Apologia Pro Beata Maria Virgine

Name: Apologia Pro Beata Maria Virgine | John Henry Newman's Defense of the Virgin Mary in Catholic Doctrine and Piety (New Edition)
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John Henry Newman's Defense of the Virgin Mary in Catholic Doctrine and Piety (New Edition)

Robert M. Andrews Andrews(Autor*in)

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APOLOGIA PRO BEATA MARIA VIRGINE
John Henry Newman's Defenseof the Virgin Mary in Catholic Doctrine and Piety
New Edition
Robert M. Andrews
APOLOGIA PRO BEATA MARIA VIRGINE
John Henry Newman's Defenseof the Virgin Mary in Catholic Doctrine and Piety
New Edition
Robert M. Andrews
Academica PressWashington~London
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Andrews, Robert M. (author)
Title: Apologia pro beata maria virgine : john henry newman's defense of the virgin mary in catholic doctrine and piety | Andrews, Robert M.
Description: Washington : Academica Press, 2025. | new edition | Includes references.
Identifiers: LCCN 2024949329 | ISBN 9781680534375 (hardcover) | 9781680534382 (e-book)
Scripture quotations from the New Revised Standard Version Bible are copyright © 1989 National Council of the Churches of Christ in the United States of America. Used by permission. All rights reserved worldwide.
To Amy
&
In memory of the Reverend Professor Austin Cooper OMI AM(1931-2023)
It is impossible ... to draw the line cleanly between truth and error, right and wrong. This is ever the case in concrete matters, which have life. Life in this world is motion, and involves a continual process of change. Living things grow into their perfection, into their decline, into their death. No rule of art will suffice to stop the operation of this natural law, whether in the material world or in the human mind. We can indeed encounter disorders, when they occur, by external antagonism
~ John Henry Newman, Letter to Pusey (1866)
Contents
Preface xiii
Foreword xvii
Introduction 1
1.Cautious Veneration: The Anglican Roots of Newman's Marian Apologia 9
2."Our Pattern of Faith": The Virgin Mary in the Development of Doctrine 33
3.Development and Maturity: The Letter to Pusey (1866) and Other Writings 59
Conclusion 103
Bibliography 109
Index 115
Preface
This new edition of Apologia Pro Beata Maria Virgine: John Henry Newman's Defense of the Virgin Mary in Catholic Doctrine and Piety makes modest revisions to the text and the footnotes, in addition to correcting a handful of errors and typos. It also contains an expanded bibliography and index.
In its original form, this book began as an Honours thesis at the University of Notre Dame Australia (Fremantle campus) in 2007. It was then my first serious attempt at academic research and, in the urgency to publish after my doctorate was awarded in 2012, was somewhat rushed into publication in its first edition. Though I was happy with my initial effort, this edition nonetheless benefits from a handful of corrections and revisions.
Many people helped me get through the initial research that underpins this book. Monsignor Kevin Long PhD supervised the original thesis and guided me in my early interest in John Henry Newman and the Oxford Movement. Monsignor Long's encouragement and love of Church history provided the foundation for what has become my vocation. It was significant (and providential) that Monsignor Long received me into the Catholic Church in 2008.
Another important academic at Notre Dame was Professor Deborah Gare, who not only gave me my first opportunities as an academic, but oversaw my Honours class with care and professionalism. I am grateful to all the academic staff at Notre Dame who contributed to my academic and spiritual growth.
As a thesis the original version of this work was examined by the late Reverend Professor Russell Hardiman and the late Reverend Professor Austin Cooper. I am thankful for their initial feedback and, especially, for Austin Cooper's foreword to this book. Austin sadly died on 2 July 2023 as I was revising this text. For many years Austin taught and wrote on Newman's life and spirituality. He died only days after teaching an intensive course on Newman at the age of 92.
I continue to be aided by many friends-both in and out of the academy. Emeritus Professor of Church History at Murdoch University, Rowan Strong, my PhD supervisor, continues to guide me in the academic life, as do my other colleagues at the Catholic Institute of Sydney where I have worked since 2016.
I am thankful to Dr Robert Redfern-West at Academica Press for originally taking an interest in this research and for publishing the first edition. I thank Dr Redfern-West's successor at Academica Press, Dr Paul du Quenoy, for publishing this edition.
Though heavily revised and edited here, portions of chapters one, two, and three of this book first appeared in a variety of journals. I am grateful to the Reverend Barry Brundell MSC, former editor of the now defunct journal, Compass: A Review of Topical Theology, the Downside Abbey Trustees, who oversee The Downside Review, and to the editorial board of the Australasian Catholic Record, for permission to publish that material here. Finally, a note of thanks to Michael Cornell and his wife, Ele
John Henry Newman was canonised by Pope Francis on 13 October 2019. Interest in the life and context of this important nineteenth-century thinker remains ever present within contemporary Roman Catholicism, not to mention the wider Christian world. In no way is this small scholarly offering to be considered anything other than a modest recognition of Newman's influence and greatness. It is not an exhaustive study, but rather focuses on a theme in Newman's Mariology that I feel is important: namel
My wife, Amy, refers to Newman as "my hero." I thank her for allowing me to continue my scholarly pilgrimage and for providing my life with much-needed balance and, importantly, unfailing love and support. I dedicate this book to her.
Robert M. Andrews PhD FRHistS
Catholic Institute of Sydney
July 2024
Foreword
John Henry Newman continues to fascinate his numerous devotees. Scholars are still mining the great resources in his life and work both as an Anglican divine of great influence and later as a Catholic apologist for the second half of his long life. In this study of Newman's "Mariology," Robert Andrews focuses on the slow development of Newman's appreciation of the role of Mary in the plan of salvation. The beginnings go back to his early years: a sermon on the Annunciation first published in 183
But this analysis has a value beyond the limits of Newman studies. So much of the growth of Newman's position was gradually articulated in the heady days of the Oxford Movement (1833-1845). The Tractarian programme of which Newman was one of the prime movers, sought to articulate the Catholic credentials of the Church of England. The quest was inseparable from moral aspects: ethos (an atmosphere or attitude of serious personal quest in religion)
a slow "realizing" of the faith
an attitude of "
the tolerance and comprehensiveness of the Church (which) . . . can afford to receive within her pale varieties of opinion, imposing on its members, not agreement in minor matters, but a charitable forbearance and mutual sympathy. Hence she has been a...
Newman frequently returned to this distinction between doctrine: the basic truths which can develop while remaining the same, and theological opinions. With these latter Newman associated "devotions." In the controversy with Pusey, this focussed on some traditional continental expressions and devotions, as well as those (often closer to home) occasioned more recently under the influence of the Romantic Movement. Newman's plea for a broad tolerance in matters pertaining to theological opinions an
Reverend Professor Austin Cooper OMI AM┼
Catholic Theological College
Melbourne
August 2016
Introduction
This book represents a discussion of a theme within John Henry Newman's (1801-1890) Mariology: namely, his apologetic defence of the place of the Virgin Mary in Catholic doctrine and piety. Newman is not instinctively known as a Marian theologian, but as a number of scholars have shown, he should be. Newman, in fact, possessed a highly developed Mariology. Focused primarily upon the witnesses of Holy Scripture and the early Church Fathers, Newman's thought on the place of the Virgin Mary in Cath
Yet if Newman's theology was not always fully accepted in the nineteenth century, the contemporary Church since then has largely vindicated Newman's place within much of Catholic theology. In fact, such has been Newman's influence upon the development of Catholic theology in general, not only during the nineteenth century, but since then, that Newman has often been credited with being one of the main theological influences upon the Second Vatican Council (1962-1965)-a large part of which is repr
This book argues that the apologetic elements within Newman's Marian writings deserve to be highlighted and studied for their significance within his overall thought and thus, by default, general theological impact. Apologetic literature is a genre of Christian writing that serves to defend Christian truth from hostile attack. As a literary genre, apologetics has an ancient pedigree, manifesting itself during the mid-second century. To give an "apologia" is to give a reasoned defence of the fait
Newman's apologia for the Virgin Mary, however, consisted of more than simply defending Catholic doctrine to non-Catholics. Indeed, related to his discussions regarding the Virgin Mary with non-Catholics, was a strongly felt desire to demonstrate that Catholic doctrine and devotion to Mary were not only parts of apostolic tradition, such features had frequently been misunderstood and misleadingly promoted by some of his more zealous brethren who, according to Newman, took apostolic tradition too
was well aware of the difficulties faced by non-Catholics, their ingrained suspicion of quasi-idolatrous practices in the Marian devotions and beliefs of the Roman Church. Consequently, he was able to enter into their mentality, give a clear explanati...
Historiographical Context
Contents and Structure
Indeed, during his day Newman frequently felt the need to publicly delineate what he considered to be authentic elements of Catholic tradition from those that were corruptions, even if this led to controversy. Henry Edward Manning's famous condemnation of Newman: that his theology would "deceive many," and that his theological approach was "the old Anglican, patristic, literary, Oxford tone transplanted into the Church," has since been shown to have been profoundly incorrect, even if in Newman's
An important part of official Catholic theology and doctrine, the Virgin Mary, and devotion to her, became a polemical focus in nineteenth-century English theological debate. This was understandable: the period from the mid-nineteenth century to the mid-twentieth century has been referred to as the "Marian century." Beginning with the emergence of the dogma of the Immaculate Conception in 1854 and ending with the proclamation of the dogma of the Assumption in 1950, much creativity in Marian theo
Newman's Mariology has been variously studied since the twentieth century, especially the latter half. In recent years, Nicholas L. Gregoris' six-hundred-and-fifty-page tome, "The Daughter of Eve Unfallen": Mary in the Theology and Spirituality of John Henry Newman (2003) stands out in its detail and breadth. This comprehensive study is a worthy successor to works such as Francis J. Friedel's The Mariology of Cardinal Newman (1928) and Lutgart Govaert's Kardinal Newmans Mariologie und sein persö
This book represents a textual and historical examination of the Marian aspects of Newman's writings that possessed an apologetic element. In doing this, it also pays attention to the contexts that gave rise to, and accompanied, those writings. Though this work focusses narrowly on the apologetic strand within Newman's writings, this is because of the contention-presented in this book-that it is a dominant aspect of Newman's Mariology.
This book begins with a chapter devoted to Newman's Anglican Mariology. Following a short sketch of Newman's life up to his ministry as vicar of the university Church of St Mary the Virgin, Oxford, from 1828 to 1843, chapter one sets the context for Newman's later Marian developments by making a close and detailed study of one particular Marian-themed sermon preached in 1832 (and later revised). This focus on Newman's Anglican Mariology is important because, whereas discontinuity undoubtedly mar
Chapter two focuses on the place of the Virgin Mary in Newman's Essay on the Development of Christian Doctrine (1845). The Essay on Development expanded on some of the seeds of thought Newman had first elucidated as an Anglican regarding doctrinal development. The work placed Mariology within the patristic foundation that Newman saw as being essential to later medieval and Reformation developments. In this chapter, the Essay on Development-including Newman's previous articulations of the theory
One such controversy was the nineteenth-century development on Catholic teaching regarding Mary's sinlessness: the assertion of her Immaculate Conception. The first part of chapter three accordingly examines Newman's defence and explanation of the Immaculate Conception, defined as a dogma in 1854. The main text examined here, the "Memorandum on the Immaculate Conception" (later published posthumously in Meditations and Devotions), was originally a piece of private correspondence to Robert Wilber
1. Cautious Veneration: The Anglican Roots of Newman's Marian Apologia
Birth and Early Life
Priesthood
St Mary's Pulpit
The Reverence Due to the Virgin Mary
John Henry Newman was born into a nation that, for the most part, regarded Marian piety and theological reflection to be "papist" idolatry. There were, of course, many reminders of a medieval past in Anglicanism that either reminded the faithful that a high Mariology had once been an integral part of Ecclesia Anglicana-a past that even made it possible for some High Church Anglicans to hold a reverent view of the Virgin Mary and of her place in the schema of salvation that was, though moderate,
For the most part, Mary remained an important part of the faith and piety of English Catholicism within post-Reformation England. Yet until Catholic Emancipation in 1829, Marian belief and piety in England was relatively restrained in its theological and devotional expressions. This was understandable in a largely Protestant realm which had made public manifestations of Catholic devotions difficult for centuries but was also influenced by a general emotive restraint regarding Marian belief and p
Whatever the precise causes, it would not be until the middle of the nineteenth century that Mariology in England would become more open in its intellectual and devotional expressions. Partly this was because of changing intellectual trends-such as the Romantic Movement (which tended to reject Enlightenment rationality by embracing the world of feelings and imagination), though in practical terms was influenced more by Catholic Emancipation (1829), Irish immigration, and the adoption of Ultramon
For a young John Henry Newman, born at the turn of the nineteenth century on 21 February 1801, Catholicism was a foreign creed. There were some brief encounters, however. In the Apologia Pro Vita Sua, Newman recounted his earliest interactions with the Church he would eventually come to join and defend. These included a French émigré priest who taught Newman French, and a trip with his father to the Warwick Street Chapel-of which Newman could only remember "a pulpit and a preacher, and a boy swi
Newman did not come from a highly distinguished family, but his early upbringing nonetheless had some measure of prosperity owing to his father's success in the banking industry. Like John Sedley in William Makepeace Thackeray's Vanity Fair, John Newman, like so many individuals from the middling classes, had become successful during the British commercial and financial boom of the eighteenth century. Having done well as a banker, John Newman's success in business meant that John Henry spent his
Born into an Anglican family, Newman was raised "an ordinary member of the Church of England," taught-especially by his grandmother and aunt-"to take great delight in reading the Bible." Newman also claimed to possess "a perfect knowledge of the Catechism," although none of this seems to have made a profound impact on his spiritual life. On 1 May 1808, Newman's schooling began at a private boarding school at Ealing run by a clergyman, Dr George Nicholas. Newman was a talented, if precocious, stu
Newman was fifteen when his father underwent his financial crisis. Instead of returning home (it was the holiday period and Newman was suffering from an illness), Newman remained where he was so as not to be distracted from his studies. His care was placed in the hands of the Reverend Walter Mayers, an evangelical clergyman and Calvinist. Terrified from his illness and his father's financial catastrophe, Newman soon came under Mayers' influence and, as he put it so famously many years later, "fe
In 1817 Newman began his first term at Trinity College, Oxford. Shy and somewhat self-righteous owing to his disdain for excessive drinking, Newman soon became noticed for his academic talent and, in May 1818, received a Trinity Scholarship. His friends, mentors, and his college justifiably placed much hope in him. In December 1820, however, Newman unexpectedly experienced a nervous breakdown and-remarkably given his intellectual acumen-graduated with only a pass degree. His academic reputation,
In 1824 Newman's father died, making John Henry the sole breadwinner and head of the family. That same year Newman was ordained to the deaconate and began his pastoral work as a curate at St Clement's. He would be ordained to the priesthood a year later in 1825. Ordination had not, in fact, always been Newman's first choice of vocation. The law had been his father's choice and one that Newman had also considered for a time. His poor degree, however, had made this difficult and Newman interpreted
Devoted to the cure of souls, Newman began to believe that his Calvinism, once held with such conviction, was not able to cope with the realities of pastoral life. God's elect, it seemed, were not easily distinguishable from the reprobate. Alongside this pastoral context, however, was a different intellectual strain on Newman's evangelical convictions. This came primarily from the more moderate theological atmosphere of the Oriel Common Room. There, through the influence of figures such as Edwar
In 1828 Newman succeeded Hawkins as vicar of the university Church of St Mary the Virgin, Oxford, at the young age of twenty-seven. By then, Newman's religious development had become increasingly High Church. Such a development was occurring primarily through his reading of the Fathers and the influence of figures such as Keble and Froude. By 1830, Newman had become a "red hot Tory," opposing liberal and evangelical ideas with a fervour and activism previously unknown to the young man. He had co
In a recent survey of Newman's writings on the Virgin Mary, Philip Boyce has expressed the surprise one feels when examining what Newman had to say about the Mother of God whilst he ministered and preached as an Anglican priest. This is because, very early in Newman's ministry from the pulpit of St Mary's, he outlined a theology of the Virgin Mary and of her place within theology that bares a remarkable similarity to that which he would develop as a Catholic. The surprise is enhanced when one co
Possessing an aversion to "popery" was not, of course, unusual given the theological and social context Newman inhabited. England was a nation with an entrenched tradition of anti-Catholicism, which at various times flared-up during the nineteenth century, even if, since 1828-29, the Anglican state had become religiously pluralistic. Nonetheless, in the popular Protestant imagination-including the High Church-to be Catholic was to be disloyal. Though Newman would eventually do much as a Catholic
In fact, by the early 1830s much that remained of anti-Catholic thought in Newman manifested itself in an aversion to Catholic teaching regarding devotion to the Virgin Mary. For example, in one notable section of the Apologia, Newman observed that he "could not go to Rome, while she suffered honours to be paid to the Virgin Mary and the Saints which I thought incompatible with the Supreme, Incommunicable Glory of the One Infinite and Eternal." In another, Newman described his aversion to the "d
Given this context, it is, as Boyce observes, unexpected to see that settled within Newman's deeply-held anti-Catholic and anti-Marian sentiments, there nonetheless existed a very high and sophisticated theology of the Virgin Mary-a theology he not only largely took with him when he converted to Catholicism, but which, as a Catholic, he further developed in later writings-writings that were frequently aimed at non-Catholic objections to Mariology.
The main sources for discerning what the Anglican Newman thought about the Virgin Mary are his published sermons. These appeared as Parochial Sermons (1834-43), and later as Parochial and Plain Sermons (1868), and the Oxford University Sermons (1843). Of particular interest is a published sermon from 1835 which was preached and developed from 1831 to 1832 for the Feast of the Annunciation (25 March). The sermon is entitled, "The Annunciation of the Blessed Virgin Mary: The Reverence Due to Her."
In the sermon Newman took for his text the Virgin Mary's words in the Magnificat that "all generations shall call me blessed" (Luke 1:48) and then, after extolling the Christological significance of her through whom "the destinies of the world were to be reversed, and the serpent's head bruised," went on to list what he considered to be the three main attributes through which Mary can be considered "blessed." The first is that "the curse pronounced on Eve" in the Garden of Eden is through Mary "
The second reason the Virgin Mary is to be accounted "blessed" is because, through her faith and obedience, she reversed the punishment placed on the female sex after the fall (that, in Newman's words, the "husband shall rule over thee"). Again, linking Mary's sanctity to Eve's fall, "the Blessed Virgin, in bearing our Lord, [has] taken off or lightened the peculiar disgrace which the woman inherited for seducing Adam, sanctifying the one part of it, repealing the other."
It is the third theme, however, that is the most striking part of the sermon. There, Newman makes the point that the Virgin Mary "is doubtless to be accounted blessed and favoured," not because of anything she has done for humanity, but simply on account of her holiness and obedience:
Who can estimate the holiness and perfection of her, who was chosen to be the Mother of Christ? If to him that hath, more is given, and holiness and Divine favour go together, (and this we are expressly told,) what must have been the angelic purity of...
In the 1836 edition of the sermon, Newman changed "the angelic purity of her," to "the transcendent purity of her" and, later on, "the sanctity and grace of that human nature," to "the sanctified state of that human nature"-changes that perhaps may be regarded as synonymous, but which may also be interpreted as strengthening, if only slightly, the nature and extent of Mary's sanctity.
Ever since Newman penned these words, commentators (both sympathetic and hostile) have sought to compare and contrast Newman's position here with the doctrine of the Immaculate Conception (not, it must be noted, a Roman dogma until 1854). In 1846, for example, the Anglican cleric, J. C. Crosthwaite, made the accusation that Newman was indeed advocating the doctrine of the Immaculate Conception and, moreover, that it would have been impossible for him to have been unaware that he was espousing Ro
However, the text itself only reveals Newman's position at the time: that he held to a high view of Mary's sanctity (her "angelic purity" and "the sanctity and grace of [her] human nature"), the rest being unclear and, at best, speculative. Perhaps Newman held that the Virgin Mary had lived a life of perfect obedience, that is, without sin. Yet if this was Newman's position, it is likely it only became as such as his views became more advanced into the late-1830s and early-1840s. This becomes ap
It is within Newman's second answer, however, that it becomes clear that despite being advanced, Newman's Anglican apologia for the Virgin Mary's holiness was certainly not a Roman one-though it did lean in that direction and would continue to do so with greater force into the 1840s. A reflection of his Protestant convictions in the mid-1830s, Newman stated that "the more we consider who the Virgin was, the more dangerous will such knowledge of her appear to be." The holy men and women revealed
Other saints are but influenced or inspired by Christ, and made partakers of Him spiritually. But, as to the Virgin, Christ derived His soul and body from her, and so had an especial unity of nature with her
and this wondrous relationship between God...
The Oxford Movement
Newman's description of the Virgin Mary-"though she was a sinner"-would, by 1840, be amended to read: "though by nature a sinner." The difference is subtle, though seemingly clear in its implication that by 1840 Newman had come to believe that Mary, "though by nature a sinner," nonetheless had not committed actual sin in her life.
While it is not an unreasonable inference to read this change as being evidence of Newman's development towards a more patristic and Catholic view of Mary's sanctity, one needs to be cautious regarding Newman's theological development here-especially from what seem only minor changes. For example, elsewhere in volume two of the Parochial Sermons (1835), Newman, when preaching on the incarnation during Christmas Day 1834, writes that Mary "was a sinner as others, and born of sinners," though he i
Despite his Protestant cautions Newman could admonish his congregation towards the end of the sermon that the Virgin Mary's quiet, unassuming, and obedient faith provided a model of piety for his parishioners to emulate. Mary's sanctity was, for Newman, rooted in the hidden obedience she displayed to the divine will, thus making her more deserving of esteem by Christians of all ranks. Mary displayed her holiness through a piety that had its home in "the silent duties of every day," which "(it ma
The various themes that arise from an examination of Newman's Anglican Marian apologia represent an admonishment towards a "cautious veneration" of the Virgin Mary. Though such an Anglican Marian apologia contains theological ideas that Newman would carry over into his Roman Catholic ministry, there is a tension between Newman's high Marian thought and his desire to maintain a faithfulness to the Protestant foundations of his Church. This tension eventually became delicate and, in time, unworkab
Following Newman's appointment to St Mary's in 1828, the next two decades would see him become one of the most famous and influential Anglican churchmen of the early-nineteenth century-a fame and influence he would controversially take with him over to the Catholic Church in 1845. Though Newman's preaching at Oxford was important in growing his notoriety, of equal-if not greater-significance was the Oxford Movement (1833-1845).
The Oxford Movement initially represented a politically related theological protest by a number of leading Tory High Churchmen at Oxford and elsewhere against what they saw as liberal interference in the affairs of the established Church. In addition to Newman, the individuals who led the movement included Keble, Froude, later Pusey, but also the lesser-known conservative High Churchmen, Hugh James Rose (1795-1838) from Cambridge and William Palmer of Worcester College (1803-1885). Rose and Palm
The fear that the Church of England was threatened by the new political climate of the early 1830s was not entirely based on imagined foes, even if the more dire scenarios feared by Newman and others did not in the end materialise. Having taken government in 1830, the reformist Whig administration led by the premiership of Lord Grey was nonetheless intent on widespread ecclesiastical reform. With High Churchmen having already witnessed the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts (1828) and Catho
One such "cloak" was the Irish Church Temporalities Bill of 1833, which suppressed and merged various dioceses in that country. John Keble thus preached his now famous sermon on "National Apostasy" on 14 July 1833. Though it is now commonplace for historians to note that Keble's sermon was not the defining date it has been made out to be (the event being one of numerous High Church expressions of protest at current events), its importance for Newman especially led to the publication of the Tract
The early years of the Oxford Movement were, for Newman, frantic-a period that witnessed on his part an immense output of theological, historical and polemical writing. By the mid to late 1830s, the Oxford Movement had developed significantly from its initial High Church agitation against the state. Parliament had, in the end, proved to have "few doctrinaires" intent on the sort of radical, far-reaching reforms of Church and state that the Tractarians initially feared. Issues pertaining to Angli
The Virgin Mary-Newman's increasing recognition of her place in theology and history-played a major role in his decline as an Anglican and, in turn, his eventual adoption of Roman Catholicism. Given Mariology's central place in Catholic doctrine and piety, much of Newman's theological writing on Mary was to have an important apologetic element. If this was initially directed inwardly by Newman (that is, was written as much to his own struggling conscience, specifically his need to overcome his o
There was, however, one particular element of Catholic Mariology that took Newman much longer to overcome. This was his objection to the practice of the invocation of the Virgin Mary in prayer. Though in his developing Tractarian theology Newman had come to emphasise the role Mary and the saints play in interceding on behalf of Christians and the Church, invoking them directly in prayer remained a practice Newman found impossible to adopt during his Tractarian years. Indeed, it would not be unti
Particularly distasteful to Newman were the various popular Marian devotions present in Catholicism, especially those he had witnessed while abroad on the continent, notably during his travels in and around the Mediterranean. For example, upon witnessing the public piety of Catholic Malta in early 1833, he contrasted the "quiet and calmness" of his own Anglican Oxford with "the sight of that excited religion which is around me-statues of Madonnas and Saints in the Streets, etc. etc." Upon visiti
Until he lost his faith in Anglicanism, Newman's discourse on the Virgin Mary was closely bound up with his promotion of the via media, a theory which taught that the Church of England represented a middle way between what he saw as the erroneous extremes of Rome and Geneva. As Newman himself later came to recognise, however, such a theory was being promoted in vain-at least for him. Not only did his own Church not accept the theory of the via media as Newman elucidated it, Newman himself event
What had happened? One answer has been given by Peter B. Nockles. "The key to Newman's ultimate loss of faith," Nockles writes, "lay in his attempt to erect a coherent dogmatic edifice on a structure never designed to support it." This was true, at least for Newman. If, for Newman, the Church of England was not going to act like an apostolic Church, the conclusion may well be that it is not one at all. Perhaps Rome was correct? By late 1843 Newman was toying with such ideas, though he was not ye
2. "Our Pattern of Faith": The Virgin Mary in the Development of Doctrine
The Theory
Marian themes of an apologetic nature feature prominently in John Henry Newman's influential theological exploration of Christian history: An Essay on the Development of Christian Doctrine (1845/1878). Written at Littlemore from March 1844 to September 1845 and revised many years after his conversion, the Essay on Development was a work that helped convince Newman that he could, in good conscience, become a Catholic.
Since the early 1840s uncertainty and indecision had plagued Newman regarding where he stood in relation to the Church of England and the Church of Rome-neither body seeming to satisfy his ecclesiological quest for the Church he could identify with the organization that, in the first centuries of Christian antiquity, had claimed the label "Catholic" as being the condicio sine qua non of apostolic identity. The failure of the via media had convinced Newman that the Church of England was seriously
How Newman achieved this lay in his intellectual advancement of a theory that had been present in his thought since the late 1830s: that being the role of development-as a reality and hermeneutical tool-within the historic formulation of Christian doctrine, most particularly the question of whether certain developments in the history of theology could be explained as being true, despite the fact that their manifestations in Church history had, in some cases, been almost unknown to the early cent
Marian themes were indeed central to the argument and content of the Essay on Development. One recent commentator has asserted that the entire treatise "stands or falls" on Newman's ability to justify the place of the Virgin Mary in Catholic doctrine and piety. This is a fair assessment, though it must be born in mind that Newman's treatment of Marian themes in the Essay on Development is only one amongst many. Nonetheless, Catholic Mariology must have, as Newman's thesis demanded, fitted the cr
"I have for 12 years been working out a theory, and whether it is true or not, it has this recommendation, that it is consistent." So wrote Newman to his sister Jemima on 23 January 1843, in what is likely to have been a reference to a sermon that Newman preached on the Feast of the Purification of the Virgin on 2 February 1843. The sermon was entitled: "The Theory of Developments in Religious Doctrine." It would be published sixteen days later within the volume, Sermons, Chiefly on the Theory o
"The Theory of Developments in Religious Doctrine" was an exposition of the theory that the creeds and doctrines of Christian revelation represent the historic outworking of ideas that had once been present in the hearts and minds of the apostles-"the expansion of a few words, uttered, as if casually, by the fishermen of Galilee." How was it that after almost two-thousand years of the trials of history, with benevolent and malevolent interests both attempting to use the Christian creed for their
The sermon itself is long (numbering forty-four pages in its published version) and, from the account of one present, went for an hour and a half when it was preached. The university sermons were not Newman's usual Sunday discourses. They were, instead, part of the University of Oxford's academic and spiritual life wherein "Masters of Arts" in holy orders were on occasion called to preach. They could be long, they could be dry, but in Newman's case they often held a "captivated audience." This w
The Feast of the Purification (otherwise known as Candlemas or the Feast of the Presentation), commemorated Mary and Joseph's presentation of Christ in the Temple in fulfillment of their Jewish obligation. Newman took as his text not the assigned Gospel reading from the Book of Common Prayer (Luke 2:22-40), but instead related this event in Christ's life back to the internal life of Mary, when, just after the birth of Christ and the visit of the shepherds, she inwardly reflected on the meaning
St. Mary is our pattern of Faith, both in the reception and in the study of Divine Truth. She does not think it enough to accept, she dwells upon it
not enough to possess, she uses it
not enough to assent, she develops it
not enough to submit the R...
The Theory Expanded
The process of investigating, weighing, and defining was the process of the development of doctrine. When Mary "pondered" and "developed" her impressions of what had occurred in giving birth to Christ, so reasoned Newman, she was exhibiting the same process the Church goes through in formulating its doctrines. Consequently, though "the Virgin Mary herself may not have been able to pass a test on the Christological decrees of the fifth-century Council of Chalcedon," this does not mean that the de
Published about two years after Newman preached his sermon for the Feast of the Purification, An Essay on the Development of Christian Doctrine took as its core the theory that Newman had put forward in his 1843 sermon: namely, that the development and growth of ideas is a real and legitimate process. The growth and development of Christianity over time can thus be said to be the development of an idea-that is, the historical process whereby an idea is "brought into consistency and form." Ideas
Such a position was essential for Newman in furnishing an argument on behalf of Catholicism (and, by default, Marian doctrines and devotions), for the reason that the fact of change, manifesting itself throughout history, had always been felt by Protestant critics to be one of Catholicism's great defects. Newman stated the problem succinctly in the preface to the 1878 edition:
The following pages were not in the first instance written to prove the divinity of the Catholic Religion, though ultimately they furnish a positive argument in its behalf, but to explain certain difficulties in its history, felt before now by the aut...
Mariology as a True Development
The "Office of St. Mary"
The Essay on Development thus became "an hypothesis to account for a difficulty." Just as in 1843 Newman had sought to ground the rationality of the Christian revelation in its outward historic developments, in 1845 his application, though fundamentally the same, had been broadened-not to mention, made more personal in its intended goal.
To distinguish between authentic and corrupt developments, Newman proposed seven "tests" ("notes" in the 1878 revision, not to mention Newman's changes in terminology and order) that stood as criteria for distinguishing between true and false developments. They are:
1. "Preservation of Idea" ("Type" in 1878). This evokes the analogy of physical growth. To use an image used by later commentators: an acorn grows into an oak tree. The entire oak tree is contained within the acorn, yet an oak tree is vastly different in appearance to an acorn. This is preservation of idea, a development that maintains its original identity, despite the fact, as Newman put with more perspicuity in 1878, the "idea does not always bear about it the same external image."
2. "Continuity of Principles." Principles, for Newman, are permanent. Doctrines, on the other hand, grow and develop. For example, a doctrine derived from a mystical interpretation of Scripture will flow out of the principle of mystical interpretation. Similarly, a true development will have been faithful to its permanent and guiding principle.
3. "Power of Assimilation." "Growth the only evidence of life," Newman wrote in the Apologia. As the Essay on Development explains, however, growth is never done in isolation to the external world, it occurs "by taking into its own substance external materials
and this absorption or assimilation is completed when the materials appropriated come to belong to it or enter into its unity." So it is with a true development of doctrine within the Church. The Latin Church's use of Aristotelian philoso
4. "Early Anticipation" (Note 5. "Anticipation of Its Future" in 1878). This means that prior to the occurrence of a development certain signs will manifest themselves that suggest such a development. For example, the very high moral estimation of martyrdom within the early Church anticipated, for Newman, the future development of the cult of saints and of their invocation.
5. "Logical Sequence" (Note 4. in 1878). True developments will arise out of the fact that they are logically implied by their original source. Baptism, for example, being an unrepeatable sacrament, implied the necessity for the development of a post-baptismal rite that was able to forgive post-baptismal sins-namely, the sacrament of Confession.
6. "Preservative Additions" ("Conservative Action Upon Its Past" in 1878). In the development of a doctrine its past manifestations will never be contradicted, reversed, or abolished. As Newman wrote, a development "is an addition which illustrates, not obscures, corroborates, not corrects, the body of thought from which it proceeds." The cult of the Virgin Mary is, for example, used early in the Essay on Development by Newman as an example of the way in which an authentic development possesses
7. "Chronic Continuance" ("Chronic Vigour" in 1878). True developments will always possess duration as one of their characteristics. A true development will have a long and vigorous life whilst a false development will have a short existence and fall into decay. The early Church, for example, is full of various heresies (e.g. Arianism, Nestorianism, Monophysitism), yet all eventually passed away into stagnation and decay. Orthodox developments, however (for example, the doctrine of the Trinity o
It is significant that in Newman's early reflections on the theory of development, found most notably in his Oxford University sermon of early 1843, the Virgin Mary was put forward as the theological pattern or model of how development takes place within the thought of an individual. Mary would similarly come to be a figure of importance in the Essay on Development, but in a different way. There, the Virgin Mary of Scripture became the Virgin Mary of Christian history. Such a change of emphasis
Compared to the book as a whole, Marian themes occupy only a small part of the Essay on Development. Within it there are three sections that deal specifically with the Virgin Mary. The first is found in chapter seven, "Illustrations Continued," a chapter that follows on from chapter four, "Illustrations of the Argument in Behalf of the Existing Developments of Christianity," where Newman applies historical examples from Christian history that, according to him, justify the direction of Marian de
In the "Office of St. Mary" (later changed by Newman to "Office of the Blessed Virgin" in 1878), Newman applied Marian themes to "the fourth test of fidelity in development," early anticipation. This involved a focus on the early patristic writings of Justin Martyr, Irenaeus, and Tertullian (specifically, what these writers had to say about the Virgin Mary's role in the redemption of humanity), and secondly, two early miracle stories from the early Church that depict Mary as being active in help
The "Office of St. Mary" begins with Newman's examination of the second- and early third-century writings of Justin Martyr, Irenaeus, and Tertullian, in which the parallel between Eve's disobedience in the fall, and the Virgin Mary's obedience in the incarnation, is a prominent theme. The basic teaching of these Church Fathers was that through Mary's humble acceptance of the Angel Gabriel's announcement that she would bear the Christ child (see Luke 1:38), the disobedience of Eve in the Garden o
Newman argued that during the second century, the Virgin Mary had come to be seen as central to the process of redemption (even to the point that had she not been obedient to the Angel Gabriel, "the Divine Economy would have been frustrated"-that is, the incarnation would not have taken place). Accordingly, for Newman, as it was for Justin Martyr, Irenaeus, and Tertullian, Mary was the Second Eve-a theme that has already been highlighted as being present in Newman, and one that would come to fea
Newman's point was to illustrate that from the earliest centuries, Christians saw the Virgin Mary as being active within "the Divine Economy." In other words, Mary had from the beginning been seen to possess an "office"-an active role "in the actual process of redemption, as Eve had been instrumental and responsible in Adam's fall." Indeed, that the Church recognised that Mary had been active during the incarnation can be viewed as the foundation, for Newman, of all later developments in Mariolo
In citing these examples, Newman was not seeking to produce examples from history that exactly mirrored later Catholic doctrinal developments. Nonetheless, if Newman's thesis concerning development was correct, "indications" of such developments would be discernible. His full words in the opening paragraph of chapter seven deserve quoting:
Supposing then the so-called Catholic doctrines and practices are true and legitimate developments, and not corruptions, we may expect to find traces of them in the first centuries. And this I conceive to be the case: the records indeed of those times...
"Developments Out of the Question of Our Lord's Divinity"179F
Therefore, when Newman wrote that the "special prerogatives" of the Virgin Mary "were not a new thing in the Church, or strange to her earlier teachers," he was not claiming that such prerogatives were recognised in the form that they would later manifest themselves. Instead, the evidence from his brief citations of patristic testimony-in this case, concerning Mary-were examples that indicated and testified to "the presence of a vast body of thought . which," so argued Newman, "one day would tak
In chapter eight, Newman begins his argument in favour of the development of Mariology within the context of the early Church's reflections and pronouncements on the heresy of Arianism and the struggle to assert the truth of Christ's divinity. Newman argued that Mariology, as it developed in the early Church, was seen as being inseparably linked to Christological developments. Within this context, Newman saw that in the early Church's condemnation of the heresy of Arianism and its positive affir
The highest of creatures is levelled with the lowest in comparison of the One Creator Himself. That is, the Nicene Council recognized the eventful principle, that, while we believe and profess any being to be a creature, such a being is really no God ...
According to Newman, what Nicaea had achieved was the implicit premise that allowed the Virgin Mary to be venerated without such veneration being the same as the worship which is given to God, for "to exalt a creature" could not imply a "recognition of its divinity," otherwise the Church's condemnation of Arius, who exalted Christ yet kept him a creature, would have made no sense. As he put it, "the Church of Rome is not idolatrous unless Arianism is orthodoxy."
From here, Newman proceeded to consider the development of how the Church considered the Virgin Mary to hold a place within what Newman termed, "the Economy of grace." Newman made the observation that it was not until the fifth century that the Church made an official recognition of the Virgin Mary's place within the economy of grace, an observation that raises the question of why such a move took so long? Newman's answer was that the Church could make no reference to Mary's role in the economy
Accordingly, Newman noted that in the fifth century the Church defined the Virgin Mary as being Theotokos ("Mother of God"). The reason for such a definition had been the Nestorian Controversy. Nestorius, Patriarch of Constantinople from 428 to 431, had responded negatively to a sermon in honour of the Virgin Mary preached by the Constantinopolitan preacher, Proclus. Proclus' sermon, preached probably on 23 December 428, lauded Mary's role within the mystery of the incarnation by using Alexandri
Echoing again a comment Newman would make at the end of chapter four in relation to papal primacy, that "no doctrine is defined till it is violated," in addition to the Christological context of Marian developments, Newman regarded Nestorius' denial of Theotokos as the primary reason for the Church's decision to grant the Virgin Mary the title of Mother of God via conciliar decree:
In order to do honour to Christ, in order to defend the true doctrine of the Incarnation, in order to secure a right faith in manhood of the Eternal Son, the Council of Ephesus determined the Blessed Virgin to be the Mother of God. Thus all heresies o...
Yet though heresy had been the primary cause for the formal definition, this did not mean that Mary had not previously been regarded and venerated as Theotokos. Newman explains that preceding the Nestorian Controversy:
Christians had ... in great measure anticipated the formal ecclesiastical decision. Thus the title Theotocos [sic.], or Mother of God, was familiar to Christians from primitive times, and is used, among other writers, by Origen, Eusebius, St. Alexande...
The doctrine, in other words, was not new, for many Fathers had anticipated it. Indeed, the whole controversy started when Proclus preached on this very topic, no doubt drawing upon previous tradition. The historian of Mariology, Hilda Graef, regards Proclus' homily as being typical of Byzantine preaching concerning the Virgin Mary. A short quotation from the homily reveals at the very least its high Mariology:
The reason we have gathered here today is the holy Theotokos Virgin Mary, immaculate treasure of virginity, spiritual paradise of the second Adam, workshop of the union of natures, marketplace of the saving exchange, bridal chamber in which the Word w...
Newman's "Crux"
The strong reaction of the Church in Alexandria and the Church in Rome to Nestorius' protests against Proclus' teaching is further evidence that the Church's definition of 431 was not a new teaching but a true development, preceded and anticipated, at the very least, by influential sections of the Church. Jaroslav Pelikan has stated that while Newman may have been overconfident in his claim that "the title Theotocos [sic.] . was familiar to Christians from primitive times," Pelikan nonetheless n
Christology had consequently been central to the Church's definition of the Marian title Theotokos, as was the rise of heresy-indeed, the term can in many ways be thought of as a Christological title born out of theological controversy. As Newman inferred, Christology brought with it Mariological developments. As he put it, "all heresies of that day tended in a most wonderful way to her [Mary's] exaltation."
Following section one of chapter eight is the third and final section of the Essay on Development discussing Marian themes. The section is entitled: "Devotion to the Blessed Virgin" in the 1878 edition and, though untitled in the 1845 edition, similarly deals with the sixth test of an authentic development ("preservative additions" or, as in 1878, "conservative action upon the past"). The most substantial section of the Essay on Development dealing with Marian themes (numbering eleven pages), it
It has been anxiously asked, whether the honours paid to St. Mary, which have grown out of devotion to her Almighty Lord and Son, do not, in fact, tend to weaken that devotion
and whether, from the nature of the case, it is possible so to exalt a cre...
As Newman would note, this was a question that had theoretically already been discussed and answered in the affirmative in the Essay on Development. Indeed, one could argue that the objection had never been a great obstacle in Newman's developing Mariology up until this point. The issue in section two of chapter eight, as Newman noted, was instead practical. Mariology had to be addressed from the perspective of its devotional application within Catholic piety.
Newman's first resource used to argue that Marian devotion "is altogether distinct from that which is paid to her Eternal Son, and to the Holy Trinity" were the Church's liturgical sources, which Newman argued clearly show a distinction in tone, language, and emphasis between its prayers and hymns in worship of Christ and the Holy Trinity, and those in honour of Mary. Newman elucidated this point further, asserting that in Catholic liturgical books:
The supreme and true worship paid to the Almighty is severe, profound, awful.206F Christ is addressed as true God, while He is true Man
as our Creator and Judge, while He is most loving, tender, and gracious. On the other hand, towards St. Mary the ...
Newman's only sources cited are the prayers, hymns, and canticles of the Roman Breviary, a work he had been extremely familiar with from his Anglican days, having used an edited version-edited in part to exclude direct invocations of the Virgin Mary. Thus, to substantiate his point, Newman spends a few paragraphs in chapter eleven briefly comparing the language and tone of God or Christ-directed prayers and hymns with similar Marian examples found within the breviary. The following quotation is
How different, for instance, is the tone of the Dies Iræ from that of the Stabat Mater. In the "Tristis et afflicta Mater Unigeniti," in the "Mater fons amoris," the "Sancta Mater," the "Virgo virginum præclara Mihi jam non sis amara, Ponas mecum divi...
As the Essay on Development elucidates, it had become Newman's conviction that the Virgin Mary in Catholicism was not, as he had described in his fictional work, Loss and Gain, "a Goddess." There was, for Newman, an evident distinction between the veneration given to Mary, and the worship given to Christ and the Holy Trinity.
From here, Newman develops an argument in favour of the position that what characterises Marian devotions within orthodox Catholic theology and praxis is the phenomenon of moderation. To substantiate this, Newman began with an examination of a work that had personally influenced him greatly in his spiritual journey, that being the Spiritual Exercises of Ignatius of Loyola, which he describes as "among the most approved methods of devotion in the modern Catholic Church." For Newman, the Exercises
It would seem then that whatever be the influence of the doctrines connected with St. Mary216F and the Saints in the Catholic Church, at least they do not impede or obscure the freest exercise and the fullest manifestation of the devotional feelings ...
Of course, Protestant critics contended that such is not the case: that Marian devotion did impede the true and exclusive devotion towards the Holy Trinity. Indeed, it is almost certain that even after convincing himself of the distinction between veneration and worship, Newman would have admitted that at certain times and places, Marian devotions did become excessive in their emphasis and nature-an excessiveness that did impede, if unconsciously, the worship of God. This is a conviction that Ne
Previously, in 1841, Newman had written to Russell in a spirited tone, addressing him as a representative of his Church with the admonition that:
you would reform your worship, that you would disown the extreme honors paid to St Mary and other Saints . It would do your highest and most religious interests as much benefit in our eyes, as it would tend to rid your religious system of those peculi...
Conclusion
However, Russell's persistent correspondence did eventually pay off. In the Apologia Newman would credit Russell with having had more of an influence on his conversion than any other individual. Part of that influence was that he had sent Newman a collection of devotional tracts that Russell believed were representative of Rome's true position regarding Marian devotion. These included "a large bundle of penny or half-penny books of devotion, of all sorts, as they are found in the booksellers' sh
The Essay on Development put forward the theory that many of the changes evident in the Catholic Church over the centuries could be explained through a process of development: that such changes were natural, legitimate, and providential. This included, most notably, the place of the Virgin Mary in Catholic doctrine and piety. In response to the Protestant objection that was for so long part of Newman's own religious conscience-namely, that Mariology is an innovative, almost pagan, addition to Ch
The Essay on Development had been written so that Newman could overcome his doubts about Catholicism as it manifested itself in the nineteenth century. For Newman, the Essay on Development achieved this aim
indeed, it was never actually completed, as Newman had become so convinced by his theory that he simply stopped writing. On 11 July 1845, Newman wrote to a friend that he had come to believe that history, especially early Christian history, showed that "the Church of Rome in every respect th
3. Development and Maturity: The Letter to Pusey (1866) and Other Writings
One of the first sermons John Henry Newman preached on his return to England after studying for the Catholic priesthood in Rome was given at St Chad's Cathedral, Birmingham, in the spring of 1848. It was entitled, "Our Lady in the Gospel" and was a reflection on Christ's apparent minimization of his mother in Luke 11:27-28. By then, Newman had given up his Anglican practise of reading his sermons. Instead, he preached, arguing that the Virgin Mary-contrary to Protestant objections-was not being
The sermon is interesting for a few reasons. First, the Church Fathers-so foundational to Newman's theology-are copiously referenced (including references to later medieval witnesses that Newman would have avoided as an Anglican), as is the theme of the Annunciation-an event of immense theological meaning for Newman during his Anglican pulpit ministry at St Mary the Virgin, Oxford-as it would continue to be throughout his life. The latter, indeed, had been the basis of one of Newman's deepest re
that if you cannot enter into the warmth of foreign books of devotion, it is a deficiency in you. To use strong words will not mend the matter
it is a fault within which can only gradually be overcome, but it is a deficiency, for this reason, if for ...
As this chapter will show, however, Newman's comment here is out of character. Perhaps a reflection of the zealousness that accompanies conversion
perhaps a reflection of his own inner struggles in a Church very different from his previous home (that is, his own deficiencies), Newman would come to realise, drawing on theological conclusions that had roots during his time as an Anglican priest, that devotion to Mary could go too far, leading to misunderstandings that non-Catholics worried could,
However, despite future amendments to his Mariology, most of what Newman preached in 1848 he would retain as a Catholic. His sermon, notably the final admonition quoted below, reflects a genuine Marian piety that Newman not only now embraced as essential to Catholic identity, but encouraged his listeners to embrace. His admonition, that Catholics let Mary "be your great pattern," also shows the continuities with his Anglican Mariology-continuities that remained with him for the rest of his life
Depend upon it, the way to enter into the sufferings of the Son, is to enter into the sufferings of the Mother. Place yourselves at the foot of the Cross, see Mary standing there, looking up and pierced with the sword. Imagine her feelings, make them ...
The Immaculate Conception
The Memorandum on the Immaculate Conception
Within the strict bounds of patristic-based Catholic orthodoxy, such emotive piety was well within the spirit of Catholic tradition. Though as will be seen, for Newman, effusiveness and zealousness in Mariology nonetheless had its limits-especially in his native England.
Defined as a dogma on 8 December 1854, the doctrine of the Immaculate Conception asserted that the Virgin Mary had "in the first instant of her conception . been . preserved and exempted from every stain of original sin." For most Anglicans this was theological speculation at best
at worst, it was further evidence that the cult of the Virgin Mary not only gave birth to unbiblical doctrines, it obscured the worship of God. As The Church of England Quarterly Review asserted in 1855, Rome's promul
Newman was aware of the need to provide a defence of the Immaculate Conception amidst this tense theological climate. Writing to William Bernard Ullathorne (1806-1889), Bishop of Birmingham, in October 1854, he expressed happiness in hearing of the bishop's forthcoming apologetic treatise on the very subject, noting that both Catholics and Protestants "need and ask information on the subject," in addition to expressing hope that the work would be written at a popular level-"that all classes may
"The Memorandum on the Immaculate Conception" was first published in William P. Neville's 1893 edited collection, Meditations and Devotions of the Late Cardinal Newman, though it was probably composed sometime in the early 1850s. In a footnote, Neville notes the "The Memorandum on the Immaculate Conception" (from hereafter, "Memorandum") was "given as written off by the Cardinal for Mr. R. I. Wilberforce, formerly Archdeacon Wilberforce, to aid him in meeting the objections urged by some Protest
Robert Isaac Wilberforce (1802-1857) was not only the second son of the emancipator, William Wilberforce, but the second of the family to convert to Catholicism when he was received in Paris on 1 November 1854 (Henry William Wilberforce, the youngest, had converted in 1850). As documented by David Newsome in a study of the social "cost of conversion" experienced by individuals who left Anglicanism for Rome during the nineteenth century, Wilberforce's conversion had been intellectually and emotio
However, in noting the Memorandum's connection with Wilberforce, the document's posthumous appearance and footnoted commentary by Neville provide no information on when the Memorandum was in fact sent by Newman to Wilberforce during the course of his religious deliberations-if, in fact, it was even sent at all. Perhaps a short letter from Newman to Wilberforce dated 3 April 1850-containing within it a comment about "St Austin" (Augustine of Hippo) and the Virgin Mary that is similar to a point m
The Memorandum was published in the Meditations and Devotions along with Newman's controversial Anglican statement on the Virgin Mary's sanctity that, in its original form, was preached at St Mary's and later published (see chapter one). According to Neville, the Memorandum and the sermon extract were both published so as
to partially meet the Cardinal's wish that an instruction on the subject of each of the four portions of the Litany should accompany each division
a wish which the Cardinal could not himself fulfil [sic.] owing to his continued disappointment in rega...
Newman's commendation of, and desire to include, the section regarding Mary's sanctity from his 1832 sermon on the Annunciation is evidence, not only of the continuities in his Mariology, but his own endorsement of its essential orthodoxy.
As befits its genre, the Memorandum is a short text-just over twelve narrow pages in the 1893 edition. It contains four chapters, the first three of which all contain numbered paragraphs in which Newman either states what he regards as compelling assertions, enunciates short arguments, or asks rhetorical questions. Indeed, if a single characteristic infuses the Memorandum, it is the notion-expressed in the first and final paragraphs-that the doctrine of the Virgin Mary's Immaculate Conception is
Not surprisingly, it is the theme of the Virgin Mary as the Second Eve that represented the foundation for Newman's defence of the Immaculate Conception-that is, the basis for his belief in its basic rationality. Eve, born in purity in the Garden of Eden, raised for Newman a double standard in Protestant objections to the doctrine. As he expressed it in a series of sharp, rhetorical questions: "Does not the objector consider that Eve was created, or born, without original sin? Why does not this
We do not say that she did not owe her salvation to the death of her Son. Just the contrary, we say that she, of all mere children of Adam, is in the truest sense the fruit and the purchase of His Passion. He has done for her more than for anyone else...
Mary is consequently the same as us, even if the reverence and piety of Catholics prevent them from naming "her in the same breath with mention of sin." Her "yes" to God was still a work of grace, just as ours is (though rarely, if ever, reaching the heights of Mary's obedience). "There is no difference in kind between her and us, though an inconceivable difference of degree. She and we are both simply saved by the grace of Christ."
Newman regarded the incredulity displayed by Protestants towards the Immaculate Conception with a sense of amazement. It is, however, likely that Newman's tone was feigned so as to act as a literary device-for as previously discussed: the evidence from Newman's past strongly suggests that he never had a major problem with the doctrine, at least in the sense of believing in Mary's sanctity. At the very least, it seems that Newman's Anglican thought on the subject contained an almost perfect predi
I say it distinctly-there may be many excuses at the last day, good and bad, for not being Catholics
one I cannot conceive: "O Lord, the doctrine of the Immaculate Conception was so derogatory to Thy grace, so inconsistent with Thy Passion, so at var...
Mary and the Ultramontanes
The emergence of a formal definition of the Immaculate Conception in the middle of the nineteenth century by the pope's authorisation alone inevitably raised a number of ancillary points of debate and discussion, all of which would continue to simmer within the contexts of a resurgent English Catholic Church and, inexorably connected to this, a resurgent English anti-Catholicism. The first related to the dogma's mode of delivery. Had the pope, through Ineffabilis Deus, effectively exercised what
The push for a definition of papal infallibility would come from the dominant Ultramontane wing of the Catholic Church, which in England had a number of high-profile representatives-many of whom were Anglican converts. Stressing papal authority and the visible elements of Catholic piety, their modus operandi within a Protestant nation was "more is better," rather than the less obtrusive or moderate approach that came to be associated with Newman. Holding to an unnuanced ecclesiology that sometim
Two notable examples of English Ultramontanism were F. W. Faber (1814-1863) and Henry Edward Manning (1808-1892). Like Newman, both were converts from Anglicanism, yet unlike Newman, had become staunch advocates of Ultramontane views. In 1863 Faber had been the first English writer to translate Louis de Montfort's early eighteenth-century manual of Marian piety, A Treatise on True Devotion to the Blessed Virgin (c.1712) a work that, among other Marian admonitions, had reasserted the idea, origin
A Treatise on True Devotion contained a Mariology that, for Faber, was bolder in its Catholicism than the timid cult that he felt persisted in England in the mid-nineteenth century. In the preface of his translation, Faber complained that the cult of the Virgin Mary had been unduly diminished through fear. "Here in England," he wrote,
Mary is not half enough preached. Devotion to her is low and thin and poor. It is frightened out of its wits by the sneers of heresy. It is always invoking human respect and carnal prudence wishing to make Mary so little of a Mary that Protestants may...
An Olive-Branch Discharged from a Catapult: Pusey's Eirenicon
Faber's assessment of the piety of English Catholics was, of course, open to dispute, though he was by no means alone in denouncing, with feeling, the Protestant spirit of England. Manning, who in 1865 became the Archbishop of Westminster, had only a year earlier composed The Workings of the Holy Spirit in the Church of England, A Letter to the Rev. E. B. Pusey (1864). Addressed to an individual who had remained a Tractarian and, by the 1860s, was becoming recognised as a leading voice among the
From his positions of Canon of Christ Church Cathedral, Oxford, and Regius Professor of Hebrew at the University of Oxford, Edward Pusey's impact on Victorian religious life was immense. Hidden-along with John Keble-in the shadow of Newman scholarship for much of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, Pusey is again being appreciated for his contributions to Victorian religious life. Frequently at the centre of the various Anglo-Catholic controversies of the nineteenth century, Catholic-minde
Published in late 1865, the full title of Pusey's work was: The Church of England a Portion of Christ's One Holy Catholic Church, and a Means of Restoring Visible Unity. An Eirenicon in a Letter to the Author of "The Christian Year." Like Manning, Pusey employed the literary device of composing a book in the form of a letter-in this case to his old friend, Keble. The Eirenicon would prove to be the first in a series of three compositions by Pusey covering the theological themes that for him pose
Arguing in a manner similar to Newman in Tract 90, Pusey placed the doctrinal foundation of the Council of Trent as being ultimately reconcilable with the Thirty-Nine Articles and, as a consequence, a foundation upon which Anglican-Catholic unity could be based and its differences judged. Pusey was concerned, however, that recent doctrinal and devotional additions, on top of this foundation, impeded this possible unity. A particular focus of the Eirenicon in this regard were various contemporary
It is impossible to condense the statements of a doctrine which presents itself in so many startling forms, co-extensive with the present Office of our Dear Lord for us. His precious blood, they of course say with us, is alone the meritorious cause of...
Pusey did not, however, confine himself in the Eirenicon to this issue alone
in reality, his concern was much broader. Consequently, the whole place of the Virgin Mary in Catholicism comes under attack, for Pusey believed that Mariology qualified as a system that interferes "with the all-sufficiency of the Intercession of our Divine Redeemer." The following quotations are but a brief sample of what Pusey had to say:
Those colossal figures of the Blessed Virgin, which are carried in procession, and placed before or by the side of the Altar, seem intended to represent, that, through her mediation only, those who are in the grace of Christ become fitted to become pa...
The Letter to Pusey
And in the very next sentence we read the following: "In Southern India and Ceylon, our Churches are called by the natives 'Jesus-Churches
' the Roman Catholic Churches 'Mary-Churches'"-a statement similarly echoed in the following remark: "Where our natural language would be, 'God will do this or that,' there it seems equally natural to Roman Catholics to say, 'Mary will do it.' At least, where we expect beforehand, in the unfinished sentence, to find 'God,' or 'Jesus,' we find 'Mary.'"
Was this the peace offering implied by the work's title? As Newman was to memorably say in reply to Pusey a year later: "you discharge your olive-branch as if from a catapult."
The publication of the Eirenicon, and Newman's subsequent reply to it, took place not long after Newman had been reunited in person with Pusey and Keble after a separation that had spanned two decades. They met on 12 September 1865 at Keble's vicarage at Hursley. As Newman's recollections of the meeting made clear, the reunion was an apprehensive and emotional experience. As they dined, however, Newman noted that Pusey-"full of polemics and of hope"-was occupied with his reply to Manning.
Newman initially possessed no desire to enter into a public debate with Pusey. After two decades of separation, simply meeting him on that memorable day of 12 September had almost been too much for him. Yet when Pusey published the Eirenicon, Newman decided that he could not remain silent. Moreover, Newman could hit more than one target by doing so. Writing to James Hope-Scott in late November 1865, Newman spoke about his realization that, in composing a reply to Pusey, "it would be the most ino
Newman began writing his reply to Pusey in late November 1865. He worked quickly-perhaps too quickly, for Newman fell ill not long after finishing the work. The final composition was published in late January 1866 under the title, A Letter to the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., On His Recent Eirenicon. Having only taken weeks to write and publish, its rushed quality was evident in there being no table of contents and no proper division of chapters in its first edition. Chapters were instead separated by
The Letter to Pusey represents Newman's most important defence of the Virgin Mary in Catholicism. This is especially the case in the sense of the Letter to Pusey being a work dedicated solely to Marian themes, in addition to representing a more mature and developed Catholicism on Newman's part. As an example of Newman's defence of Marian doctrines and devotions, it is a work that cannot be overlooked, especially when viewed in light of the Essay on Development, which a number of writers have rig
Newman began the Letter to Pusey in praise of Pusey's desire for Church unity. Newman made the point that no one can but possess joy at such a prospect and he, in turn, congratulated Pusey, joining the spirit of his desire to see the Church of England and the Catholic Church enjoy full communion. No one could question the basic desire for unity and Newman was quick to point out that one did not have to concur with every detail of such a scheme in order to be able to endorse the basic hope Pusey
to say what I fear, my dear Pusey, will pain you. Yet I am confident, my very dear friend, that at least you will not be angry with me if I say, what I must say, or say nothing at all, that there is much both in the matter and in the manner of your Vo...
Antiquity and Development
As has already been noted, in the background of Newman's remarks to Pusey were the figures of Ward and Faber (Manning, Newman claimed, was excluded by name "because of his office"). Newman averred that Pusey had incorrectly relied upon these figures as authorities: Ward regarding the vexed question of papal infallibility, Faber in matters pertaining to the place of the Virgin Mary in Catholic doctrine and piety. For Newman, the true nature of Mariology was to be discerned, not from the writings
For myself, hopeless as you consider it, I am not ashamed still to take my stand upon the Fathers, and do not mean to budge. The history of their times is not yet an old almanac to me. Of course I maintain the value and authority of the "Schola," as o...
Evidence of how Newman applied his theory of development to Mariology in the Letter to Pusey is seen immediately in Newman's statement regarding what he held as the foundational hermeneutic for any discussion of the place of the Virgin Mary in Catholicism-a hermeneutic derived, for Newman, from patristic sources. This in turn led to Newman's "distinction between faith and devotion," which he lays out in the following words:
I begin by making a distinction which will go far to remove good part of the difficulty of my undertaking, as it presents itself to ordinary inquirers,-the distinction between faith and devotion. I fully grant that devotion towards the blessed Virgin ...
In the next paragraph Newman goes on to define exactly what he means by "faith" and "devotion" as theological terms:
By "faith" I mean the Creed and assent to the Creed
by "devotion" I mean such religious honours as belong to the objects of our faith, and the payment of those honours. Faith and devotion are as distinct in fact, as they are in idea. We cannot, indee...
The Fathers, Newman argued, had at an early point in the Church's history come to a number of essential conclusions regarding Marian doctrine. They had, in other words, possessed a "creed" about the Virgin Mary, even if, at least initially, the faithful (the Fathers included) had displayed only small amounts of outward devotion and piety in recognition of that creed.
This was a version of the theory of development being applied specifically to Mariology. Hence, just as he had done in the Essay on Development, Newman provided a number of detailed, illustrative analogies from life and history (both secular and sacred) that he regarded as substantiating his argument. The following is one beautifully written example:
The sun in the spring-time will have to shine many days before he is able to melt the frost, open the soil, and bring out the leaves
yet he shines out from the first, notwithstanding, though he makes his power felt but gradually. It is one and the sa...
Second Eve
Newman's ability to be able to draw analogies between "matters which come before us in the world" and articles of the faith was one of his greatest strengths as a Catholic apologist. The Essay on Development is filled with such analogies
that Newman uses them to defend Mariology in the Letter to Pusey indicates not only the similarities between the Essay on Development and the Letter to Pusey, but also that the use of analogies with the natural world represented for Newman an important philosop
For Newman, one particular Marian doctrine lay at the heart of antiquity, thus representing the foundation from which all later Marian developments have drawn their genetic sustenance: namely, the patristic idea of the Virgin Mary as Second Eve. The doctrine is "the great rudimental teaching of Antiquity . the primâ facie view of her person and office, the broad outline laid down of her, the aspect under which she comes to us, in the writings of the Fathers." That Newman attributed such importan
As in the Essay on Development, the first Fathers Newman pays attention to in the Letter to Pusey are Justin Martyr, Irenaeus, and Tertullian. The basic teaching of these Fathers has already been summarised in the previous chapter. For Newman, the key point to be drawn from their "three-fold cord" or "triple testimony" to the idea of the Second Eve is the fact that Mary had not merely been a "physical instrument" in the incarnation, but an active participant or more specifically, a cause. This,
If the primitive nature of the doctrine of the Virgin Mary as the Second Eve could not be denied, then neither, for Newman, could its implications: namely, that a high Mariology was just as much a part of the patristic reflection upon the Christian faith as was, for example, their reflections upon Christ's divinity-even if Marian reflections were always ancillary, and consequent to, the doctrine of the incarnation. Moreover, given the importance to Anglicans of doctrines such as Christ's divinit
Having then adduced these Three Fathers of the second century, I have at least got so far as this: viz.-no one, who acknowledges the force of early testimony in determining Christian truth, can wonder, no one can complain, can object, that we Catholic...
From examining the implication of the testimony of Justin Martyr, Irenaeus, and Tertullian, Newman moves on to examining later patristic testimony, generally from the period from the Council of Nicaea to the early sixth century, which he regards as confirming that the doctrine of the Virgin Mary as the Second Eve is the foundation of later Marian developments. Newman cites six Fathers: Cyril of Jerusalem, Ephraim the Syrian, Epiphanius, Jerome, Peter Chrysologus and Fulgentius. Newman uses these
men use oratory on great subjects, not on small
-nor would they, and other Fathers whom I might quote, have lavished their high language upon the Blessed Virgin, such as they gave to no one else, unless they knew well that no one else had such claims,...
"The Daughter of Eve Unfallen"335F
The idea of the Virgin Mary as the Second Eve was important for Newman because of the inferences he believed could be drawn from it. One was Mary's sanctity, the Immaculate Conception. The dogma had been one of Pusey's main reasons for writing the Eirenicon. Seizing upon the views of a minority of bishops and theologians who had raised various objections to the dogma's promulgation, Pusey had highlighted the division as evidence of the doctrine's novelty. Though Pusey later admitted to Newman th
Newman critiqued Pusey by examining the Immaculate Conception in reference to the patristic notion of the Virgin Mary as the Second Eve. Though Newman's defence of the Immaculate Conception has already been discussed, it is nonetheless noteworthy to pay attention to how Newman linked Mary and Eve in the Letter to Pusey-especially given that the Memorandum on the Immaculate Conception (discussed above) was published after the Letter to Pusey.
For Newman, the Immaculate Conception and the notion of the Virgin Mary as the Second Eve were linked by a simple deduction: that the grace which Eve possessed in the Garden of Eden would likewise have been the possession of Mary, otherwise she would never have been able to overcome through obedience what Eve had lost through disobedience. "Is it any violent inference," Newman asks rhetorically,
that she, who was to co-operate in the redemption of the world, at least was not less endowed with power from on high, than she who, given as a helpmate to her husband, did in the event but co-operate with him for its ruin? If Eve was raised above hum...
For Newman, the inference was, of course, logical. As he explained to Pusey in words he had by now expressed to others on numerous occasions, he could only surmise that the "strange phenomenon" that saw "so many learned and devout men stumble at [the] doctrine" was as a result of them not fully understanding it:
The argument seems to me conclusive
and, if it has not been universally taken as such, this has come to pass, because there has not been a clear understanding among Catholics, what exactly was meant by the Immaculate Conception. To many it seemed to ...
Mary's Greatness
Another inference Newman argued could be drawn out from the notion of Mary as the Second Eve, was-as Newman put it-the Virgin Mary's "greatness." By this Newman simply meant the reverence and commemoration that Catholics show towards the Mother of God in their liturgical and devotional lives. Newman explained the logic of this through a hypothetical consideration of what may have occurred to humanity had Eve not fallen. How, he asks, would have we remembered our first parents had they overcome t
The history of the temptation, the craft of the serpent, their steadfastness in obedience,-the loyal vigilance, the sensitive purity of Eve,-the great issue, salvation wrought out for all generations,-would have been never from their minds, ever welco...
Again, in order to help justify his argument, Newman makes use of an analogy, this one not from the natural order but from human experience or, as he puts it, "the necessity of our nature." Accordingly, Newman observes that: "Every nation has its mythical hymns and epics about its first fathers and its heroes. The great deeds of Charlemagne, Alfred, Coeur de Lion, Wallace, Louis the ninth, do not die
and though their persons are gone from us, we make much of their names." Newman asked: does not
From here, Newman moves onto an examination of the New Testament image of the Woman and Child that can be found within the twelfth chapter of the Book of Revelation, which Newman regarded as symbolic of the Virgin Mary with the Christ child and evidence of the Virgin Mary's "present exaltation in Scripture." In the Essay on Development, Newman had previously alluded to this New Testament image, though he had not expanded upon it in detail. In the Letter to Pusey, however, Newman went to some len
Recognizing the Protestant objection that many of the Fathers did not see the Virgin Mary in the twelfth chapter of Revelation (which Newman admits to being the historical reality), he responded with an argument taken from the Essay on Development. "Christians," he writes,
have never gone to Scripture for proof of their doctrines, till there was actual need, from the pressure of controversy
-if in those times the Blessed Virgin's dignity was unchallenged on all hands, as a matter of doctrine, Scripture, as far as its ar...
The Theotokos
This was how, for Newman, the partial patristic silence regarding the Marian implications of Revelation 12:1-17 can be explained. As he had argued in the Essay on Development regarding the early history of the papacy and its various gaps: "no doctrine is defined till it is violated."
If the Virgin Mary as the Second Eve represented for Newman "the great rudimental teaching of Antiquity," that is, the doctrine from which all else was ultimately built upon, the culmination of patristic thought on Mary, on the other hand, was the notion of her as Theotokos, the Mother of God, which Newman spoke of as "the highest view of her prerogatives, which the Fathers have taught us." Yet again, Newman expanded upon an idea first put forward in the Essay on Development (see chapter two). I
which both illustrates and connects together the two prerogatives of Mary, on which I have been lately enlarging, her sanctity and her greatness. It is the issue of her sanctity
it is the origin of her greatness. What dignity can be too great to attr...
The Virgin Mary's Power of Intercession
For the most part, Newman's exposition of the doctrinal implications of the title Theotokos in the Letter to Pusey is represented by a historical discussion of its use by the Fathers and the rise in Marian veneration that came after it. It was unsurprising, Newman argued, that as a result of the Church's pronouncement of Mary as Mother of God, the "language" ascribed to the Virgin Mary became "unmeasured" and that "as time went on," it became "stronger and stronger."
Following Newman's discussion of the title, Theotokos, there is a section where Newman concerns himself with a defence of the Catholic Church's belief in the Virgin Mary's power of intercession. Newman's case for this begins with the basic point, accepted by Protestants, Catholics, and the various Eastern Churches, that it is a duty to selflessly pray for one another. From this premise, Newman asks: "was this spiritual bond to cease with life? or had Christians similar duties to their brethren d
From the witness of the early ages of the Church, it appears that they had
and you, and those who agree with you, would be the last to deny that they were then in the practice of praying, as for the living, so for those also who had passed into the i...
The early Church, in other words, saw the move from praying for the living to praying for the dead as natural, logical, and uncontroversial. But the logic of the early Church, Newman contended, went further than this. For having accepted the command to pray for all, including those who had passed from this life, why not also accept that Christians who have passed into heaven-who have no need to be prayed for-make prayers for us and that we may ask for those prayers? For if sanctity is to be rega
I consider it impossible then, for those who believe the Church to be one vast body in heaven and on earth, in which every holy creature of God has his place, and of which prayer is the life, when once they recognize the sanctity and greatness365F of...
True Devotion to Mary
To emphasise the Virgin Mary's power as an intercessor, Newman ended the section on intercession with a re-telling of the story cited in the Essay on Development, where Gregory of Nyssa received help from the Virgin Mary to overcome a heretical controversy. As it has already been covered in the previous chapter, there exists no reason to discuss the story again, other than to note, once more, the Letter to Pusey's connections with the Essay on Development.
The rest of the Letter to Pusey sees Newman at his most original and controversial. From pages eighty-two to one-hundred and twenty-two, Newman deals more specifically with the contents of the Eirenicon, especially Pusey's extensive quotations from contemporary writers whom he thought were promoting semi-idolatrous Marian writings and devotions. There was a reason why Newman had delayed his reply to this aspect of Pusey's work. The reason revolved around the necessity of first establishing the d
Pusey, in citing what he considered to be examples of Marian writings and devotions that impeded the direct worship of God, had questioned not simply the truth of the authors he had cited, but the veracity of the whole place of the Virgin Mary in Catholicism. In other words, Pusey had seemingly condemned-in one broad brush-stroke-what Newman would have considered to be the good and the bad alike. This, for Newman, was unrealistic and created an expectation of reality regarding Catholic piety tha
It is impossible, I say, in a doctrine like this, to draw the line cleanly between truth and error, right and wrong. This is ever the case in concrete matters, which have life. Life in this world is motion, and involves a continual process of change. ...
This phenomenon, Newman went on to argue, was particularly the case with human affections (which religion, of course, acts upon), and most especially with the most powerful of human affections, love. To stifle love is to stifle life. Applying this belief to the devotion that Catholics show towards Mary, one needed to allow that devotion to run its full affective course, for, to intrude would be to interrupt the natural course that human emotions take. Newman explains his line of reasoning in the
What is abstractedly extravagant, may in religious persons be becoming and beautiful, and only fall under blame when it is found in others who imitate them. When it is formalized into meditations or exercises, it is as repulsive as love-letters in a p...
Marian writings and devotions thus occupy a natural place within the realm of the human affections-affections that one must accept for the reason that they cannot be avoided. When one considers the awesome fact that the Virgin Mary, "bore, suckled, and handled the Eternal in the form of a child," it becomes unnatural, if not impossible, to curtail "the rush and flood of thoughts which such a doctrine involves." For if lovers naturally respond with an excess of emotions that seem unnatural to an
Despite these rationalizations, however, Newman readily admitted that Marian piety is open to abuse. His openness in this regard left no room for qualification:
the religion of the multitude is ever vulgar and abnormal
it ever will be tinctured with fanaticism and superstition, while men are what they are. A people's religion is ever a corrupt religion. If you are to have a Catholic Church, you must put up w...
Moreover, despite Newman stressing that Marian devotions were not central to Catholic worship-that it was the Mass, with its Christocentric focus, which was at the heart of Catholic devotion, abuses within Marian devotion were in fact a sign of its life. Devotional growth inevitably brought with it a natural decay.
That in times and places it [the Marian cult] has fallen into abuse, that it has even become a superstition, I do not care to deny
for, as I have said above, the same process which brings to maturity carries on to decay, and things that do not admit ...
"The English Style"
There is an interesting cultural element in Newman's reply to Pusey's criticism of Marian devotions. It consists of Newman's belief that there not only existed a distinction between the English approach to Marian devotions and a more Southern European style, but that the English approach was less prone to the sorts of errors Pusey, an Englishman, had so often detected. Only a year earlier Newman had already said as much in the Apologia. As has already been discussed, in that work Newman paid tri
I wrote to ask Dr Russell whether anything had been left out in the translation
he answered that there were certainly omissions in one sermon about the Blessed Virgin. This omission, in the case of a book intended for Catholics, showed that such pass...
In critiquing Pusey's use of Catholic writers whom he had claimed were representatives of extremism and, in some cases, idolatry, Newman remarked that not one of the writers he had cited (apart from Faber) was English. English Catholics, Newman argued, were not ultimately answerable for non-English devotional writings for the reason that though doctrine "is one and the same every where, devotions, as I have already said, are matters of the particular time and the particular country." Thus, even
And so again certain statements may be true, under circumstances and in a particular time and place, which are abstractedly false
and hence it may be very unfair in a controversialist to interpret by an English or a modern rule, whatever may have bee...
Little wonder, Newman thought, Pusey had been offended by many of the writers he had read and cited
he was an Englishman and could only read such works through the lens of what Newman termed "that literal sense" through which the English read things. This is not to say that Newman was comfortable with the orthodoxy of all foreign Marian writings. There is, indeed, a sense in which Newman regarded what he termed "the English style" of Marian devotions to be less prone to error and extremes. Newm
I suppose we owe it to the national good sense, that English Catholics have been protected from the extravagances which are elsewhere to be found. And we owe it also to the wisdom and moderation of the Holy See, which, in giving us the pattern for our...
What Newman termed "the English style" was important for two primary reasons. First, it allowed the majority of Pusey's citations to be understood as writings and devotions that lay outside the interpretive framework of an English cultural context-a context that Newman regarded as being fundamentally different in ethos. Seen from this perspective, many foreign writings and devotions could be understood as being appropriate for their cultural milieu, even though they were not appropriate for an E
It is not surprising to see in the final pages of the Letter to Pusey Newman's concession that not everything Catholics wrote about the Virgin Mary could be defended as being in-line with doctrinal orthodoxy, even when viewed within the context of their own culture. Newman had already stated this earlier, but towards the end of the Letter to Pusey he became more open in his condemnation of some of the examples of heterodox Mariology Pusey had cited. Consequently, Newman listed long collections o
Sentiments such as these I never knew of till I read your book, nor, as I think, do the vast majority of English Catholics know them. They seem to me like a bad dream. I could not have conceived them to be said. I know not to what authority to go for ...
Conclusion
Though Newman does qualify his words with a caution that he was not reading these authors from their original sources, but from Pusey's reproductions, his message was nonetheless clear: Catholicism, in its authentic doctrines, knows of no such ideas but instead regards them as unorthodox corruptions. Their only excuse may be if they were "the sayings of Saints in ecstasy," though they could not all be excused in this way. Newman's attitude to these writings was unambiguous: "as spoken by man to
It was upon reading the Letter to Pusey that Manning made his famous denunciation of Newman, writing the following stinging words to his Ultramontane friend, Monsignor George Talbot:
I see much danger of an English Catholicism, of which Newman is the highest type. It is the old Anglican, patristic, literary, Oxford tone transplanted into the Church. It takes the line of deprecating exaggerations, foreign devotions, Ultramontanism,...
To Newman, Manning had not been as forthright, hiding his true feelings by disingenuously praising the work in a letter to Newman. Yet it is known that Manning wished to see the Letter to Pusey publicly censured as having taken a Protestant line, especially considering Newman's attacks on some elements of foreign Marian piety. A censure planned by Ward and Manning, to be published in the Dublin Review (which they hoped would have the support of other bishops, notably William Ullathorne), was thw
Newman's defence of Marian doctrines and devotions in the Letter to Pusey is, for the most part, a collation and defence of patristic thought, mingled with Newman's distinctive discussion of these writers as part of his theory on doctrinal development. A literary polemic, it was also theological, historical, philosophical, and cultural. In contrast to the contemporary Marian writings and devotions Pusey had cited, Newman laid the foundation for a more historically conscious understanding of the
As Francis J. Friedel rightly concluded, one of the reasons why Newman finished his Letter to Pusey in such a short space of time was because he already had most of its contents worked out prior to composing it. The final work, according to Friedel, is simply "the systematization, the crystallization of what Newman had taught and preached since the day when he set himself to write the Essay on Development." This assessment is largely correct: the Marian themes contained within the Essay on Devel
Conclusion
When John Henry Newman's Meditations and Devotions were first published in 1893, admirers of the late Cardinal became more aware of Newman's own devotion to Mary. Given that this book has concerned itself with Newman's theological writings on Mary, it is noteworthy to pay attention to how Newman's own devotion to the Virgin Mary manifested itself. At least a third of the Meditations and Devotions are Marian in nature, most notably Newman's "Meditations on the Litany of Loretto for the Month of M
Such discernment was neither elitist, nor was it based on a fear of scandalizing Protestants, for Newman had a fervent, Christocentric, devotion to the Virgin Mary, especially as the Second Eve and Mother of God. Though culture and geography may, to an extent, relativize Marian devotion in its various manifestations, cultural adaptation could never, for Newman, go beyond an historically orthodox, patristic, Christology. These were the limits of Newman's Mariology.
Some broad themes and conclusions from this study of Newman's apologia for the Virgin Mary may now be stated.
1. The first conclusion to note is Newman's continuity of thought. This characteristic is seen, most especially, in the Letter to Pusey where Newman draws heavily upon the contents of the Essay on Development, building and expanding upon its main themes. To a large extent, however, this continuity also extends back to Newman's life as an Anglican. For example, when one examines Newman's 1832 sermon for the Feast of the Annunciation and sees within it themes that include the patristic reflection
2. It is well known that Newman's critics within the Catholic Church criticised him for not becoming as "Catholic" as they thought he should be, seeing this as representing a question mark over his later theological contributions. Henry Edward Manning's private remark to Monsignor George Talbot, that Newman's Catholicism was dangerous-almost crypto-Anglican
that it was a "worldly Catholicism" that would "deceive many," was an example of how Mariology became one of the major points of difference
3. Central to Newman's Marian apologia was the distinction he made between faith and devotion. Faith, by which Newman meant orthodox Mariology, could not change or be compromised. However devotions, being a part of popular piety, could be, as they often were, at variance in different parts of the Catholic world. Crucially they were not de fide-that is, to be accepted by all the faithful. As Newman explained in a very revealing passage in the Apologia, even after becoming a Catholic there were as
4. Most of Newman's Marian apologia was grounded in patristic thought. Indeed, Newman's use of patristic writings was a dominant characteristic of his Mariology. "Hopeless as you consider it," wrote Newman, in a passage that deserves to be re-quoted:
I am not ashamed still to take my stand upon the Fathers, and do not mean to budge. . The Fathers made me a Catholic, and I am not going to kick down the ladder by which I ascended into the Church. It is a ladder quite as serviceable for that purpose ...
Among the Fathers, Newman was especially fond of Justin Martyr, Irenaeus, and Tertullian, whom he collectively referred to as the "three-fold cord." It was from them that Newman would emphasise the foundational teaching of Mary as the Second Eve.
5. Set out in the Essay on Development was, of course, Newman's theory concerning the development of doctrine. This concept put forward the hypothesis that the many changes seen throughout the Catholic Church's history could be explained as legitimate, organic developments from the original deposit of faith that was first given to the apostles, and which was subsequently built upon by the Apostolic Fathers. So influential was this theory for Newman that it can be said to underlie his entire defe
In conclusion, Newman was a passionate defender of the place of the Virgin Mary in Catholicism. When, at times, Newman was critical of some manifestations of Marian piety, it was not because he disagreed with the principle of Marian devotion, but instead was concerned that such piety be placed within its proper doctrinal context, in order that it be rightly understood and integrated into the life of the Church. Newman's Marian writings, notably those studied in this book, leave the student of Ne
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Index
For works by John Henry Newman, see under "Newman, John Henry."
C
A
Calvinism, 15
affections, human, 92-93
Catholic (descriptor), 1n1
Against Heresies (Irenaeus), 45n56
Catholic emancipation, 10, 12, 28, 62
Alexandria, School of, 50
Alleyne, Arthur Osborne, 22
Catholic tradition, 3-4
Anglicanism
see also apostolic tradition
Catholic teaching and, 62
Catholicism
error and, 34, 82
in England, 4-5, 10-11, 62
High Church, 9-10, 16n34
national, 99
identity of, 29
opposition to, 17-19, 62, 63, 69
Protestantism and, 31-32
Chalcedon, Council of, 38
schism and, 72
Challoner, Richard, 98
via media and, 31
change, 39-40
Anglo-Catholicism, 4-5, 71, 72, 74
Christ
Annunciation to Virgin Mary, 19-27, 60, 66, 104
divinity of, 47-52
worship due to, 54-55
anti-Catholicism, 17-19, 62, 63, 69
The Christian Year (Keble), 18
Antioch, School of, 51
Christianity, growth and development of, 34, 36, 39, 92
apologetics, 2-3, 61, 80-81
Apostolic Fathers, 67, 83, 106
Christocentrism, 11, 94, 103, 106
apostolic tradition, 3, 4, 33-34
Christology, 47-48, 49, 52
Arianism, 42, 47-49
Church
B
apostolicity of, 3, 4, 33-34, 72
reform of, 27-29 see also Oxford Movement
Bernard of Clairvaux, 48, 70-71, 98
state and, 17-18, 27-29, 62, 63
Blanchard, Shaun, 11
Church Fathers, 15, 16, 51, 60, 78-80, 105-6
Book of Common Prayer, 9, 37
Boyce, Philip, 3, 5, 17, 19
see also Apostolic Fathers
Breviary, Roman, 54
Church of England see Anglicanism
Bull, Bishop, 46
Buller, Antony, xviii
The Church of England Quarterly Review, 62
evangelicalism, 13-14, 15, 16, 18
Eve, 44-45, 67
Churton, Edward, 28
see also Second Eve
conversion, 29-30, 33-34, 64-65, 69
F
Councils
Chalcedon, 38
Faber, F. W., 4, 70, 71, 76, 78, 96, 98
Ephesus, 50, 52
Nicaea, 48
faith
Trent, 73-74
devotion and, 79-80, 91
Vatican I, 69
essentials vs non-essentials of, xviii
Vatican II, 2
Crosthwaite, J. C., 21-22
patterns of, 2, 37-38, 61
culture, 103
First Vatican Council, 69
Marian piety and, 11-12
Friedel, Francis J., 5, 100
Protestant, 17-18
Froude, Richard Hurrell, 14, 16, 27
Cyril of Jerusalem, 83
Fulgentius, 83
D
G
"The Daughter of Eve Unfallen" (Gregoris), 5
Gladstone, William, 64
goddess, 19, 55
de Montfort, Louis, 70-71, 98
Gother, John, 98
devotion/s, xviii
Govaert, Lutgart, 5
to Virgin Mary, 18-19, 30-31, 52-57, 60-61, 70, 71, 79-80, 91-99, 103-7
grace, 49, 67-68, 85
Graef, Hilda, 51
Gregoris, Nicholas L., 5, 101
doctrine
Gregory of Nyssa, 46
definitions of, 50
Grey, Lord, 28
development of, 34, 35-42, 46-
47, 67, 106
H
history and, 43
Hawkins, Edwin, 15-16
opinions, devotions and, xviii
heresies, 50, 51
Dominic, Fr (Passionist priest), 58
heterodoxy, 98-99, 105
Dublin Review, 76, 100
High Church Anglicanism, 9-10, 16n34
E
Hope-Scott, James, 76
ecumenism, 3, 11, 73, 74, 77
Hypostatic Union, 42, 50
Eirenicon (Pusey), 72, 73-75, 76, 77, 82, 84, 91, 100, 104, 105
I
emotions, 92-93
idolatry, 3, 9, 48, 49, 61, 91, 96
English piety, 95-99
Ignatius of Loyola, 55
Enlightenment, the, 10-12
Immaculate Conception, 21-22, 61-63
Ephesus, Council of, 50, 52
Ephraim the Syrian, 83
JHN and, 63-69
Epiphanius, 83
Mariology, 5
misunderstandings of, 85-86
apologetic for, 61
objections to, 62, 67, 68
Christology and, 47-48, 49, 52
papal infallibility and, 69
Church Fathers and, 78-80
Pusey and, 74, 84
JHN and, 17, 19-27
rationality of, 66
Protestant objections to, 53, 56, 58
The Immaculate Conception of the Mother of God (Ullathorne), 62-63
The Mariology of Cardinal Newman (Friedel), 5
incarnation, the, 24, 25, 38, 44-46, 50-51, 67, 82
Marr, Ryan, 2
Mary, Virgin
Ineffabilis Deus (Pius IX), 69
Annunciation to, 19-27, 60, 104
intercession, 30, 46, 48, 74, 75, 89-91
blessedness of, 20-22
in Catholicism, 34, 43, 49-50, 55, 74-75, 77, 106-7
Irenaeus, 44, 45, 81-83, 87, 106
J
conversion of JHN and, 29-30
cult of, 19, 42, 62, 70, 71, 74, 93-94
Jerome, 83
Justin Martyr, 44, 45, 81-83, 106
devotion to, 18-19, 30-31, 52-57, 60-61, 70, 71, 79-80, 91-99, 103-7
K
Kardinal Newmans Mariologie (Govaert), 5
Eve and, 44-45
grace and, 49
Keble, John, 10, 14, 16, 18, 27, 28-29, 64, 72, 73, 75-76
greatness of, 84, 86-88
hiddenness of, 22-24, 26, 37
holiness and obedience of, 20-22, 45n56, 59-60, 88
L
incarnation and, 25, 38, 44-46, 50-51, 67, 82
liberalism, 15-16
Liguori, Alphonsus, 48, 95
intercession of, 74, 75, 89-91
Lingard, John, 10-11, 103
invocation of, 10, 17, 30, 34, 41, 54
Litany of Loretto, 10-11, 103
Littlemore, England, 31, 33, 34
mediation and, 71, 74, 75
M
misunderstanding of place of, 3, 60
Manning, Edward Henry, 3-4, 64, 70-73, 76, 78, 81, 99-100
as Mother, 21, 46, 50-52, 57n113, 88-89
Marian awareness, 4-5
Office of, 44-47
Marian cult, 19, 42, 62, 70, 71, 74, 93-94
as pattern of faith, 2, 26, 37-38, 61
Marian piety, 60, 95-99
redemption and, 45, 68
Anglicanism and, 9-10
scripture references to, 22-24, 43, 59, 87-88
Catholic identity and, 61
English Catholicism and, 10-11
as Second Eve, 20, 45, 66-67, 81-85, 86, 87, 88, 91, 100, 103-104, 106
openness of, 11-12
evangelicalism of, 13-14, 15, 18
influences upon, 11
sin and, 24-25, 62, 68, 86
invocation of Virgin Mary and, 17, 30, 34, 41, 54
special prerogatives of, 44, 47, 88
as Marian theologian, 1, 3
in theological debate, 4-5
Mariology of, 17, 19-27, 103-7
as Theotokos, 2, 50-52, 88-89
orthodoxy of, 104-5
veneration of, 24, 26-27, 48-49, 59-60, 93
Oxford Movement and, 27-29
piety of, 104-5
Mayers, Walter, 14
thought of, 1-2, 104
mediation, 71, 74, 75
Vatican II and, 2
Milner, John, 99
works: "The Annunciation of the Blessed Virgin Mary," 19-27
Apologia Pro Vita Sua, 3, 12, 18, 22, 36, 41, 57, 72-73, 95-96, 105
Certain Difficulties Felt by Anglicans in Catholic Teaching, 76n74
"Devotion to the Blessed Virgin," 52-57
An Essay on the Development of Christian Doctrine, xvii, 33, 34, 39-58
A Letter to Pusey, 59, 75-101, 104-6
A Letter to the Duke of Norfolk, 100
Loss and Gain, 55
Meditations and Devotions of the Late Cardinal Newman, 26, 63, 65, 103
"Meditations on the Li
Missal, Roman, 98
moderation, 55, 70
Monophysitism, 42
Mother of God, 50-52, 88-89
N
Nestorianism, 42, 50
Neville, William P., 63, 65-66
Newman, Jemima (sister of JHN), 35
Newman, John (father of JHN), 12-14, 15
Newman, John Henry
Anglicanism of, 16-17, 18
biographical matters: family background, 12-13
birth, 12
schooling, 13
early religious experience, 12
undergraduate at Oxford, 14
crisis, 13-15
fellow at Oxford, 14
Anglican ordained ministry, 15-17, 31
retirement at Littlemore, 31, 33-34
conversion to Catholicism, 33-34, 57-58
studies in Rome, 59
Catholic priesthood, 59
reunion with Pusey and Keble, 75-76
death, 1
canonisation, xiv
Catholicism and, 18-19, 80-81
crux for, 19, 52-58, 74, 95-96
devotion to Virgin Mary by, 103-7
discernment of, 103
Roman hierarchy, restoration of, 62
Romanticism, xviii, 12, 18
Rose, Hugh James, 27
Russell, Charles William, 56-58, 95
S
Newsome, David, 64
Nicaea, Council of, 48, 83
Scripture, 1, 23, 37, 43, 88
Nicholas, George, 13
Second Eve, 20, 45, 66-67, 81-85, 86, 87, 88, 91, 100, 103-104, 106
Nockles, Peter B., 16n34, 31
Second Vatican Council, 2
O
Segneri, Fr, 57n113
Shairp, J. C., 37
original sin, 62, 67
sin, 9, 21, 22, 24-25, 54, 60, 62, 67, 68, 70, 86, 98
orthodoxy, 4, 12, 31, 49, 61, 66, 97, 98-99, 104-5
Song of Songs, 25
Oxford Movement, xvii-xviii, 22n59, 27-29
Spiritual Exercises (Ignatius), 55
St Chad's Cathedral, Birmingham, 59, 60
P
St Mary's Church, Oxford, 15-17, 31
Palmer, William, 27
papal infallibility, 69-70, 76, 78, 100
superstition, 94
papal primacy, 49
T
patristics, 67, 78-80
Talbot, George, 99, 104
see also Church Fathers
Tertullian, 44, 45, 67, 81-83, 106
Pelikan, Jaroslav, 52
Theotokos, 2, 50-52, 88-89
Pétau, Denis, 79n84
The Thirty-Nine Articles, 22, 74
Petavius, Dionysius, 79
tolerance, xviii
Peter Chrysologus, 83
Tracts for the Times, xvii-xviii, 29
Petrine ministry, 49
A Treatise on True Devotion to the Blessed Virgin (de Montfort), 70-71
Pius IX, xvii, 69
popery, 9, 17
popular piety, 94
Trent, Council of, 73-74
Proclus, 50-51
Trinity, Holy, 42, 53-56
Pusey, Edward Bouverie, 14, 27, 63, 64, 72-78, 82, 84, 91-92, 96-98
U
Ullathorne, William Bernard, 62-63, 100
R
Ultramontanism, 70-72, 100, 104
Raccolta, Roman, 98
reason, 38
V
redemption, 44-45, 68, 85-87, 98
Revelation, book of, 48, 87-88
Vatican I, 69
Roman Catholic (descriptor), 1n1
Vatican II, 2
veneration, 24, 26-27, 48-49, 55-56, 59-60, 87, 89, 93, 106
The Virgin Mary in the Life and Writings of John Henry Newman (Boyce), 5
W
Ward, William George, 76, 78
Wilberforce, Henry William, 64
Wilberforce, Robert Isaac, 64, 65
Wilberforce, William, 64
Wiseman, Nicholas, 99
The Workings of the Holy Spirit in the Church of England (Manning), 71-72
worship, 53-55, 56
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