
The Syntax of (Anti-)Causatives
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Content
- The Syntax of (Anti-)Causatives
- Editorial page
- Title page
- LCC data
- Table of contents
- Acknowledgements
- List of abbreviations
- Introduction
- Chapter 1. The morphological patterns of anticausatives and their interpretation
- 1.1 The causative alternation
- 1.2 The causative alternation in German
- 1.3 Theories about the derivational relation between causatives and anticausatives
- 1.4 Semantic effects of anticausative morphology
- 1.4.1 Anticausatives in Italian
- 1.4.2 Anticausatives in French
- 1.4.3 Anticausatives in Greek
- 1.4.4 Conclusion and outlook
- 1.4.5 Anticausatives in German
- Chapter 2. The dative causer construction
- 2.1 Datives in the context of unmarked anticausatives and non-alternating unaccusative verbs
- 2.2 Datives in the context of marked anticausative verbs
- 2.3 The absence of the unintentional causer reading: Semantic blocking?
- 2.3.1 Do marked anticausatives involve external argument semantics?
- 2.3.2 Causer vs. causing event
- 2.3.2.1 Causative constructions without an external argument
- 2.3.2.1.1 The adversity causative in Japanese. Lexical causatives in Japanese as in (45) have, besides their ordinary causativ
- 2.3.2.1.2 The desiderative construction in Finnish. In Finnish it is possible to add a causative morpheme to an unergative ver
- 2.3.2.2 Is the dative causer blocked by a causative event?
- 2.3.3 Interim conclusion
- 2.4 Language comparison: Datives in anticausative structures
- 2.4.1 Introduction
- 2.4.2 The language survey ,
- Chapter 3. Datives and changes of state
- 3.1 Datives as specifiers of applicative heads
- 3.1.1 Low applicatives
- 3.1.2 Affected datives
- 3.1.3 Unintentional causer datives as high applicatives
- 3.2 Interim summary and some open questions
- 3.3 An alternative view on the unintentional dative causer
- 3.4 A typology of external arguments of causative events
- 3.5 Some crosslinguistic relatives of the dative causer
- 3.6 Conclusions: The syntax and semantics of the unintentional causer construction
- Chapter 4. The causative alternation
- 4.1 The core theory of (anti-)causatives
- 4.1.1 Problems for derivational analyses
- 4.1.1.1 Morphological marking
- 4.1.1.2 Verb restrictions and selection restrictions
- 4.1.1.3 PP-modification in passives and anticausatives
- 4.1.1.3.1 PP-modification in English.
- 4.1.1.3.2 PP-modification in German.
- 4.1.1.3.3 PP-modification in Greek.
- 4.1.1.4 Crosslinguistic differences in verb restrictions and selection restrictions
- 4.1.1.5 Interim conclusion
- 4.1.2 On the event decomposition of (anti-)causatives
- 4.1.3 The syntax of (anti-) causatives
- 4.2 Comments on the categorization of Roots
- 4.3 Comments on the decomposition of (anti-)causatives
- 4.3.1 The dative causer revisited
- Chapter 5. The syntax of marked anticausatives: Part I
- 5.1 The origin of anticausative morphology
- 5.1.1 Lexicalist accounts of the causative alternation revisited
- 5.1.2 The marked / unmarked contrast from a typological perspective
- 5.2 The phrase-structural representation of anticausative morphology
- 5.2.1 The morpho-syntactic properties of German marked anticausatives
- 5.2.1.1 Semantic intransitivity
- 5.2.1.2 Syntactic transitivity
- 5.2.1.3 Reflexive anticausatives: Resolving the contradiction
- 5.2.2 A typology of Voice
- 5.3 German marked anticausatives meet the unaccusativity diagnostics
- 5.3.1 Auxiliary selection
- 5.3.2 Prenominal past participle
- 5.3.3 Was-f r split
- 5.3.3.1 A further problem with the was-f r split
- 5.3.4 Split-NPs
- 5.3.5 Topicalization of Subject + Participle II
- 5.3.6 Passive n
- 5.3.7 Datives n
- 5.3.8 nom-dat order
- 5.3.9 Resultatives
- 5.3.10 The weak/strong reading of indefinites and bare plurals
- 5.3.11 Unaccusativity tests: Conclusion
- Chapter 6. Generic middles
- 6.1 The core characteristics of middles
- 6.2 Syntactic accounts
- 6.3 Pre-syntactic/lexicalist accounts
- 6.4 The source of the middle agent in a non-lexicalist framework
- 6.4.1 The causative alternation and the syntax of marked anticausatives
- 6.4.2 Middles at the C-I interface
- 6.4.2.1 Agentive Roots and V + Theme combinations
- 6.4.2.2 Verbs forming unmarked anticausatives
- 6.4.2.3 Verbs forming marked anticausatives
- 6.4.3 The source of the agent implicature
- 6.5 Unmarked middles in English and Dutch
- 6.6 A short discussion of impersonal middles
- Chapter 7. The syntax of marked anticausatives: Part II
- 7.1 Introduction
- 7.2 External argument reduction within a configurational theta theory
- 7.2.1 Binding theory
- 7.2.2 Verbal agreement and case
- 7.2.3 The derivations
- 7.2.4 Case under phase theory
- 7.3 Motivating the derivation of non-thematic reflexives
- 7.3.1 Dative causers again
- 7.3.1.1 A further note on dative antecedents
- 7.3.2 Scrambling and raising
- 7.3.3 Long-distance binding
- 7.4 The es-construction and the stray accusative construction
- 7.4.1 The causative alternation in Icelandic
- 7.4.2 Syntactic transitivity
- 7.4.3 Semantic transitivity
- 7.4.4 The origin of the FATE semantics
- 7.5 Conclusion
- References
- Index of names
- Index of subjects
- The series Linguistik Aktuell
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