribution, both abandon and blame those that allegedly dishonor Islam for all the misery and commination which comes their way. Although not always explicitly argued, too often the accusation of 'they were asking for it' is peddled at those that do dissent and/or offend. Yet, those who engage in such victim blaming exhibit an ignorance of their own c
This fear of a backlash, however, like that of being accused of racism, has crept into government and law enforcement. Such a fear plays a crucial role in the negligence of Western European authorities in dealing with the issues we see in our Muslim communities, particularly antisemitism. An instructive example that illuminates this problem emerged in the nearly three-hour French Presidential debate of 2022. Here, Emmanuel Macron, the incumbent President, captured the attitude of successive West
This has consequently created a dilemma for policymakers: should they prioritize protecting targeted groups, even if it means risking social disorder, or avoid the issue altogether? For the most part, authorities have opted for the latter. After all, if those with the power to make a change were serious in their intent to rid Western Europe of Jew-hate, they would have to stop treating this issue as if it is just the responsibility of a few pariahs in our Muslim spaces. We know from Chapter Two
Throughout this whole section, we have seen how the politics of fear has led to a state in which our authorities are deprived of any real appetite to deal with this crisis of antisemitism in our Muslim communities. The willy-nilly use of racist accusations, as well as fears of potential social disorder and violence, has created a state in which our authorities step back and allow this madness to go on, and over the years, to get worse. Speaking in 2015, Lord Carey, the former Archbishop of Cante
Is it right to ask, what it will take for those in positions of power to summon the courage needed to tackle these problems? Indeed, what will it take for those concerned to even admit there is a problem? We shall return to these questions in the next chapter. For now, however, we must turn to another factor which drives this negligence: the politics of numbers.
It is always heartening to hear Western European leaders on Holocaust Memorial Day, and on other occasions, reiterate their commitment to fighting antisemitism. It makes us feel validated and heard. But, admittedly, this feeling has a short lifespan. The cheerless fact is that this poison, particularly in its Islamist form, is on the rise. And so, either our authorities are good at talking the talk but failing to put the matching policies in place, or that such policies are unfit for purpose. In
While it is the case that our leaders insist that we Jews are an integral part of this `New Europe, ` in the realpolitik, this does not translate into anything substantive. In Western Europe, Jews number just shy of a million, or 0.5 per cent of the region's inhabitants. In a population of almost 200 million, that's a tiny number
and, in places, it continues to get smaller. We are a tiny bunch (and yet, somehow, we perfidiously control everything.) Although the political and social clout Jews e
Western Europe's Muslim communities, conversely, the political realities are different. While a diverse and heterogeneous minority, this population is growing, making Islam the fastest expanding religion on the continent. This has led many of those mainstream politicians, particularly on the left, to shy away from taking decisive action vis-à-vis Muslim antisemitism. There is, after all, genuine concern over what this might do to their political influence and standing amongst Muslim voters. And
Consequently, it should be asked, with both current and forecasted population data, what political incentive is there, on the part of those mainstream politicians and their parties, to change their tune, and deal with this crisis? My argument is that given the inestimable importance of number- based considerations, this disincentive will continue for the foreseeable future. In fact, there are social-democratic and socialist parties that, in accordance with these demographic realities, propose po
One country that best epitomizes this development is Sweden. In R Amy Elman's insightful research on contemporary antisemitism in Scandinavia's largest country, she cites Mikael Tossavainen, a historian, who felt that the silence (bordering on indifference) of Swedish authorities, needed urgent attention. In his study, The Denied Hatred: Anti- Semitism among Muslims and Arabs in Sweden, he explained "Unlike the anti-Semitism that traditionally finds expression in Nazi circles- [antisemitism amon
As detailed in Chapter One, Malmö is a city which has been at the epicenter of these antisemitic incidents. A small pro-Israel gathering in the city center, following Operation Cast Lead, in 2008, was met with violence and vitriol. This group, which set out to express sympathy with "all civilian victims," and sang to the tune of peace and co-existence, was drowned out by a large anti-Israel mob, intent on causing harm to this small public expression of support for a democratic nation. To such an
The propensity of Swedish politicians to find excuses for violent extremism did not begin nor end here. If we go back to 2006, the Stockholm Great Mosque, one of the largest in the country, was found to be in possession of antisemitic material in its bookshop. This material wasn't mildly antisemitic
it was grossly dehumanizing and even explicitly violent and murderous. The then-Chancellor of Justice, Göran Lambertz, decided against prosecution, ostensibly on the basis that the evidence was insu
And yet, as if this affair could get any more outrageous, in 2006, the state ordered the closure of the website of the Swedish Democrats, a far-right party, for posting the infamous Danish cartoons of the Prophet Mohammed. As Elman points out, "The government's closure of the far right's website distinguished Sweden as the first Western state to block the re-publication of the caricatures of Mohammed," adding that "the government dressed its capitulation to Jihadist threats beneath a cloak of to
What we see here, and certainly not only in the examples, is that the violence is never really the fault of those who go out and commit acts of violence. In the case of antisemitism, the perceived Jewish hegemon, in the form of the Jewish State, is given as an excuse by some politicians for not only violent Jew-hate, but extremism itself. For instance, in 2015, following the November Islamist terrorist attacks in Paris, in which 130 were killed and nearly 400 were injured, the Swedish foreign mi
Those elected have, at best, failed, and, at worst, betrayed their Jews. In the case of Sweden, and elsewhere, this is driven by a lack of incentive to implement policies which will protect this small community, i.e. an inappreciable size of the electorate, and increasingly, an awareness of what such policies might do to the electoral appeal of the parties seeking the support of Muslim voters. Back in 2006, the former leader of the Swedish Liberal Party, Lars Leijonborg, encapsulated the policy
It is for this reason, in Sweden and elsewhere, that politicians who identify as progressive and/or liberal, have retreated from their liberal cause, and have got into bed with those who are patently illiberal and totalitarian. In addition to some of the examples considered, one that is particularly telling is when Sweden's first Social Democratic woman leader, Mona Sahlin, who would become deputy Prime Minister, marched alongside Hamas flags at what was, at least in name, a pro-immigrant demons
Observations like this are often shrugged off as fearmongering. And while these votes on a national level may not seem significant, election results on a micro level, particularly in the larger areas (specifically three largest cities: Stockholm, Gothenburg, and Malmö), where there are higher concentrations of Muslim voters, have a potentially determinative effect on which party will take office. The success of these parties in areas where there are high numbers of Muslim voters can be the diffe
The national election of 2022, in which the Social Democrat-led coalition was ousted from government, attests to the electoral indispensability of the country's Muslim population. In the face of the mounting pressure from the anti-immigration Swedish Democrats, who wound up achieving an informal position in government, the Social Democrats adopted more conservative positions on immigration and integration. This did them no favors, especially for their popularity amongst Muslim voters who felt th
After the election, Yüksel declared, "We went down in history as the party that overthrew the Social Democrat government," adding, "The Muslim voters punished the Social Democrats." It's a bewildering source of jubilation since his "success" helped to ensure that what is routinely dubbed an Islamophobic and racist party achieve a position of power. Nevertheless, despite his self-adulating words, the Social Democratic coalition, according to Abdullah Bozkurt, a Swedish-based investigative journal
In both cases, it becomes evident that mainstream parties, particularly in those large urban, metropolitan cities, rely on the support of Muslim voters. To lose their support, runs the risk of losing elections, both local and national. Consequently, representatives, in Sweden and elsewhere, face a critical question: why should they formulate and/or implement policies which run the distinct risk of alienating a support base they cannot do without, especially for the sake of a small minority of Je
Across Western Europe, centrist and left-wing parties are increasingly recognizing the importance of these voters in their campaigns. One might find this bamboozling given that the parties in question, for the most part, boast their support for social-progressivism (increasingly, being antisemitic has become part of being progressive, of course), whereas Muslim voters, on the whole, tend to be more socially conservative, for instance, when it comes to homosexuality and gender affairs. Neverthele
What does this development mean for the future of those traditional mainstream and anti-racist parties? We shall see, but following Henry Olson, a columnist at the Washington Post, we should view the Muslim vote, specifically for left-wing parties, in a similar vein to the Evangelical Vote for the Republican Party in the US. While the former is not the pre-eminent political base for social-democratic and socialist parties in our region, the latter plays a fundamental role for US Republicans. It
None of this is to say that Muslims are a homogenous voting bloc, or for that matter, monolithic. Being Muslim does not dictate voting patterns. Just like any other group, there is diversity of thought, and this plays out in multiple areas, no less in the ballot box. Notwithstanding, given how Muslim communities are politically engaged, coupled with how parties campaign for votes in these places, there is, de facto, a distinct and growing 'Muslim vote.' And it matters.
In the case of both the UK and France, countries with the highest Muslim populations in all of Western Europe, mainstream politicians realize just how much of a game-changer these voters can be. In both places, the success of mainstream parties, especially those that lean leftwards, is increasingly reliant upon the support given by those areas which are home to a high and growing concentration of Muslim voters.
In the UK, the Muslim Engagement and Development organization (MEND), which is dedicated to engaging British-Muslims in the political, civic, and social spheres, found that the results in a staggering 50 seats across the country could be swung or impacted by Muslim voters (with the Muslim Council of Britain suggesting that Muslim voters could swing 31, specifically in marginal seats, in which the incumbent has no comfortable majority). The MEND report added that Muslim voters make up approximate
This 'Muslim vote' can indeed be decisive. As Zara Mohamed, the former Assistant Secretary General at the Muslim Council of Britain in, astutely pointed out in 2019, "It's important that we all - young and old - realize our potential to make change through political participation. Our votes matter. Be it the mosque, community organization, student society or women's group, each of us can make a difference. This is as true in Ealing as in Edinburgh - we all have a responsibility to encourage as m
The situation in France, the country with the highest Muslim population in the entire region, is even more transparent. The significance of the Muslim vote in France became evident back in the 2012 election between the center-right incumbent, Nicolas Sarkozy and the leader of the Socialist Party, Francois Hollande. According to French sociologist, Ali Saad, French Muslims voted overwhelmingly for Hollande, in the second-round, after the commitments he made to fighting racism and Islamophobia, in
In subsequent elections, we have seen a similar trend. No less in 2022, when in the election's first round, 69 per cent of Muslim voters, according to IOFP, lent their support to Jean-Luc Mélenchon, France's populist-left candidate. Making a series of promises about fighting Islamophobia, as well as his stances on the economy and foreign policy issues, notably Palestine, he came within 1.2 per cent of Marine Le Pen, who came second, thus earning herself, for the second time, a place in the final
This is a sentiment which spoke, and speaks, to many. This becomes particularly evident when looking at the data which compares the results of both rounds in areas with a disproportionately high concentration of Muslim voters. In such areas, many of which gave Mélenchon a majority in the first round, saw the prospect of Le Pen as far more unpalatable than a further 5 years with Macron. For instance, in Excellent's town, in the second round 77 per cent of voters backed Macron. In Marseille, Franc
Nevertheless, what is of importance here is that the Muslim vote, as in elections elsewhere in the region, was fundamental to Macron's retention of power. According to Abdennour Toumi, an expert in North African affairs, given the Muslim population make up around 10 per cent of the electorate, Macron would have needed 60 per of the non-Muslim vote to have succeeded. Since he did not achieve this, it is plausible that Muslim voters played the role of "king-maker," or, at least, they ensured he ac
Overall, given that in the UK and France, Jews make for such a small percentage of both countries' populations, 0.4 and 0.6 per cent respectively, and that Muslim voters are an electoral-game-changer, it is no wonder that mainstream parties have been negligent. There is no incentive to, politically speaking, cut off your nose to spite your face. And why should they? It would be like asking the British Conservative Party to abandon and alienate pensioners, on whom they depend. It's not going to h
However, not only do those parties demonstrate a lack of political will to take on the issues addressed. As we saw in Sweden, and we see this across the region, large sections of the left have succumbed to the political opportunism which at best turns a blind eye to, and at worst is complicit in, Jew-bashing. There is a recognition that opposition to Israel which, in practise, is exceedingly difficult to divorce from antisemitism, wins votes. An important ideologue who recognized the political u
In the April of 2001, Boniface issued a memorandum to leading members of the party, including the then Francois Hollande, who was the party's First Secretary and Mayor of Tulle, urging the party adopt policies which would help them to win the "Muslim vote," particularly with regards to foreign policy. In this letter, which would later appear in an article for Le Monde, Boniface stated that since there are ten-times more Muslims than Jews in the country (6 million, and 600,000, respectively), the
This point, however, is often overlooked in the analysis of contemporary leftist anti-Israel tendencies. Few commentators have been willing to identify this factor in their study of contemporary leftist-antisemitism. But any understanding of both Corbyn and Mélenchon must take into account this factor. Although coming from different places, both geographically and politically, they not only shared a philosophical identification with the New Left, from which their breed of leftism owes its origin
In both cases, despite losing the elections, they relied upon the support of young-progressive-white-middle class voters, as well as those of a religiously and culturally conservative Muslim background. And amongst such groups, who ostensibly have little to nothing in common, this hostility towards the Jewish-State, far from deterring voters, was pivotal in winning their support. After all, they both did well, even best, in areas where the concentration of these demographics (but particularly Mu
Although there are several examples of this, one case in point that sticks out in my mind is the Batley and Spen by-election of 2021. The Labor candidate, the sister of Jo Cox MP, murdered by a far-right terrorist, Kim Leadbeater, had set out her stance on Palestine, on at least one of her campaign leaflets. Not much was said, just the vacuous, but à la mode words, condemning Israel and its defensive actions against Islamist terror. During the campaign trail, she also posted, on her Twitter page
Why, need I ask, would the Labor Party, in a Yorkshire town, thousands of miles away from the Middle East, need to put the issue of Palestine in their campaign? In one sense, they were motivated to do so because of the threat posed by Leadbeater's opponent, and fellow left-winger, George Galloway, a veteran politician and lifelong anti-Zionist, who also included his ardent support for the Palestinian cause on an election leaflet. With his previous successes in Bradford West, as well as Bethnal G
In the end, she just about won the election, with Galloway coming third. Had she not made use of the Palestinian cause,, it is more than conceivable that she would have lost those voters, and therefore, possibly, the election itself. This was by no means the only case of a Labor politician utilizing the politics of the Middle East to win votes. Across Western Europe, mainstream, left-wing parties are increasingly aware that to win elections, they must avoid alienating Muslim voters. If anything,
It is dismaying to be faced with mainstream politicians who have been negligent, with a growing number complicit, in the proliferation of Jew- hate. Many say the right words, and yet stay well away from any meaningful action on this issue. But this shouldn't lead you to spill your tea in shock horror. What decides the behavior of those seeking power in any democratic society is determined according to what is desired amongst the demos, the people. And that is what democracy is all about. For our
This situation has left many Jews to think: can we really lend our support to mainstream parties if they are failing on this issue? Recent elections have seen a number of Jews turn from traditional left-leaning centrist parties towards populist-right parties. The rise of Eric Zemmour in France, a conservative commentator of Jewish origin, and man who is set on becoming the next French President (he ran in the last elections, but came fourth), has succeeded in speaking to the sensibilities of man
As Jews down the ages have asked, "are they good for the Jews?" There are indeed opportunities with populist forces. If a Zemmour, a Le Pen or a Wilders were to take power, we could see much needed reforms in several areas, including in the realms of immigration, integration, law-enforcement, and an end to state reluctance to deal with vehicles of anti-Jewish and anti-democratic extremism in our Muslim communities. The success of populism could well prompt mainstream parties to change their tune
It is, though, extraordinary that parties with historic connections to Holocaust-denial and/or fascism, such as the French National Rally (formally National Front) or the Swedish Democrats, offer policies, which are conducive to dealing with the crisis of Islamist Judenhass. Yet, while populism may be the catalyst for change within mainstream parties, in the long run, movements which some might dismiss as reactionary, are not conducive to a sustainable future, not for Jews, nor for anyone. Those
For now, as this section has explored, negligence is motivated by a very simple reality: in the realpolitik, our elected politicians have little reason to tackle this crisis of antisemitism in our Muslim communities. And to deal with this issue is to potentially hamper their chances at the ballot box. So long as the status quo remains, however, Jews will have little confidence in those who represent us to deal with this worsening crisis. Perhaps Jews will be left with no choice but to abandon pa
Whereas this chapter has thus far explored governmental failure through the prism of social and political considerations, it is important to understand negligence on a level which goes beyond mere on-the-ground realities. For this negligence runs much deeper. It is rooted in a crisis of identity, culture, and values within Western Europe.
Let's begin this section at my high school. My own boisterousness, chaos, and tomfoolery aside, my alma mater was, and is, a brilliant, but very peculiar place. Although a Modern Orthodox Jewish High School, which continues to celebrate all Jewish holidays (including Israel's Independence Day), most students are not Jewish. This school, which was once entirely Jewish, is now largely comprised of Christian and Muslim pupils, and is home to over 50 languages, as well as over 30 nationalities. This
It should be reiterated - even with these demographic changes - the school has not lost its Jewish character. To this day, all food remains Kosher, male pupils must cover their head with a skullcap, the school runs a biannual trip to Israel, an annual trip to Poland, Jewish studies is taught, as is Hebrew to early years. I distinctly recall how in our Hebrew class, it was the non-Jewish pupils who would speak better Hebrew than us Jewish kids. Funny old place, eh? Expectedly, whenever I tell som
To their astonishment, and even to mine, the school remains both Jewish and cohesive. Of course, this isn't to say the school is a haven of kumbaya. The issue of Israel-Palestine, as one can expect, creates some degree of tension between Jewish and Muslim students. Having said that, this isn't an issue that causes irreconcilable divisions, at least, nothing remotely like what we see a few miles from the school grounds on the weekends. Despite being diverse, remarkably, this unique institution ha
Some, however, remain unconvinced. There are those who will raise their eyebrows when they hear about KS, and they often suggest that given these demographic realities, the school should discontinue its distinct Jewish-character. Yet the school remains obstinate. And rightly so. In my estimation, the school's success in maintaining cohesion has been because not despite of the identity it refuses to lose, and most importantly, is unafraid to assert. As a former head teacher put it, "Multicultural
I begin with my former school not only as I am hopelessly mawkish, but because this was an institution that recognized that shared identity is the glue that brings an eclectic range of people together. In the absence of that which unites - shared identity, symbols, and culture - you have individuals with all their various, and often egomaniacal, `isms`. Without wishing to ruffle the feathers of my libertarian and Thatcherite chums, I believe in society, and the responsibility each person has tow
To understand shared identity in the context of society and state, and why it matters, it is worth dwelling on the luminous words of the late Sir Roger Scruton. Arguably the greatest English philosopher of the past fifty years, Scruton wrote extensively on a range of topics, not least on the role of shared identity. He impressed upon the need to foster "an inclusive identity that will hold us together as a people," adding, "the substitutes of modern times--the ideologies and "isms" of the totali
For Scruton, the nation is "a people settled in a certain territory, who share institutions, customs and a sense of history and who regard themselves as equally committed both to their place of residence and to the legal and political process that governs it." While it is the case that a sense of nationhood is not an exclusive social tie, he rightly said that it is the "only form of membership that has so far shown itself able to sustain a democratic process and a liberal rule of law." The power
Also speaking of this idea of 'home' was the late Chief Rabbi Sacks, a student of Scruton's, for whom multiculturalism led Britain to look less like a 'home,' and more like a 'hotel.' By this, he explained, "you pay for services rendered and in return you get a room, you get room services - beyond that, you are free to do whatever you like so long as you don't disturb the other guests." As he averred, however, "that is great, except a hotel in principle generates no loyalty." Indeed, he explaine
As such, it is here where we locate the last, but perhaps the most important source of governmental failure and negligence. Whereas previous sections have concentrated on how factors of fear and political expediency have left successive governments reluctant to act, here I argue that negligence is not only the consequence of political considerations. It is also product of a societal and cultural reluctance to define and cultivate, much less celebrate, a shared-nationhood, or shared-national-iden
However, without establishing a shared nationhood, from which we are able to establish our own collective values, we cannot adequately draw up what Karl Popper described as the 'boundaries of tolerance.' For what, after all, does it mean to stand up for 'our values' if our societies have not yet established what those values are, and the boundaries of their inclusion? Some retort with the vague and recycled platitudes of our societies being 'open' and 'tolerant,' and insist this is what defines
I have been cognizant of this crisis of identity for several years. But my trip to France in 2021 was an eye-opener. I was in the city of Rouen, the largest in the Normandy region. With the most spectacular architecture, ravishing landscapes, and chic cafes, it really is a special place. One day, aimlessly strolling through the city, I arrived at a very large bridge, which is over the 777-kilometre-long Seine River. At this point, it was pointed out to me that the city is, in fact, divided accor
The Dutch, for instance, are well experienced in this regard. Discussing diversity in the Netherlands was Paul Scheffer in his stirring 2003 essay, 'Het multiculturele drama,' or 'The Multicultural Fiasco.' Scheffer, an academic and prominent member of the Dutch Labor Party, was the first on the Dutch left to talk about what his fellow social democrats had got wrong about diversity. He argued that the failure to cultivate a shared identity not only perpetuates the social, political and economic
Describing this as a policy of "pacification," Scheffer stated that the indifference on the part of Dutch authorities to bring those from non-Dutch backgrounds, especially from the Middle East and North Africa, into a collective Dutch culture and identity constitutes a "lazy multiculturalism." Stating "we do not adequately express what holds our society together," he quipped, "We talk too little about our own limits, we cherish no relation to our own past and we treat our language with nonchalan
Over twenty years later, his words still ring true, and many continue to identify with Scheffer's words. But not only in the Netherlands. Throughout the region, there is not only a disturbing absence of social cohesion, but large numbers of the non-native population live on the peripheries. And without a shared identity and culture, without this collective sense of nationhood, healing divides, so as to build a 'shared home' is a mighty, perhaps even, an insuperable task.
It is the case, however, that most West-Europeans have not lost their sense of civic-national-identity. The majority of those in the region, despite variations according to age (especially this factor, younger people are less likely to identify with their nation), class and political views, still identify with the territory in which they reside. Various studies, including the 2021 European Commission Special Barometer report, Values and Identities of EU citizens, found that "Across the EU, an av
What, though, is notably different between the two places is the way in which national identity is viewed. In most liberal-democratic Western European states, with some differences, nationhood has gone from being inextricably rooted in shared culture to being what can be described as passport-nationalism, in which it is stressed that multiple people, of all different backgrounds, can exist as citizens, so long as they subscribe to the values and institutions of the society around them. This is w
However, both Eastern European and Western European models of national belonging are problematic. In Eastern Europe, as evidenced in countries such as Poland and Hungary, national belonging is becoming increasingly predicated on ethnic grounds. This has rendered such attachments to be exclusionary, and no less xenophobic, and on occasion, racist. And such a trajectory is certainly undermining the liberal- democratic values of these and other Eastern European states. Whereas in Western Europe, al
In the minds of those elites, who have sought to promulgate this 'think beyond the nation state' ideology, nationhood is dismissed as the very antithesis of progress. It is its enemy. This social attachment is treated as the great threat to the 'New Europe', which rests on eschewing nation-centric views. And yet, despite the efforts of liberal elites to move us away from thinking in terms of borders, be that through the rise of globalism or the intellectual assault upon the nation's legitimacy,
But those elites seem hesitant to change. In their mind, nationhood is obsolete as it is dangerous. In a Western Europe which is at the epicenter of globalization, as well as increased integration into supranational organizations, the question arises: do we really need nationhood? Perpetuating a national-centric view, after all, is a folly. For why put-up stumbling block to Western Europe reaping the fruits of globalism and internationalism? Why think in terms of national-borders when we are liv
However, although we are ever more interconnected and without borders, our age is one of hyper-individualism, in which people are thought of in their atomized individual state, rather than their place within, and their responsibility to, the wider whole, or, put simply, society. As such, the flags of those perceived to be oppressed carry much more social gravitas and acceptability than our national flag. I was reminded of this back in the June of 2023, Pride Month. In Regents Street, London, loc
Although these incidents may seem to be isolated, they reveal why many feel disillusioned with contemporary liberalism. In a Western Europe plagued with identity-politics, to such elites, nationhood is no longer the identity which should unite peoples. Rather, in their mind, the flags of groups perceived to be oppressed and marginalized, especially the one of 'Progress Pride' (which, in actuality, has little to do with the commendable work of earlier incarnations of Pride), have far more virtue
Mostly seen at universities, the crucible of self-abasing anti- westernism, this propensity amongst Western Europe's intelligentsia and leading cultural figures to lambast all things tradition, not least the nation, is becoming increasingly mainstream. This was described by Rodger Scruton as 'oikophobia,' or hatred of home. As he pointed out though, it is much more than a hatred: it is the attempt to dismantle the very fabric of who we are. Owing its origins to the increased secularization of We
Various intellectual developments over the past few decades, be that the emergence of the Frankfurt School or the spread of Critical Studies (or Critical Race Theory) on university campuses, have precipitated this intellectual war on what was once foundational. To the archetypal bastions of progress, both nationhood and nationalism, with no distinctions made, are viewed as the sources through which the worst of our civilization's past are reinforced and disseminated. Accordingly, any attempt to
Reminiscent of the 'self-hating Jew,' for many who participate in oikophobia, they do so as a means of achieving acceptability amongst peers and wider society. And I don't blame them. The prospect, and it's a real one, of social ostracization naturally disincentivizes any kind of dissent from a new orthodoxy, which has become dominant on many university campuses
an orthodoxy which holds any patriot or any individual who still relishes in his or her national identity as a threat to human progres
Bruckner is certainly on to something. To borrow from Lady Macbeth, "All the perfumes of Arabia will not sweeten this little hand." In the case of Western Europe, although we have progressed from a time when our societies were plagued with evil, no matter what we do, to oikophobes, we shall forever remain in sin. Nothing can redeem us. We are eternally damned. And Douglas Murray, one of the leading intellectuals of our age, highlights this in his bestselling, The Strange Death of Europe.
In his analysis of Turkish cruelty towards the Armenians, as well as its brutal invasion and occupation of Cyprus in 1973, he opines, "One might concede that Turkey, as a historical force, has been no worse if certainly no better, than any other country in the world." Speaking of the country, he asks, "Who has not carried out an actual genocide against, run an empire for twice as long as the British and invaded a sovereign state in recent decades?" But states, "This is not what is striking." Rat
In any event, Murray observes, "what is more surprising is that so few people would use these things against Turks as a people." As such, he rightly asks: "If the kind of history now taught and internalized in much of Europe is intended simply to prevent a replay of the worst aspects of that history, then we should ask who else should be treated this way? Which other nations ought to be encouraged to feel shame for their past? And if none others do, relying not only on natural pride but also out
The proponents of the 'think beyond nation-state' ideology have elected to demonize, often in the most classist terms, rather than engage with those who question the wisdom of their supposedly progressive and kinder politics. But this approach hasn't worked. And so long as nationhood is deemed as not only irrelevant, but inherently a violation of postwar renewal, our societies will lack that social cohesion which is necessary for the welfare of liberal democracy, and no less, for building a shar
It would, of course, be intellectually dishonest to ignore and/or deny the elephant in the room: atrocities have been, and continue to be, committed in the name of 'the nation.' It is a matter of historical fact that murder, violence, discrimination, dehumanization, and a disregard for the sanctity of human life, are all central tenants of a poisonous societal and political relationship to the homeland, which was at its zenith at the time of the Third Reich. Yet while it would be wrong to ignore
In his short pamphlet, England and The Need for Nations, Scruton drew a critical a distinction, and one I share, between 'national-loyalty' or 'patriotism' (but what I have described as 'nationhood'), which he saw as positive, and 'nationalism,' which he saw as inherently problematic. Scruton regarded the former, much like Sacks, as being like an extended family, which comprises a plurality of people who form a collective in their shared territory, in order to work for the betterment of their so
In reality, however, these distinctions in liberal circles have not been made. For those who proclaim to champion progressivism, no form of thinking in national terms can be accepted. Of course, it is the case that such people are well-intentioned. They regard national loyalties to be the principal reason why Europe plunged into totalitarianism and anti-democratic extremism. They make a credible observation. Nationalism did indeed lead to tragedy. But their readiness to repudiate any form of nat
The policy of 'pacification,' as Paul Scheffer puts it, has meant successive governments have been indifferent to the divisions, disparities, and tensions which have arisen from our societies becoming multi-cultural. Probably because many of those in government reside in places which have not been exposed to the issues which have emerged in this embrace of diversity, they do not seem to be overly perturbed by what is occurring in the local cities and towns which they claim to represent. And yet,
We need scarcely say that we do not mean nationality, in the vulgar sense of the term
a senseless antipathy to foreigners
indifference to the general welfare of the human race, or an unjust preference for the supposed interests of our own country
a cherishing of bad peculiarities because they are national, or a refusal to adopt what has been found good by other countries. We mean a principle of sympathy, not of hostility
of union, not of separation. We mean a feeling of common interest among
This astute analysis by Mill, later repeated by Scheffer and Scruton, is critical. A lack of shared identity not only leaves our societies more divided, as various places in Western Europe attest, but also serves to undermine democracy itself. The idea of nationhood is much more than a mere attachment: it is also a sense of responsibility to your fellow citizens, to your community, and to the welfare of your core national institutions. Without this, people become hungry for alternatives. The wid
I am not the first, much less the first Jew, to address the consequences of this erasure of the nationhood. Contrary to the utterances of many liberal-philosophers of our day, Hannah Arendt, the great German-Jewish philosopher, in her Origins of Totalitarianism, argued that totalitarianism in the twentieth century emerged as the liberal-nation-state system began to decline. That is, totalitarianism is not the success of the nation-state, it flourishes when the system erodes. And antisemitism, sh
However, Arendt's point could be taken further. It is not only the loss of the liberal-nation-state which presents a danger to a liberal-democratic society. It is also the loss of nationhood which presents a grave risk to such a society. In some sense, this point was argued in Chapter Ten of her magnum opus, arguing that totalitarian politics requires an "atomized" society, in which citizens are deprived of that which binds them to one another. But the implications of this loss of nationhood nee
For many in our region, Tamir's words ring true. In the decline of nationhood, people have sought alternative arenas in which to find belonging. For we all crave that which generates purpose and meaning. We live for those pursuits. This explosion of 'isms' in our society, this surge of 'ism-hood,' points to a Western Europe which is materialistically richer, perhaps we've never had it better, but ultimately, its people are crying out for that which goes beyond the rapacity for the accumulation o
There is no doubt that extremist groups of all incarnations, but particularly Islamist ones, have flourished unabated in a society of atomized, even broken, parts. Particularly for a growing number of young and aggrieved Muslim men, Islamist entities have sought to provide that which these individuals have not found in progressive society: belonging, purpose, identity, and thus, grounded-values, as well as a scapegoat for their grievances. No doubt this Islamist exploitation has been exacerbated
So how, then, did Western Europe end up experiencing this crisis of culture and identity? Of course, this did not emerge overnight. It has been brewing over the past eighty years. In this time, the region has undergone a major cultural, political, and social transformation. By exploring, in brief, this radical reshaping of our societies, we are able to understand the socio-cultural milieu in which multiculturalism, and by extension, governmental negligence, emerged. Throughout this book, I have
It is the case that, collectively speaking, much of this has been radically life-changing. Our societies are wealthier, and the opportunities for social mobility are greater. With healthcare being as universally accessible, our societies are indeed healthier. The countless legal protections for individuals and minorities as we presently have is historically unsurpassed. We have never had as much access to life-changing technology. The innumerable educational opportunities, regardless of socio-ec
However, let's not kid ourselves: Western Europe is not yet a haven of equity and justice. And it probably never will be. Those ideals seem at odds with the current state of the prevailing neoliberal system. But compared to the poverty and war-ridden Western Europe my grandparents grew up in, we live in much more peaceful, prosperous, democratic, and economically fairer societies. Nevertheless, because of this extraordinary progress, Western Europe has witnessed what can be described as the 'dec
For in this socio-cultural revolution, our societies no longer privilege, nor place any real virtue upon that which we share. Our societies have opted to become places of multi-culture, in which no culture is privileged over another, not even the one which allowed for this diversity in the first place. This has, in turn, led to a view, which many in our leading institutions hold to, that all cultures and their values are equal, and we should not impose our ideas and values on others. Such audaci
Often described as 'cultural-relativism' in scholarly circles, while some may view this as a means to further understanding between peoples, it is indeed the hallmark of a delusion to think one can achieve any degree of cohesion amongst the demos without having a framework which all are prepared to honor, and live under. For we cannot possibly be willing to assert shared values if we do not first define who we are, and what it is we stand for, and worse, if we consider every cultural value, some
In fact, Douglas Murray cited a phone call between Angela Merkel and Benjamin Netanyahu, the Israeli Prime Minister, with Merkel allegedly wishing to find out how the Jewish state has managed to achieve such success in the realm of integration. Various possible reasons were given, such as mandatory national service and absorption programs, such as Ulpan. However, with his characteristic incisiveness, Murray points out, "what diplomatic discretion may have prevented Prime Minister Netanyahu from
The very notion of establishing 'unity in diversity,' as the EU motto goes, without a defined sense of nationhood, and therefore, defined values and boundaries, is as unworkable in the same measure it is delusional. So long as Western Europe privileges a plurality of multi-culture above an overriding one, and so long as our societies move away from the virtue of nationhood, and the ability to assert that which unites, not only will our societies be more fractured, but this negligence will contin
If our nations embrace a boundless tolerance, if our societies place little or no value, indeed no virtue, on a concrete shared nationhood, then the issues described in this work will get worse. Even if, somehow, society and government overcame their fears of confronting Islamism in Western Europe, and left-leaning parties put the welfare and future of liberal democracy before votes, so long as our societies have no understanding of its own identity, values and boundaries, then we shall see no e
These questions need to be reckoned with. If our societies persist in this reluctance to wrestle with such questions, not only will this negligence continue, but our societies will lack that which millions in Western Europe are crying out for: a home in which to find belonging, and crucially, believe in. And as my years at KS taught me, not only can this co-exist with a diverse population, but such well-managed diversity positively unleashes the best in all of us.
Throughout this chapter, various sources of governmental negligence have been explored. What is clear, from everything that has been said, is that inaction from successive governments, as well as that of traditional voices for anti-racism, cannot be reduced to or blamed on a single factor. This chapter has analyzed three main reasons why our governments have failed to tackle not only a threat to the rights of Jews, but a threat to the essence and future of our liberal-democratic societies. Yet i
For the avoidance of doubt, I shall be clear from the outset: in no way is this to apportion blame on Jews for antisemitism. Such victim-blaming, although increasingly trendy these days, is sickeningly wrong. Nevertheless, this should not distract from the fact that Jewish leaders, particularly here in the UK, have simply taken a backseat on the issue of Islamist antisemitism. And on the rare occasion they do speak out, they will speak in terms of this issue involving a 'few-extremists.' I have
To illustrate this failure of leadership, I begin with an event which occurred some years ago, at the University of Essex. Here, I attended a conference about antisemitism. It was held on this campus because in the months preceding this event, a large number of students voted against the ratification of the Jewish-Society, on the basis that such society professed a desire to hold Zionist and Israel based events, which, of course, are close to the hearts of many Jewish students, of which there we
As such, university leaders sought to foster a better understanding of antisemitism, so as to avoid the university, once again, finding itself in hot water. The conference was one among several events put on to discuss this hatred. There were several speakers, each of whom offered insights and knowledge about the realities of the current situation, except, I must say, one. This one fifteen-minute presentation, about antisemitism on British university campuses, left me feeling deeply troubled. Wh
Back then, when I was nineteen, I was travelling the country, speaking to Jewish students at various campuses about antisemitism, amongst other issues. If I was tasked with writing a list of the top twenty grievances Jewish students had on campus, the far-right threat would not make it. It would not even come close. This isn't to say we should shrug off the threat they might pose in the years to come, but at present, they are out of the picture. And yet this senior representative of a leading Je
Those who lead my community too often privilege well-intentioned interfaith work above calling out the unholy alliance and its threat to Jewish life on campus. They seem far more interested in encouraging Jews and Muslims to sit down with one another, where they eat sumptuous fruits, and talk, in the vaguest terms imaginable, about their commitment to make the world a better place. Make no mistake: this is lovely
it has its place, and no doubt makes those participants feel good about themselves
Be under no misapprehension, if they wanted to, they could speak out. These organizations are not insignificant. The Board of Deputies (BoD), for instance, is the second-oldest institution in Anglo-Jewry, and has established itself as an important British institution. It commands a great presence and much respect in journalistic and political circles. When it speaks out, its voice is not ignored. But even this reality has not prompted credible action on their part to speak out. In fact, they see
One episode that encapsulates this failure of leadership is the Samuel Hayek affair. A wealthy British-Israeli businessman and chairman of the UK branch of the Jewish National Fund, Hayek, in an interview for the Jerusalem Post, spoke about the future of Muslim migration into the UK. Making reference to the awful situation in France, Hayek declared, "maybe in 10 years, maybe less, who knows, Jews will not be able to live in the UK. I don't think anybody can stop it," but made it clear, that he i
While one is free to robustly disagree with Hayek, and challenge his views, this would have been an opportune moment for Jewish leaders to express the concerns of countless Jews in the UK and beyond. Hayek articulated a concern that many Jews identify with. But no. Leading British Jewish bodies, including the Board of Deputies, the Jewish Leadership Council, the Community Security Trust (CST), and even the Chief Rabbi, all came out to condemn Hayek's words. In a letter signed by over 46 members
Many Jews look forward to the day when Jewish leaders take seriously the crisis of antisemitism within our Muslim communities, and the very legitimate concerns raised about the pace of future migration from Muslim lands to Britian and Western Europe. The fact that Jewish leaders failed to even engage with the contents of his statements, not to mention the President's dismissal of antisemitism in our Muslim communities to be the fault of 'extremists,' as if there is no larger problem in these com
This kind of response from Jewish leaders, of course, is nothing new. It speaks to a trend we have seen amongst diaspora Jews for millennia. It reminds me of the Jewish joke about two Jews in Tsarist Russia. For sure an old one, but nonetheless a profound truism is captured within its characteristic self-renouncing humor:
Three Jews are about to be executed by firing squad. The sergeant in charge asks each one whether he wants a blindfold. "Yes," says the first Jew, in a resigned tone. "OK," says the second Jew, in a quiet voice. "And what about you?" he enquires of the third Jew. "No," says the third Jew, "I don't want your lousy blindfold," followed by a few choice curses. The second Jew immediately leans over to him and whispers: "Listen, Moishe, take a blindfold. Don't make trouble."
This avoidance of rocking the boat is long-standing. And after centuries of persecution, this response to Jew hate really isn't surprising. It is to be expected. But this survival mechanism is misguided. If anything, it has left us even more vulnerable. In any case, it is no surprise that, in all the work I have done to shine a light on Islamist antisemitism, my nosiest critics have been liberal-minded Jews. Often, I should say, these leaders are plucked from affluent areas, with no direct exper
So far we have explored a crisis which is raging in Western Europe, threatening Jews and the entirety of our civilization. This chapter addressed one critical question: why has this been allowed to happen? In everything that has been said, negligence, be that of government or of societal institutions, has not emerged from a place of malice. Rather, as my father frequently reminds me, "the road to hell is paved with good intentions." In the name of good, this dire situation is spiraling out of co
With that, we must now turn to the final chapter of this work: what, if anything, can be done to turn the tide?
Chapter Four: How do we get out of this?
Section One: To Confront Reality and Reclaim
Section Two: Prevent & Enforce the Law
Section Three: Non-Jewish ally-building
Section Four: Amplification, not Reformation
Section Five: Restructuring Society: A New Vision for Western Europe
Final reflections
Afterword: The Road to October 7th
"We're finished. We're fucked. We're doomed."
With much foreboding, these gloomy words are being uttered by a growing number of Jews in Western Europe. Many have arrived at the unsettling conviction that this crisis is insoluble. Naturally, and unsurprisingly, this has given rise to a feeling of apprehension over what the future holds for generations to come. Such concerns cannot be easily brushed aside. This continent, the soil of which is soaked with centuries worth of Jewish blood, may have leaders who impress in their commitment to comb
There are those who consider this view to be hyperbolic and the delusions of paranoia, but there is a historic virtue in pessimism. In fact, pessimism, regrettably, is often a duty. The illusions of comfort and safety have too often served to blind a great many Jews to reality, with all its stark and comfortless truths. I am not one for moroseness, but our ancestors have lived through times which were seemingly congenial and tolerant, and then, sometimes imperceptibly, things took a terrible, ev
Scores of Jews, in the years preceding 1933, flourished in Germany. Even though there were active antisemitic movements throughout this Goldenes Zeitalter, or 'Golden Age' of Weimar democracy, such as the Young German Order, with its 200,000 members, this wasn't mainstream. In fact, as pointed out by John Efron, a leading historian of Jews, "Under Weimar the last vestiges of exclusion were lifted and the nation's 564,000 Jews enjoyed unprecedented access to coveted positions in the state and soc
Most German Jews, therefore, greeted the prospect of the Nazi menace taking power with outright disbelief. They could not believe, after all they had contributed, and adopted German identity, that such an evil force could take hold anywhere, much less in Germany. This point was conveyed in Lion Feuchtwanger's novel, The Oppermanns. Published in 1933, the year in which the Nazis took power, it explored the rise of National Socialism through the prism of the Oppermann family, an assimilated Berlin
Even then, when Hitler and his Nazi Party came to power, most Jews did not have any idea how things would play out. In fact, in the June 1933, the Liberal Central Union of German Jews, the largest Jewish organization at the time, declared, "The great majority of German Jews remains firmly rooted in the soil of its homeland, despite everything. There may be some who have been shaken in their feeling for the German Fatherland by the weight of recent events. They will overcome the shock, and if the
Despite being a minority, those who could see catastrophe on the horizon, were right. Speaking to this, the great twentieth century Hollywood film director, Billy Wildier, born in the Austro-Hungarian Empire, is attributed to having said in the years after the Shoah, "The pessimists are in Hollywood and the optimists are in Auschwitz." Though not literally true, and perhaps melodramatic, there is a penetrating wisdom couched within this unpropitious aphorism. In Wilder's own life, astutely recog
This is not to say Jewish history can be reduced to a paradigm of pessimists who survive, and optimists who die. Plenty of pessimists were not so fortunate. Nevertheless, in the context of the Shoah and other events in Jewish history, those who could see where things were going, and took action to escape, overall, did not suffer the same fate which befell their counterparts who remained. Though not a particularly glamorous position, perhaps even an ignoble one, pessimism has ensured the survival
Despite the protestations of the optimists amongst us that Jews are living in a time of unparalleled safety and security, as the historical record demonstrates, this is no credible guarantor for long-term safety. In fact, it could be argued, when things are relatively prosperous, this gives us Jews even more of a reason to be suspicious
even more of a reason to question, and be skeptical. Yet even when things are beginning to change, many Jews suffer from a kind of 'Voldemort-Effect,' a term po
This tension between pessimism and optimism, amongst Jews, has existed for a long time. Although the circumstances are different, such debates continue to rage. The eternal question, however, which underpins this contestation is clear: will we and our children have a safe future in the lands which we call home? My response is that things could well be hopeless, but we must act as if they are not. It could well be the case that our pessimists are right, and yet, we are obligated to do all we can
In recent years, owing to the resurgence of populism, mainstream politicians have been compelled to speak more about multiculturalism and what some have argued to be its 'failings.' Back in 2011, former British Prime Minister, David Cameron, in a speech he gave to an audience in Munch, argued, "Under the doctrine of state multiculturalism, we have encouraged different cultures to live separate lives, apart from each other and the mainstream." He added, "We have failed to provide a vision of soci
This worsening situation, however, is not yet immutable. It is indeed late, but not too late, to do what is necessary. This chapter, therefore, is a plea to my fellow centrists: act before we reach this dreaded point of no return. This is not only a crisis of Jew-hate. This is a crisis for us all. It is about the very future of the dignity and dearness of otherness. For societies to remain free, democratic, and prosperous, those entrusted with responsibility must change their tune. It could well
A radical shake-up of this kind could well be implausible and downright delusional. Nevertheless, the gravity of what we are facing demands, at the very least, we attempt to shift the tectonic plates of civilization. As such, I present five antidotes to this deteriorating situation, namely, 1. To Confront Reality and Reclaim, 2. Prevent & Enforce the Law, 3. Non Jewish ally- building, 4. Amplification, not Reformation, and 5. Restructuring Society: A New Vision for Western Europe. Although aspir
However, as I sit in a café, in Central Paris, and write these words, I think to myself, the words in this chapter could well prove to be nugatory. Perhaps the future, as those pessimists predict, is already set in stone. Yet beyond this proverbial warning, if things are to get better- and I believe they can- the status quo must change. Something profound must be done to disrupt the current course. If so, maybe, just maybe, there might be a light at the end of this tunnel. And no, it will not be
On that cheery note, let us turn to the first of these proposed antidotes.
When ignorance is bliss, and when a problem cannot even be named, it is easy to pretend it doesn't exist. Such a pathology is common in delusional thinking, often leading those afflicted to construct alternate realities. Regrettably, this phenomenon is evident amongst Western Europe's liberal-elite. Not only have they harbored unrealistic visions of what our societies should look like, but when confronted with uncomfortable truths, they've also resorted to denying and obfuscating the facts, even
When reality is intentionally unaddressed and/or is purposefully twisted, malevolent forces thrive uncurbed. Our liberal elites, in their timorousness to have a reckoning with the harsh truths of contemporary multiculturalism, have allowed for this crisis to go unchecked. This has not only endangered Jews and other targets of Islamists, but has contributed to the erasure of centrist politics, upon which our liberal- democracies, and all our rights for that matter, depend. The ferocity of this si
Few within mainstream politics have the spunk to do this. It's a red line, and most, understandably, keep well clear of it. There are brave individuals here and there, but at present, there is no mainstream movement within normative politics which is willing to take these issues head on. And life is not easy for those who dissent from the ranks, and boldly challenge the elite bien pensants of our time.
In Paris, I met up with a few journalists, two of whom work for Charlie Hebdo, the left-wing and secular satirical magazine. In a media landscape where few dare to tread, Charlie Hebdo stands alone. This magazine excels in upsetting everyone. Even me at times. If you will, it discriminates indiscriminately. No one is safe. But Charlie, it seems, is not in a great place. Not only do its journalists face threats against their lives, with some even requiring 24-7 police protection. The magazine als
Yet, the tumultuous experiences of Charlie have repercussions which go beyond the walls of its new, ultra-secure, secret office. These wretched experiences not only unearth the dangers of leaving intellectual disruption to a few intrepid journalists but also highlight the impact upon the fabric of mainstream politics. As detailed in the preceding chapter, fear exerts a stifling influence, suppressing the voices of the most vocal spokespersons for liberal politics. The chilling prospect of what g
Put simply, these discussions are not encouraged in polite society. Whilst Charlie's approach may be distasteful, and whilst we shouldn't look to cause unnecessary offense, we require its chutzpah in smashing this pathology of denialism which has gripped our elite. Confronting the fallacies which they have labored under can no longer be sacrificed at the altar of politeness. Those who are on the mainstream need to reclaim these conversations, and speak in a way that is responsible and considerat
Some mainstream politicians are beginning to recognize this. I serendipitously stumbled across the words of Ann-Sofie Hermansson, the former Social Democrat mayor of Gothenburg, who spoke in the July of 2023. In an impassioned article discussing Islamism in her city, she began with a brave admission: "If there is one thing I regret during my active years in the political world, it is that I did not pursue the issue of Islamist extremism more vigorously." In fact, when she became mayor in the Jan
That said, this former mayor, is one individual. It is precisely courageous reckonings of this kind, undertaken by her ideological counterparts in mainstream parties, which will be the impetus for change. This will only occur, however, if those in elected office realize, as Ann- Sofie Hermansson did, that dealing with this crisis is about the very future of Western society, and the values upon which it is grounded.
The alternatives are clear: either this crisis goes unaddressed, and the forecasts predicted by our pessimists will come to pass, or we entrust our futures to the hands of populists. If the issues continue to be ignored by the mainstream, because they are regarded as politically inexpedient, or a breach of their progressive worldview, more people will feel incentivized to revolt against the center-ground. And they would be right to. A reason for normalizing conversations of this kind is because,
Whether or not others follow Ann-Sofie Hermansson's example remains to be seen. If more do, this must be coupled with better recording, data, and research on the extent to which antisemitism and concomitant extremist thinking exists within our Muslim communities. At present, while we have data that attests to the seriousness of this problem, the evidence is not as far-reaching as it ought to be. Although it may give us a flavor of the sources of antisemitism, as well as other extremist ideas in
On several occasions in this book, the limitations on the data available has been noted. In turn, this not only leads to a state of 'antisemitism distortion,' so that the realities on the ground are twisted and denied, but also, in part, has led policy makers and law enforcement, both of which are of course responsible for ensuring the safety of those targeted by this poison, to fail to recognize the urgency of this strain of antisemitism. And this has had concerning repercussions. If we return
For sure, it is certainly possible that if those in positions of power grasped the enormity of this problem, and were to deal with it, more Jews might be inclined to report these incidents. As it stands, however, those in positions of power are keeping their distance from this crisis, all the while the situation is becoming increasingly more intolerable for Jews, and for liberal democracy. Is it a shock that despondency is increasingly in vogue?
For this to change, while it still can, honesty is the first step. Those who are well-intentioned and good must break away from the pathology of delusion, acknowledge this crisis, call a spade a spade, ensure the necessary recording measures are in place, and reclaim these conversations from the realms of taboo. Without this step, which admittedly is more of a leap, the following sections in this chapter are meaningless and unachievable. But time is running out. Before we reach for the dreaded w
On the hope my fellow centrists recognize what is at stake, we can address the second of these five antidotes: Prevention and Law Enforcement.
A confrontation with reality, and candid words, are never easy. And this situation is no exception. Anyone willing to stick their head above the parapet, and challenge the current trend of indifference and negligence, is certainly brave. Especially in this climate of intimidation and fear. But those in power cannot be all words and no trousers. What has been laid out is not a theoretical, intellectual, nor a philosophical dilemma. This is an issue anchored in reality
one which has tangible cons
Before we turn to what this may look like, it must be recognized that as with many other psychoses, antisemitism is an irremediable disease of the masses. The fabric of our culture is, at least to some extent, rooted in the exclusion and vilification of Judaism, Jews, and Jewishness. While the Holocaust led to profound changes in the way Jews are perceived, this psychosis did not die after Auschwitz and Treblinka. And so, while eradicating this poison is fanciful, containing its spread, influenc
If action is to be effective, it must be pragmatic. The utterances of various leaders, both Jewish and non-Jewish, about the need to rid our societies of rampant antisemitism are reassuring, but of course, impractical. More must be done in the realm of educating wider society about Jews, yet if there is to be change on the ground, the efforts of those in power must be focused on what is feasible, and therefore, prioritize the most pressing threats we face. As such, though a problem for all secti
Following more comprehensive research, the state must be prepared to enforce the law and prevent this venom from spreading. The various sources of violent and murderous Jew-hate in our Muslim communities need to be investigated, and if it is found that those sources are inciting criminal behavior, those responsible must face prosecution. It is critical, however, that this itself does not become an anti-democratic measure itself. As such, two points need to be made. The first, social conservatism
While preserving liberty is essential, as it is the most effective tool at our disposal to push back against the allure of totalitarianism, there is always a line. The late Supreme Court Justice, Oliver Wendell Homes Jr, in 1919, articulated an important distinction, "The right to extend my hand stops where your nose begins." The harm principle matters, and it is apposite for our purposes. No institution, Muslim or otherwise, can encourage violence with impunity. However, there is, as we establi
While encouraging, on its own, closing the hate-hubs down will not suffice. Such measures must be blended with policies addressing the other, underlying issues at play. Amongst these, the most significant include blocking funds from and/or to those involved or connected to Islamist sources, as well as regaining a grip on immigration, in terms of both its quantity and quality. Together, these measures allow the government to mitigate the risks of poisonous influences, and the capacity each has fo
On the first, any organization found to be in receipt of funds from, or having any connections to, Islamist movements or states, must be condemned and discredited by Western European leaders. Although not representative of all Muslims, these organizations with dubious connections are, to varying degrees, influential. And so long as these extreme associations remain unsevered, such organizations, which span Western Europe, cannot be treated with respectability, or worse, invited to any discussion
Meanwhile, these same politicians, since the illegal invasion of Ukraine, have been eager and emphatic in condemning Russia, striving to, as it were, purge the region of Russian state influence. So why is there a dulling of their liberal appetites when it comes to tackling Islamist sources? We established reasons for this in the previous chapter. Nonetheless, if they are serious about democracy, then fine, let them prove it. Otherwise, as we have become all too well accustomed, their words are m
Lastly, and to our second factor, while the problem of endemic Islamist thinking is already here, we must be mindful of the future. Even without further migration, as noted in the PEW Survey at the end of Chapter Two, our Muslim communities will grow. And yet, given that the numbers arriving from the Muslim community have not sharply declined and could become even higher in the next few years, along with the lack of credible integration policies in place, this situation, as it stands, is set to
This is not to say, of course, that our borders should be run by overzealous and xenophobic tyrants. A country can have effective borders, as well as credible quotas on rates of immigration, and be tolerant and open, as well as mindful of its legal and moral responsibility to protect those fleeing from persecution. Society does not need to turn its back on a commitment to making space for the stranger in order to rectify the failures of successive governments. And yet, conversely, those who play
Our first task is to regain control of our borders, the numbers who enter, the quality of those arriving, and the way in which they are integrated. While this is no panacea to this crisis, which is already here, by having control, a grip, over these areas, it will certainly serve to prevent this crisis from becoming worse, at an exponential and irrepressible rate. In her most recent, and many would say chilling, book, published in early 2021, Prey: Immigration, Islam, and the Erosion of Women's
The first of which was dedicated to repealing the current asylum framework, which has been exploited by scores of people to claim status as refugees. On the day of writing this, Suella Braverman, the controversial British Home Secretary, in an address to the American Enterprise Institute, a center-right think-tank based in Washington DC, asks whether the United Nations Refugee Convention 1951, which came into effect a few years after the Holocaust, is "fit for our modern age?" Speaking to Rishi
This argument was pre-empted by Hirsi Ali. Stating that "I do not make such a statement lightly," she argued, "the global asylum and refugee system is no longer fit for its stated purpose." Explaining, like Braverman did two years later, the Geneva Convention, specifically the section 'Relating to the Status of Refugees,' was ratified shortly after the Holocaust, and was aimed at offering a relatively small numbers of persecuted individuals a safe-haven. As she points out, "it was intended as a
Therefore, for Hirsi Ali, once an asylum seeker herself, and now it seems for the (then) British Home Secretary, the system needs to be repealed, for one which, while willing to support genuine refugees, privileges not motivations for leaving these countries, but "the main criterion for granting residence should be how far they are likely to abide by the laws and adopt the values of their host society." As she explains, "...These would be individuals with the highest probability of entering the
However, to ensure we are able to regain control of our borders, as she puts forward in her second section, Western European leaders must also 'Address the Push Factors.' That is, she explains, "It is impossible to reform the asylum system or solve failed integration policies without first addressing the causes of mass migration." She, therefore, urges governments to invest more in resources which address the security and economic issues in countries concerned from which people are arriving. Obs
Of course, though, this must be coupled with far more investment in border enforcement, whom, she notes, are severely underfunded. The very idea of 'borders,' however, as explained throughout this book, is anathema to those who subscribe to this 'think beyond-nation-state' ideology. Indeed, quoting Margaret Thatcher in 1985, who refused (thankfully) to sign the UK up to the Schengen Agreement, "It is a matter of plain common sense that we cannot totally abolish the frontier controls if we are al
There is a reason why many do wish to come to Europe: the life here is good. And then some. In her third section, Hirsi Ali says to ensure our borders and migration is controlled, we must also address the 'Pull Factors.' She argues the attractiveness of Western Europe, particularly for its welfare-state, has left many wanting to move to Europe and establish home here. As Hirsi Ali argues, however, "The original welfare start was predicated on a notion of reciprocity, but to its newcomers it look
Austria is not alone in instituting policies of this kind. The Danes have also begun to ensure welfare provisions are given according to efforts to integrate and be a part of the host society. In any event, if more countries in the region were to implement this 'carrot-and-stick' method, not only will those who have no intention of being a part of the society not be permitted to remain, but the caliber of migrant will improve, which is in the interest of both the labor market and society-at-larg
What Hirsi Ali proposes may seem like a radical deviation from the current status quo, but it is called for. Her suggestions, if adopted by leaders throughout Western Europe, will certainly place Western European leaders in a better place to exert control over number of people entering, the kind of people who do enter, and how such people are integrated. This alternative, middle-ground approach of taking people in based on manageable numbers, as well as an expectation of integration and financia
This section has laid out how Western European governments can ensure that this crisis is better managed. It has detailed how to prevent this from reaching the point where any notion of control becomes impossible and inefficacious. I am, after all, a realist. It is not my expectation that we shall be rid of the tidal wave of Islamist thinking anytime soon. It is far too late for that. But it is not too late to contain how this menace is spreading, and the violent and lethal consequences that go
As ever, though, this is not exclusively a threat to Jews. This is a threat to us all. And so, I turn to the third of our five antidotes.
"In every generation," it is written in the Passover Haggadah, "they rise up against us to annihilate us." Emerging around the Middle Ages, the story of the Israelites' flight from bondage to liberation in Ancient Egypt, was well ahead of its time. Its authors recognized, even then, that Jews, so long as they exist, will be treated as the great and eternal other, subject to exclusion, rejection, and persecution. The question, however, which has not yet been raised in this work, nor in many other
In some sense, however, it is strange to even ask questions of this kind. After all, would one ask the same of anti-black or anti-Roma hatred? Surely the answer in those cases, as in the case of antisemitism, is obvious: it is plain, unadulterated racist hate
and that's the end of the matter. But antisemitism is ontologically distinct as it is peculiar. While it can be expressed in racist terms, it is a categorical error to place antisemitism in the same league as racism. Christopher Hitchens,
There is a consensus amongst most that it derives from the emergence of its theological opposition, Christianity, and in particular, the accusation of deicide, or the killing of Christ. The spark for this hatred was in the belief that Jews killed Jesus Christ, a manifestation of God, and will forever be in guilt for this crime (this would later be rescinded in the Second Vatican Council). In some sense, this charge of deicide has a kernel of truth. But not for the reasons given by Christian auth
Although one could make the case that this Christian accusation sprung Jew-hate into momentum, its etiology cannot be understood by merely considering its historical foundations. For if the hatred owes itself to a fictious and unforgivable lie, this poison would have died long ago, and its proponents with it. As such, Jews have not been hated for killing God, but rather for inventing Him. The radical, revolutionary, eternal and universal declaration of there being one God, in whom all are equal,
After all, not only does this original doctrine hold that all are equal before the divine, and that no man himself can be a god, but that in the Other, in the Stranger, we find beauty, the presence of the divine, and in doing so, our own humanity. The late Chief Rabbi, Jonnathan Sacks, opined, "We encounter God in the face of the stranger." He added, "That is, I believe, the Hebrew Bible's single greatest and most counterintuitive contribution to ethics." Concluding, "The human other is a trace
This 'original message,' which Jews throughout the ages are called on to champion, stands in opposition to this totalitarian mindset. It is the negation of this socially Darwinian and despotic view of humanity. It follows, therefore, that Judenhass plays such a central role in most, if not all, totalitarian movements, past and present. As Professor Patterson puts it, "It doesn't end with the Jews because the Jews represent, by their very presence in the world, a testimony to the truth of the inf
Consequently, those in power, responsible for the future of all our rights and dignities, must recognize that the assault upon Jews is an assault upon everything the Jews, by their presence, seem to represent. Our civilization is confronting a threat to Jews, but more, to the right to be other, the hallmark of liberal and free democracy. A threat which disregards the right to be different, the right to be an individual, the right, indeed, to be human. And so, it is not enough to implement polici
And, therefore, whereas the previous section considered how best to prevent the spread of Jew-hate, this section addresses how to prevent the spread of this lethal creed into wider society. The first step is that any effort to manage Judenhass must recognize how others, not only Jews, are at risk in the Islamist, totalitarian orbit. This section encourages the formation of alliances between targeted communities, and impresses upon the importance of ensuring that these communities do not go unnot
On the first, as with any kind of extremist politics, Jews may be the first who are targeted, but rarely, if ever, the last. As laid out in Chapter Two, the 'intersectionality of antisemitism' means that negative attitudes to Jews is often bound to negative, even extreme attitudes towards other communities, and its people. And Islamism is no exception to this trend. In the proliferation of Islamist thinking, disturbing attitudes towards other minorities, including women, LGBT people, and other r
There is, as such, a desperate need for the formation of closer ties between communities who are the subject of Islamist vituperation and dehumanization. In practice, this means spokespersons for these communities, as well as other human-rights activists, ensure governments are doing all they can to resist this danger. This isn't a concern to only one community
a range of people are at risk, and so it is necessary that a diverse group of voices, representing various communities, work together t
Fundamental to ally building is also to engage those who are feeling concerned by what is occurring around them, often in their own cities and towns. Throughout Western Europe, there is a sense that there are places which no longer feel or look like a part of the nation
to many, it feels as if there are colonies within our shared homelands. For the majority who feel this way, such a feeling is not driven by racial prejudice. But a concern that we no longer live in a society, in which we share a
An engagement with wider society is not only to avert a situation like this, but to rebuild trust in liberal-democratic institutions and processes. To make liberal democracy relevant. That can only happen when governments and wider society, take seriously these concerns about immigration, community life, and working-class grievances. It cannot be permitted that images of loutish groups are the pretext used by liberal-minded politicians and commentators to deflect from the very legitimate issues
This section has tackled why working with a wider society for change is vital. However, while building connections outside of our Muslim communities will encourage politicians to engage with these issues, as I shall now outline, it is equally important to build similar partnerships within these communities.
For change that extends beyond putting this crisis on the policy agenda, it is necessary to empower and support those working for renewal within European Islam. Although there are a number of Muslim organizations with concerning ties to Islamism, as Jikeli points out, "as in Germany and France, the majority of British Muslims (51 percent) do not feel represented by any existing Islamic organization." Adding that while "the existence of a number of Islamist organizations and the influence of Isla
From its inception in 1889, this organization has sought to promote the reconciliation between a strong Muslim identity along with a proud British identity. To this very day, this organization, co-run by Sheikh Paul Armstrong, views no contradiction between a committed and devout Islamic lifestyle along with a belief in the virtues of secular-liberal democracy. Speaking to me, Sheikh Armstrong told me that AoBM "isn't just an advocate for Muslims, but for every citizen valuing a unified Britain.
unity through diversity."
If there is to be change, it is essential that Sheikh Paul, and others like him are supported and indeed, amplified. Unfortunately, these voices, dedicated to improving Muslim communities, have been abandoned and left to fend for themselves by successive governments.. They receive very little, if anything, in the way of social, political, or financial support. Instead, Muslim organizations with concerning affiliations have risen to prominence. To gain insight from someone with firsthand experien
Reflecting on her time in local government, Littlewood shared, "Personally, I experienced a local authority that cowered at the task of supporting such liberal voices for fear of losing votes in a local election. This simply cannot be accepted." She emphasizes that "the British central government and all its local authorities need to be staunch and steadfast in their protection of freedom of speech and brave in challenging those who try to stifle it through ingenuine claims of islamophobia or th
This is not an acceptable situation. The governments of Western Europe are vital partners in supporting the work and activities of Muslims working to fend off these poisonous influences, or as my friend Haras Rafiq would put it, working to "reclaim the soul of Islam from extremism." This dire situation, though, is augmented by Western liberals who, as laid out in the previous chapter, have empowered Islamist forces by abandoning those who dare to challenge or offend Islamism's orthodoxy. Perhaps
It is now time to abandon extremists and defend and amplify those striving to reclaim the center ground. Any legislation, proposed or passed, which gives, even a scintilla of credence to Islamist actors, must be scrapped. The law must not only protect the right to dissent, but also the right to be free of retribution. And society must celebrate those Muslim voices working for renewal. Not only because a healthy society embraces diverse voices, and recognizes the virtue in the marketplace of idea
As established in the introduction, Islamism is a credible interpretation of Islamic texts, but it is far from the only interpretation. It is time that Muslims who interpret their texts, their religion, and their identity, in a way which is commensurate with liberal-democratic values, discover the support of liberal politicians, activists, and commentators. This is precisely what Donald Trump called for when he was running for President back in the August of 2016. To an audience in Ohio, speakin
Nor can we let the hateful ideology of radical Islam-its oppression of women, gays, children, and nonbelievers- be allowed to reside or spread within our own countries . . . [W]e must use ideological warfare as well. Just as we won the Cold War, in part, by exposing the evils of communism and the virtues of free markets, so too must we take on the ideology of radical Islam. Our administration will be a friend to all moderate Muslim reformers in the Middle East, and will amplify their voices.
In her short 2017 book, The Challenge of Dawa: Political Islam as Ideology and Movement and How to Counter It, Ayaan Hirsi Ali noted that this speech, "heralded a paradigm shift away from President Obama's doctrine of focusing solely on the violence committed by "extremists" to a more comprehensive approach that seeks to undermine, degrade, and ultimately defeat political Islam (or Islamism) as an ideology and a movement seeking to infiltrate and undermine our free society." In other words, Trum
By encouraging and supporting those who work for renewal from within, we are able to see much more in the way of meaningful change in these communities. As Pascal Bruckner puts it, "It is time to create a great chain of help for all the rebels in the Islamic world, whether moderate, unbelieving, free-thinkers, atheists, or schismatics, just as we used to support the dissidents of Eastern Europe." Adding, "But the problem with the moderates is that they are precisely . . . moderate, and never ris
The state must be an active partner in the process of integration and reconciliation. These are both exceedingly difficult to achieve and are a two-way street. The state must help to provide the conditions necessary to push back against extremism, which includes, tackling poverty in these communities, which too often runs rife, as well as challenging discrimination against Muslims (as well as all other minorities), and ensuring that counter-extremism does not lead to the stigmatization or unnece
It does not need to be the case, however, that Muslims need to be any less Muslim to find a home in the countries in which they reside. As part of our emboldening of the 'shakers' in our Muslim communities, is to help those working to cultivate a new identity, one which embraces the hyphen. That is, just as I identify as a 'Jewish-Brit,' the same duality of identities ought to be encouraged amongst members of our Muslim communities throughout Western Europe. In the case of the Jewish experience,
If we are to unlock the potential benefits of a multicultural society, governments can no longer take a nonchalant approach to our minority communities. The government must fulfil its end of the social contract, and support the development of organizations like the Association of British Muslims. Because it does not need to be the case that people of faith need to be any less devout to be a part of a pluralistic liberal democracy. But it is time liberal democracies engage with faith communities
The past two sections have explored why building relations between communities is vital. This is a crisis that faces not one community, but several, as well as the very future and welfare of liberal democracies. It cannot be left to a few brave individuals here and there to put this on the policy agenda. As many activists subsequent to the Charlie Hebdo affair articulated, we must 'spread the risk,' and in doing so, not only do we mitigate the risks and fears which go with discussing and dealing
On this note of rebuilding, I turn to the last of our antidotes.
This book is written during a time of intense, widespread concern over the future of our planet. Throughout the world, but particularly here in the West, scores of people, both young and old, are coming together, urging their respective governments deal with what they regard as a life-or-death ecological crisis. "Time is running out," they say, with the clever line, "There's no Planet B." While such activists regard government action as the imperative of humanity in the twenty-first century, the
Many share the view of Mr Jaidka. They agree that merely addressing climate change at the level of government and rich corporations is not enough. Change starts with us. As Mahatma Gandhi put it, "If we could change ourselves, the tendencies in the world would also change. As a man changes his own nature, so does the attitude of the world change towards him. This is the divine mystery supreme. A wonderful thing it is and the source of our happiness. We need not wait to see what others do." In th
The political arena, critical though it is, has its limitations. Where policymakers can work to manage and contain this crisis, society and its citizens can address the cultural factors that allowed for it to occur in the first place. Without grappling with the cultural undercurrents of this dangerous tide, which transcends governmental policy-making, the efforts of politicians will pale into vacuous unimportance. The roots of this crisis are not political
they are cultural, indeed philosophica
The answer is desperately unsatisfactory, and for that I apologize, but not unrealistic: there is no defined path to cultural renewal. After all, at the heart of this, rests a question which reaches the very soul of our civilization, and human identity: who are we? And how, if at all, a society can tackle such an enormous question, is not clear. Maybe a question of this kind is without an answer. Some light, however, can be shed on what might ignite, at the very least, a discussion on this quest
As with any social and/or ideological movement, green activism was the progeny of what emerged within intellectual circles. What a relatively few number of climate scientists discovered, and continue to discover, has become the principal basis for large numbers to mobilize and urge governments and societies to go green. The common retort of such activists to their detractors, 'look at the science,' meaning, look at what those in positions of intellectual power are coming out with, is indicative
To no small extent, where Western Europe today finds itself, in this en masse confusion over its own soul, has been shaped by the intelligentsia. Some might even say the foundations of the region's transformation since 1945 owe its origins to those within these circles who conceived of post-war civilizational and cultural reset. It is certainly the case that the core attitudes of our liberal elites, especially towards race, nationhood, borders, immigration, and identity, emerged from intellectua
There is a chilling culture of disdain for, and silencing of, those who defy the positions of liberal elites. The number of those willing to challenge the status quo, given the fears of a backlash, is ever dwindling. The intoxication of conformity is overwhelming. Before our intellectual spaces, particularly our universities, become places in which dissent becomes virtually impossible, and they are purged of all who feel able to dissent, there must be a new intellectual movement, a new school of
Across the West, and particularly here in Western Europe, it has become apparent that the center ground is intellectually, spiritually, and philosophically undernourished. It lacks fresh and innovative ideas for how to address these concerns of culture, identity, and values. It has left such conversations to the populist right. The center ground is desperate for a renaissance of ideas and a shakeup of its orthodoxies. A diverse coalition of thinkers, concerned by the topics raised, must come tog
Such questions this institution will explore includes, how to cultivate a sense of shared, inclusive nationhood? How to best maintain communities? How to ensure cultural factors are not dismissed in migration policies? How to ensure we remain tolerant of opposing ideas, but not to the extent that intolerance is allowed to flourish out of those ideas? Indeed, how to ensure we maintain a cohesive society? These are amongst some of the most important issues Western Europe faces, and to ensure the s
There are those who may dismiss this middle ground option as unsexy or unremarkable. Yet it is anything but. For it is possible to embrace a multicultural Western Europe, without the delusions of multiculturalism. A coalition can press for the rights and protections of diverse groups, and can value difference, without having to celebrate that which divides us. It can call for welcoming borders, but demand defined limits and expectations from those who arrive. It can emphatically defend religious
This is not the first time this alternative has been presented. In fact, the leading Iranian psychologist, Fathali M. Moghaaddam, gave this vision a name: omniculturalism. By this he meant the recognition and celebration of that which we all share, our humanity. He argues that prior to learning about group differences, and even prior to valuing difference, our education system must begin on the recognition that we are all human. By first addressing that which we all of us are (the 'omni'), homo
This section has described how this crisis, emerging from exponential cultural change, demands the efforts of not only politicians, but citizens perturbed about their shared futures in society. This serves not only to prevent a further deterioration of this crisis, but help to heal the wounds it has sown. This is contingent upon a discourse which is not toxic and reactive, rather, in profound socio-cultural interrogation of the factors which have paved the way to this crisis facing our Jews and
In thought, in ideas, in the disruption of orthodox thinking, there is an opportunity to better our societies
and to unleash the potential in what makes us all different and in that which we all share. The efforts of a few individuals, opening a new branch of intellectual and cultural thought, could make all the difference. For, as the record shows, what begins with a few people, can become a mass movement for social change. This is what the center-ground, what our societies, and, indeed, what
This chapter has offered a route out of this crisis. The road ahead is bumpy and arduous, and difficult things will need to be said, and, above all, done. While there is no silver bullet, these 'antidotes' put those in power, and our societies more broadly, in a better place to manage this crisis before it disintegrates into something unmanageable. To that extent, there is reason for some degree of optimism. This is not yet, I believe, a lost cause, and so long as there is a willingness to act,
We began this section on the return of pessimism amongst Jews. With all that has been said, an inauspicious view of the future would not be illogical, unwise, or futile. Difficult though this is to say, even if all these antidotes were implemented, it could just be too late for this small minority. Perhaps, for Jews, there is no future in Western- Europe. It could be the case, though I pray not, that the only antidote to this crisis is for Jews to get out. While we still can.
This is not an easy thing to say. And it is not said lightly. I am a proud British and European Jew
attached to this soil, connected to its culture, bound to its people, responsible for its continuity
in short, a patriot to my core. My future, I hope, remains in this country. But I end this chapter on an honest conviction: like many, I am afraid for the future. Notwithstanding my optimism that this situation can change, too many of our ancestors have fallen prey to the alluring and comforting
Writing this section, ringing in my ears, I have the words of Ze'ev Jabotinsky, a Zionist leader and leading-liberal, in a letter to Polish Jewry in 1938. On the lugubriousness of Tisha B'Av, the darkest day in the Jewish calendar, in which Jews commemorate the Roman destruction of the Second Temple, Jabotinsky wrote a stark and prophetic warning:
.it is already three years that I am calling upon you, Polish Jewry, who are the crown of world Jewry. I continue to warn you incessantly that a catastrophe is coming closer. I became grey and old in these years. My heart bleeds, that you, dear brothers and sisters, do not see the volcano which will soon begin to spit its all-consuming lava. I see that you are not seeing this because you are immersed and sunk in your daily worries. Today, however, I demand from y
Jews in Western Europe are not confronting what many of their ancestors did in Poland in 1938. But doubtless we are in dark times. And although in this `New Europe` of openness, tolerance and respect, this reality seems nigh on impossible, the volcano of Judenhass, in our day, is beginning to rumble. Parts of our region are becoming increasingly Judenfrei. The acute fear which we thought could not happen in this era has resurfaced. As such, we can only ask, how long before this volcano erupts? W
This book was written some years after the signing of the Abraham Accords. It was an astonishing moment when Israel and Arab- Muslim-states, which once did not recognize the Jewish State, finally did so. Moreover, these accords laid out how states, former adversaries, could work together to make the Middle East, and the wider world, a more prosperous region. Today, although far from perfect, these states are building trade-partnerships, collaborating on cultural projects, and slowly (but surely)
Admittedly, I have my doubts. And I would advise all, especially my fellow Jews, to keep a very close on eye on the current trajectory of our societies. We are, after all, at a precipice. But if we are to be buoyed, our hope rests in wider society recognizing what is at stake. It is much more than Jews. It is much more than civilization. It is indeed our very humanity. At present, with this frightening culture of indifference amongst the well-intentioned, I remain very sober about the future. Wi
In Israeli society, there is a before and after October 7th. This gut-wrenching onslaught was not just a flare-up in tensions, or an ordinary, but deadly, terror attack. To those living under siege, these are regular and expected occurrences. Yet, even for Israelis, a people well accustomed to the devastation of war and terror, the incomprehensible fiendishness exhibited on that Black Saturday, as well as the world's reaction to it, is unparalleled. Not since the Holocaust have Jews had to confr
However, this afterword is not written to analyze the events of the 7th, nor the myriad episodes of hate and fanaticism since this atrocity. I would need a lot more space than a short afterword. And so, these few pages offer some reflections on this epoch, and unpack its implications for Jews, society, and civilization. Although readily dismissed by commentators as the inevitable corollary of conflict in the Middle East, the social issues that have become headline news in Western Europe run much
The past few months have been the worst for antisemitic and anti- democratic activity in a long time, and in several places, since records began. Much can be said about what has since occurred, but it is perhaps best to start on an area I know best: my family. Since our experiences are doubtless shared by many Jewish families across the world. As with many, we Markham's are as proud to be British in the same degree as we are proud to be Jewish. Both my grandfathers, as loyal and patriotic Brits,
What is surprising, however, is that for many who lambasted the concerns of their fellow Jews prior to October 7th, by incredulously labelling such fears as paranoid and alarmist, they have come to realize the fragility of their skepticism in the convictions of their co-religionists. The following exchange reflects a prevailing and instructive mood within Jewish circles. Speaking to my British friends who live in Israel, I asked, "why not return home, where, at least, you're safe from rockets?"
Within hours of this tragedy occurring, before even the full details of this monstrosity came to light, and when the bodies of those dismembered and brutalized were still warm, scores of Palestinian activists took to the streets in exultation. As if it were party season, those who have an apparent concern for the sanctity of life, rejoiced at this barbarism with flags, dancing, loud music, and, as is now customary in certain quarters when innocents are slaughtered, handed out sweets to passersby
Across the world, leftist circles joined this Islamist bandwagon, by describing the events of that day as 'legitimate armed resistance,' and demanding that barbarity be viewed 'in context of a 75 year armed struggle,' as if anything could justify what took place. This position would have us believe that the Israelis, not just because of their policies, but by dint of their very existence, are at fault. The Jews brought this upon themselves. Yet there are not only inversionists, but outright, una
Equally trendy are the weekly, even daily, protests "for Palestine." I say that cautiously. It is hard to tell how many on those protests are for justice and peace in Gaza, which itself is a laudable proposition, and how many are Hamas apologists dressed up in rainbow flags. Because, of course, Hamas are widely known for their commitment to DEI, LGBT inclusivity, and the rights of individuals. Indeed, it is no less of a challenge to establish how many such activists have a sincere regard for all
It is wholly unsurprising, but nonetheless shocking, how most of these self-declared voices for peace did not utter a word of condemnation of Hamas on October 7th, or in the days, weeks and months, which followed this tragedy. In what has become a usual practice in the face of dead Jews, our progressives maintained a deafening, but instructive silence. If they were vocal, it was to deny, justify, or distort what had happened. But the moment Israel reacted, as every country on earth would do, and
For the roars of our ceasefireniks reached their explosive apotheosis not when Jews were being slaughtered, but a day later, when Jews launched a campaign of resistance to Islamist terror. On October 7th, most of our progressives greeted this savagery with indifference, and some, to their shame, were even elated that it had occurred. We Jews will forever remember how empty our inboxes were on that day
many of the people we regarded as friends, must have seen we were traumatized, but remained di
They speak to an age-old othering of Jews from not only society, but humanity, and its standards, at large. A rejection of the right of Jews to be held to the same standards as everyone else. In this case, the right and duty of Israel, as accorded to every other nation on earth, to defend herself from terror. If the Jewish State took heed of these apparently humane calls, not only would this lead to further massacres, but it would return Jews, not that this would disappoint antisemites, to a st
Recent events, though, accentuate the way in which some ancient ideas seem impervious to the test and progress of time. Well ahead of his time, five hundred years ago, this point was made by Shakespeare in a work often, but mistakenly, labelled as antisemitic. In his Merchant of Venice, we find perhaps the greatest refutation of the worldview of antisemites. The Jewish protagonist, Shylock, a money-lender, explains his desire for revenge, pointing to the fact that Jews are also bound by the same
He hath disgraced me, and hindered me half a million, laughed at my losses, mocked at my gains, scorned my nation, thwarted my bargains, cooled my friends, heated mine enemies, and what's the reason? I am a Jew. Hath not a Jew eyes? Hath not a Jew hands, organs, dimensions, senses, affections, passions? Fed with the same food, hurt with the same weapons, subject to the same diseases, healed by the same means, warmed and cooled by the same winter and summer, as a Christian is? If you prick us, do
When Zionism achieved a Jewish-state, it put Shylock's words into action. From the May of 1948, Jews have had not only the power to defend themselves and be the masters of their own destiny, but also to be, as it were, normal. For that sin, Israel and its defensive campaigns will never be accepted by our ceasefireniks. Although they may conceal their views behind a facade of humanitarianism and kindness, in the pathology of this progressive creed, never can the 'Jew be like us
' never can the Je
While acceptable to be critical of how Israel has prosecuted its war on terror, though such people never seem to propose any other alternative other than "Israel has an iron dome," the Jewish-State can teach us in the West an important lesson in our own identity and values. While on a trip to the Holy Land, some months after the 7th, I was awestruck by the way Israeli patriotism is ubiquitous to the same degree it is unifying. Perhaps that is inevitable in war, but in Israel, this sense of natio
For sure, we have a society in nominal terms, but we have abandoned that which brings all individuals, from every background, together. Israel has not lost this. For it is a society, though fragile, centered on families, mutual responsibility, a shared identity, a belief in a collective purpose, and above all, a people who have respect for the principles and traditions passed down to them. It is somewhat of an irony that the Jewish State, whose founders learned of statehood from their European c
That's for a separate book. In any case, my grandparents, joined by thousands of other Jewish servicemen, did not serve their country against fascism only for their descendants to fear a new generation of fascists. What is happening today is surreal, but with each passing day, our shared heartbreak even more excruciating. Informing a friend of how miserable we have all been, he said words to the effect of, "I understand your worries, but most people are not antisemitic," and "most Brits are agai
What only serves to compound these feelings has been the response from various Western European states. Be that from government, high-ranking police officers, and many of our elected representatives, senior leaders of important public institutions, have been, to put it lightly, horrendously complacent, bordering on complicit, in what is decidedly the greatest threat to Jews and democracy in generations. In their idleness, they have allowed countless instances of Jew-hate and extremism, camouflag
Nevertheless, whether this happens on campus, or barely concealed support for Hamas with calls for Jihad on the streets of London, we struggle to avoid the feeling that the authorities have been, by their fear of reprisals and backlash, more efficient in protecting antisemites from Jews than Jews from antisemites. Though it may be the case that those in power may repeat positive sentiments, after October 7th, in this new epoch, our states are no longer simply guilty of negligence as I laid out i
In some sense, this is not new. In May of 2021, with which I began this book, we caught a glimpse of some of the most upsetting, frightening, and disturbing facets, of Jewish life in contemporary Western Europe. But while writing this book, I thought it highly unlikely that we would see, in the near future, anything which could match, much less surpass, what we experienced over three years ago. While we are still in the midst of this raging storm, the events of this new epoch have made that May
Even though it is hard, perhaps mightily so, civilization needs its Jews. In fact, civilization itself cannot do without its Jews, as well as its Judaic, foundations. They are bound together. This is why October 7th was such a pivotal moment. When those Hamas operatives struck on Simchat Torah, not only did their rapacious and megalomaniacal sadism unleash itself in an explosion of bloodshed, but they attacked the very people, the eternal witnesses, of that which is foundational in the West: The
This new epoch has brought the various themes I have outlined throughout this book to the forefront of public attention. The significance of these underlying issues has been exemplified in recent weeks and months, and no doubt they will become increasingly more influential in the months and years to come. Indeed, the consequent global insurgency against Jews exposes, in explicit terms, the consequences of the delusions of our liberal-elites, and how their policies and ideas are leading not only
Yet, most do not see it this way. It is maddening, but most do not see how recent events are indicative and symptomatic of a broader assault upon that which they regard as the defining qualities of human rights. Yet it is precisely their silence that enables this kind of violence. It is, to their shame, the necessary precondition for this threat against our way of life. And they are mistaken, even delusional, to think that this will end at Jews. This is about us all. It is short-sighted of gover
This should have been avoided. We could have embraced diversity, and at the same time, rejected a policy and philosophy, multiculturalism, which places no significance or emphasis on what we can all share. But we were foolish. Nations suffering, for several decades, from a crisis of identity, culture and values, have no idea what brings us all together. The results are clear. The past months have been an example of what the future could well look like with no meaningful action. In response to su
Civilization is now on Lady Shalott's boat. If this situation persists, our candles will be extinguished, and I fear, so too, our humanity. But before they do, while there is time, there is an opportunity for the center ground to rebuild trust in liberal democracies, push back on the endemic state of Islamism, rethink diversity, and value the enriching qualities of difference, while being prepared to assert and celebrate that which we all share. It is now up to those in power to awaken from thei
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