Principles of Linguistic Change, Volume 3

List of Figures

Figure 1.1a Organization of North American English vowels in initial position

Figure 1.1b ANAE vowel categories identified with the word classes of Wells (1982)

Figure 1.2 Structure of West Germanic phonological space

Figure 1.3 Insertion of North American English vowel subsystems into West Germanic phonological space

Figure 1.4 The Northern Cities Shift

Figure 1.5 The Southern Shift

Figure 1.6 The Canadian Shift

Figure 1.7 The Pittsburgh Shift

Figure 1.8 The Back Shift Before /r/

Figure 1.9 The Back Upglide Shift

Figure 2.1 Standard form used by the CDC for recording natural misunderstandings

Figure 2.2 Numbers of observations of natural misunderstandings over time

Figure 2.3 Effect of linguistic factors on misunderstanding: Percent inhibiting, neutral to or promoting misunderstanding for five factors

Figure 2.4 Percent distribution of focus of misunderstanding for dialect-motivated errors and others

Figure 3.1 Vowel nuclei of the stimuli in the Peterson-Barney replication for kid, ked, cad, cod, cud, cawed

Figure 3.2 Overall correct responses to Peterson-Barney replication

Figure 3.3 Vowel nuclei of the stimuli in the Peterson-Barney replication for front upgliding vowels in keyed, cade and kide

Figure 4.1 Overall pattern of responses to Gating Experiments

Figure 4.2 Number of response types for all Chicago listeners to Chicago speech

Figure 4.3 Location of vowels of Chicago Gating words in F1/F2 space

Figure 4.4 Gating responses to Chicago raised and broken /æ/ in that

Figure 4.5 Responses to phrase context "scared of that" from high school listeners in Chicago and Philadelphia

Figure 4.6 Gating responses for Chicago fronted /o/ in block

Figure 4.7 Gating responses for Chicago fronted /o/ in socks

Figure 4.8 Percent responses with correct identification of the vowel in the word context by city and school

Figure 4.9 Percent responses with correct identification of the word in the sentence context by city and school

Figure 4.10 Location of vowels of Birmingham Gating words in F1/F2 space

Figure 4.11 Percent correct identification of vowel in the word context of the Gating Experiment by context, city and school for the first three stages of the Southern Shift in Birmingham

Figure 4.12 Percent correct identification in the word context of the Gating Experiment by city and school for the breaking of short front vowels in Birmingham speech

Figure 4.13 Percent correct identification in the word context of the Gating Experiment by city and school for the fronting of /uw/ in Birmingham speech

Figure 4.14 Distribution of /i/ and /iy/ tokens in the vowel system of Belle M., 67 [1995], Birmingham AL, TS 340

Figure 4.15 Percent correct identification of five Philadelphia sound changes in the word context by city and school

Figure 4.16 Percent correct identification of five Philadelphia sound changes in the sentence context by city and school

Figure 4.17 Stressed vowels in Gating Experiment sentences spoken by female Philadelphian

Figure 4.18 a and b Gating Experiment responses to band and bad in the word context

Figure 4.19 Trajectories of bad and band in the Philadelphia CDC stimuli

Figure 5.1 A bend in the chain of causality

Figure 5.2 Generalizable and sequential chain shifts within and across subsystems

Figure 5.3 The Canadian Shift

Figure 5.4 Mean values of vowels in the Canadian Shift for the Canada region and all other dialects combined

Figure 5.5 Nesting of Canadian Shift within the Low Back Merger isogloss

Figure 5.6 The Pittsburgh Shift

Figure 5.7 The Pittsburgh Shift in the system of Kenneth K., 35 [1996], TS 545

Figure 5.8 Mean positions of low vowels for twenty ANAE dialects

Figure 5.9 Historical development of the long open o word class

Figure 5.10 Fronting of /uw/ after coronal consonants

Figure 5.11 Retention of the /iw/ ~ /uw/ contrast in North American English

Figure 5.12 High back upgliding vowels of a conservative speaker from Providence, Rhode Island: Alex S., 42 [1996], TS 474

Figure 5.13 Three fronting patterns of the high back upgliding vowels: Figure 5.13a Differentiation of /uw/ after coronals (Tuw) and noncoronals (Kuw): Brent M., 25 [1997], Edmonton, Alberta, TS 654; Figure 5.13b Consolidation of /iw/ and /uw/ in front position: Fay M., 34 [1995], Lexington, KY, TS 283; Figure 5.13c Maintenance of /iw/ ~ /uw/ distinction: Matthew D., 45 [1996], Charlotte, NC, TS 483

Figure 5.14 Development of /uw/

Figure 5.15 The Northern Cities Shift

Figure 5.16 Natural break map for mean F1 of /æ/ (four ranges) showing range of 445 to 684 Hz (vowels before nasal consonants not included)

Figure 5.17 Cities on the Erie Canal

Figure 5.18 Growth of population in Western New York State, 1800-1950

Figure 5.19 Extension of the Northern Cities Shift to the Great Lakes region of the Inland North by the UD criterion

Figure 6.1 Vowels before /r/

Figure 6.2 Back vowels before /r/ for Judy H., 57 [1994], St Louis, MO, TS 109

Figure 6.3 Back vowels before /r/ for Joyce H., 53 [1994], St Louis, MO, TS 167

Figure 6.4 Back vowels before /r/ for Martin H., 48 [1994], St Louis, MO, TS 111

Figure 6.5 Back vowels before /r/ for Rose M., 38 [1994], St Louis, MO, TS 161

Figure 6.6 /ihr/ and /ehr/ vowels of William McTeer, Beaufort, SC [1965]

Figure 6.7 Reversal of the /ihr/ ~ /ehr/ merger as shown by two minimal pairs in Charleston, SC

Figure 6.8 Beer-bear tokens of Kathy A., 42, Charleston, SC

Figure 6.9 Expansion of merger of pin and pen beyond the South

Figure 6.10 Mean values for minimal pair responses to the /in/ ~ /en/ contrast by region for production and perception

Figure 6.11 Mean values for minimal pair responses to the /o/ ~ /oh/ contrast by region for production and perception

Figure 6.12 Comparison of low back merger in the 1950s (PEAS); 1960s (OH68 survey); and 1990s (ANAE)

Figure 6.13 Boundary of low back merger in Southeastern New England

Figure 6.14 Development of the low back merger across generations in Seekonk

Figure 6.15 Mean differences of second formants of /e/ and /?/ by age for 63 Telsur speakers in the Inland North

Figure 6.16 a Model of a drag chain showing the result of a shift away of a neighboring phoneme, which leaves a hole in the pattern

Figure 6.16 b Model of a push chain showing the result of a shift towards a neighboring phoneme, which results in an increased number of overlapping tokens

Figure 6.17 Two frameworks for a definition of peripherality in Volume 1; Figure 6.17a F2 only; Figure 6.17b F2 and F1

Figure 6.18 Peripheral and nonperipheral areas of the vowel system, redefined on ANAE data

Figure 6.19 Subsystems of North American English, with the Canadian Shift superposed

Figure 7.1 The two-stage model of divergence

Figure 7.2 Backing of short a in Queen Elizabeth's short vowels

Figure 7.3a Nasal short-a system of Deb T., 34 [1995], Manchester, NH, TS 726

Figure 7.3 b Continuous short-a system of Elena D., 70 [1995], Springfield, MA, TS 437

Figure 7.3c Raised nasal short-a system of Phyllis P., 53 [1995], Rutland, VT, TS 434

Figure 7.3d Raised short-a system of Martha F., 28 [1992], Kenosha, WI, TS 3

Figure 7.4 Differences between prenasal and preoral short-a tokens, as shown by mean differences in F2 and F1 for New England and Inland North speakers

Figure 7.5 Raising of /oh/ in relation to /ohr/ and the low back vowels /o/, /ah/, /ahr/ for regional dialects of the Northeastern United States

Figure 8.1 Four criteria for the advancement of the Northern Cities Shift

Figure 8.2 Position of Inland North means for four Northern Cities Shift vowels in relation to twenty other North American dialects

Figure 8.3 The coincidence of measures of the Northern Cities Shift along the North/Midland boundary

Figure 8.4 Divergence in the fronting and backing of /?/ by age for the Inland North and the Midland

Figure 8.5 A proxy network for multi-scale human mobility, illustrating the flux wij of bank notes between 3,109 counties

Figure 8.6 Effective subdivisions and borders in the Northeastern United States

Figure 8.7 The two-step model of dialect divergence

Figure 8.8 Expansion of the low back merger of /o/ and /oh/ in North America

Figure 8.9 Mean positions of low vowels for twenty-one ANAE dialects

Figure 8.10 Areas of resistance to the low back merger in North America

Figure 8.11 Resistance to the low back merger as shown...