
Modes of Modality
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- Modes of Modality
- Editorial page
- Title page
- LCC data
- Table of contents
- Introduction
- Elisabeth Leiss & Werner Abraham
- part i
- Formal properties of modality
- Interpreting modals by phase heads*
- Daigo Akiba
- Evidentiality straddling T- and C-domains*
- Nadia Varley
- part ii
- Typological surveys
- The syntax of modal polyfunctionality revisited
- Evidence from the languages of Europe
- Björn Hansen
- Mora da as a marker of modal meanings in Macedonian
- On correlations between categorial restrictions and morphosyntactic behaviour*
- Björn Wiemer
- Modal semantics and morphosyntax of the Latvian DEBITIVE
- Ilze Lokmane & Andra Kalnaca
- Deontic or epistemic? habere as a modal marker of future certainty in Macedonian
- Liljana Mitkovska & Eleni Buzarovska
- Epistemic, evidential and attitudinal markers in clause-medial position in Cantonese
- Foong Ha Yap & Winnie Oi-Wan Chor
- part iii
- Interfaces between mood and modality
- Modal particles in rationale clauses and related constructions*
- Patrick Grosz
- Modal particles in causal clauses
- The case of German weil wohl*
- Mathias Schenner & Frank Sode
- part iv
- Modality conceptualizations
- Enablement and possibility
- Raphael Salkie
- The modal category of sufficiency
- Chantal Melis
- part v
- Diachronic derivation
- From agent-oriented modality to sequential
- The polysemy of the marker ni in Kakabe (Mande)
- Alexandra Vydrina
- part vi
- Covert modality
- A rare case of covert modality
- Spoken Polish and the novel periphrastic past with miec 'have'
- Werner Abraham & Jadwiga Piskorz
- (C)Overt epistemic modality and its perspectival effects on the textual surface*
- Sonja Zeman
- Dimensions of implicit modality in Igbo
- Chinedu Uchechukwu
- Introduction
- 1. General background
- 2. Formal properties of root vs. epistemic and evidential modality
- 3. Modality in typological survey
- 4. Interfaces between speech act, conditional, and modality
- 5. Modality reconceptualized
- 6. Covert modality
- References
- Interpreting modals by phase heads*
- 1. Introduction
- 2. Root vs. epistemic modals
- 2.1 Structural positions
- 2.2 Scope
- 2.2.1 Tense
- 2.2.2 Adverbs
- 2.2.3 Quantifiers
- 2.3 Interim summary
- 3. The phase-based approach to modal interpretations
- 3.1 Phase-by-phase modal interpretation
- 3.2 Butler's (2003) analysis
- 3.3 Modal interpretations by phase heads
- 4. Conclusion
- Abbreviations
- References
- Evidentiality straddling T- and C-domains*
- 1. Introduction
- 2. Approaching the object of inquiry
- 2.1 What is evidentiality?
- 2.2 Evidential types
- 2.3 The ASP/TNS/Mood triplet and evidentiality
- 2.3.1 Theoretical background
- 2.3.2 The perfect paradigm and evidentiality
- 2.3.3 Usages of the -l morpheme in Bulgarian
- 2.3.4 On mirativity
- 2.3.5 Modality and evidentiality
- 3. The proposal
- 3.1 Speas (2004)
- 3.2 Deixis
- 3.3 On the 1/2PRSN vs. 3PRSN asymmetry
- 3.4 Person geometry and evidential "vouchers"
- 3.5 The structural position(s) of evidentiality
- 3.5.1 Epistemic and root modality
- 3.5.2 A pervasive asymmetry: i-EVID vs. h-EVID
- 3.5.2.1 The doings of the left periphery. The main claim of this paper is that there is a sharp distinction to be drawn between hearsay/quotative evidentiality and inferential evidentiality (with mirativity yet a way higher, cf. §2.3.4). This also means t
- 3.5.2.2 Explaining (and redressing) the 'boojum'. In a sequence of papers, Friedman (1982, 1986, 2001) consistently argues that the Bulgarian evidential is an elusive 'boojum', and auxiliary suppliance in conjunction with -l participles subject to (styli
- 3.6 Interim considerations
- 4. Crossroads of evidentiality
- 4.1 Logophoricity, logophoric domains, and control
- 5. Concluding remarks
- Abbreviations
- References
- The syntax of modal polyfunctionality revisited
- 0. Introduction
- 1. The typological data
- 2. Approaches to modal polyfunctionality
- 2.1 The tradition in Germanic linguistics
- 2.2 The typological perspective
- 3. A classificatory typology of modal constructions
- 3.1 Subject encoding
- 3.2 INFL: Subject-predicate agreement
- 3.2.1 Subject-predicate agreement marking in modal constructions without copula
- 3.2.2 Subject-predicate agreement marking in modal constructions with copula
- 3.3 INFL: Tense (TAM) marking
- 4. Searching for syntactic features that correlate with modal polyfunctionality
- 4.1 Modals and the auxiliary-main verb distinction
- 4.2 Modals and complexity mismatch (raising vs. control)
- 4.3 Modals and the coherence of verbal complexes
- 5. Conclusion
- Abbreviations
- References
- Mora da as a marker of modal meanings in Macedonian
- 1. Introduction and formulation of the task
- 2. Mac. mora (da): A survey of its meaning range and syntactic behaviour
- 2.1 On the Macedonian system of TAM-forms and grammatical evidentiality
- 2.2 mora da and restrictions on AT-forms
- 2.2.1 The perfects
- 2.2.2 Aspect (pfv.: Ipfv.) in the present tense
- 2.2.3 Confirmative past tenses
- 2.2.4 Future and conditional/potential
- 2.2.5 Interim summary
- 3. Lexical vs. grammatical status of mora (da)
- 3.1 Stepwise reduction of verbal features on mora
- 3.2 Other distributional facts
- 4. Conclusions
- Abbreviations in glosses (not covered by the Leipzig Glossing Rules)
- References
- Modal semantics and morphosyntax of the Latvian DEBITIVE
- 1. Introduction
- 2. The grammatical moods in Latvian
- 3. Description of the Latvian debitive
- 3.1 Sub-moods of the debitive
- 3.1.1 Combination of the debitive and oblique
- 3.1.2 Combination of the debitive and conditional
- 3.2 The debitive in the passive voice
- 3.3 Problems of description of the debitive in Latvian grammars
- 4. The debitive and modality
- 4.1 The root modality reading
- 4.2 The epistemic modality reading
- 4.3 Modal and evidential meanings of the debitive combinations
- 5. Distributional traits of the debitive
- 5.1 The argument structure in debitive constructions
- 5.2 The choice between the Nominative or Accusative argument
- 5.3 The debitive and patterns of agreement
- 6. Concluding remarks
- Abbreviations
- References
- Deontic or epistemic? habere as a modal marker of future certainty in Macedonian
- 1. Introduction
- 2. Theoretical background
- 3. Goals and methodology
- 4. Grammaticalization of ima
- 4.1 Components of ima da-constructions
- 4.2 Overview of the grammaticalization stages
- 5. The semantics of uninflected ima
- 5.1 Uninflected ima compared to closely related modal expressions
- 5.2 The meaning of 'future certainty' as a distinctive mark of uninflected ima
- 6. Semantic differences between inflected and uninflected constructions
- 7. Conclusion: Uninflected ima as a marker of futural epistemic necessity
- Abbreviations
- References
- Epistemic, evidential and attitudinal markers in clause-medial position in Cantonese
- 1. Introduction
- 2. Epistemic, evidential and attitudinal parentheticals derived from complement-taking psych verbs
- 2.1 Parenthetical epistemic marker ngo5 gok3dak1 'I feel/think'
- 2.2 Parenthetical epistemic and evidential marker (ngo5) paa3 'I'm afraid'
- 2.3 Parenthetical attitudinal marker (ngo5) m4zi1 ('I don't know')
- 2.4 Insubordination, subject ellipsis, topic constructions, and the grammaticalization of parenthetical stance markers
- 3. Postverbal directional particles as attitudinal markers
- 3.1 Postverbal faan1 as a marker of speaker's positive evaluation
- 3.2 Postverbal maai4 as a marker of speaker's pejorative attitude
- 3.3 Verbal complementation and the emergence of postverbal attitudinal particles
- 4. Summary discussion and conclusion
- Acknowledgements
- Abbreviations
- References
- Modal particles in rationale clauses and related constructions*
- 1. Background: On the connection between force, modality and mood
- 2. The core puzzle: 'Imperative particles' in rationale clauses
- 2.1 Introducing the German particles 'ruhig', 'JA' and 'bloß'
- 2.2 Rationale clauses with 'ruhig', 'ja' and 'bloß' - The empirical scope
- 2.3 Rationale clauses with 'ruhig', 'JA' and 'bloß' - The core puzzle
- 3. The solution in a nutshell
- 4. Rationale clauses as modalized expressions
- 4.1 Introducing the rationale clause modal
- 4.2 The variable nature of the rationale clause modal
- 5. bloß/JA/ruhig as modal modifiers
- 5.1 The general pattern
- 5.2 The semantics of 'bloß'/'JA'/'ruhig'
- 5.3 A note on the formal implementation
- 6. Alternative views
- 6.1 Portner (2012)
- 6.2 Schwager (2010)
- 7. Conclusion
- References
- Modal particles in causal clauses
- 1. Introduction
- 2. Theoretical background
- 2.1 Causal clauses
- 2.2 Modal particles
- 3. Modal particles in causal clauses
- 3.1 Modal particles and Force-based licensing
- 3.2 Causal clauses may contain illocutionary wohl
- 3.3 On the semantic clash of weil and wohl
- 4. Dynamics to the rescue: Toward solving the puzzle
- 5. Conclusion and further directions
- References
- Enablement and possibility
- 0. Introduction
- 1. Enablement
- 2. Enablement in different languages
- 3. Theoretical implications
- 3.1 Necessary conditions
- 3.2 Does can express a type of "root" modality?
- 3.3 Impliciture, saturation and free enrichment
- 3.4 Types of possibility
- 3.5 Modality, semantics and pragmatics
- 4. Previous treatments of can and may
- 5. Conclusion
- References
- Appendix - More corpus examples
- The modal category of sufficiency
- 1. Introduction
- 2. The quantitative dimension
- 3. The modal component: Antecedents
- 4. Proposal
- 5. Enough and so . that constructions
- 6. Insufficiency and excess
- 7. Polar adjectives
- 8. Implicative readings
- 9. Conclusions
- References
- From agent-oriented modality to sequential
- 1. Introduction
- 2. Kakabe predicative categories
- 3. The primary uses of ni
- 4. Predicative marker ni after clauses with the temporal-conditional predicative marker mani
- 4.1 Semantics of the predicative marker mani
- 4.2 The predicative marker ni in the mani construction with deontic modal meaning
- 4.3 The predicative marker ni in the mani construction with the meaning of entailed result
- 4.4 The predicative marker ni in the mani construction with past iterative meaning
- 4.5 The predicative marker ni in the mani construction with past (non-iterative) meaning
- 5. Interpretation
- 5.1 Semantic bleaching
- 5.2 The increase of meaning scope, subjectification (from statement about external world to speaker's assessment of the situation)
- 5.3 From propositional to textual meaning and the development of a clause linker
- 5.4 Comparative evidence
- 5.5 Modality and clause linking
- 6. Conclusions
- References
- A rare case of covert modality
- 1. Introduction
- 2. The grammaticalization of a new periphrastic past in Polish. A contribution to the evolutionary logic of temporal and modal periphrasis
- 3. Signs of a newly emerging analytic past in spoken Polish
- 4. Grammaticalizing into the new analytic active past in Modern Polish
- 5. Signals testifying to the new development of analytic tensing in Polish
- 6. miec+V as modal construal in root and epistemic interpretation
- 7. The logic underlying covert modality
- 7.1 A few words ahead
- 7.2 Covert epistemics presupposes finiteness - the "epistemic non-finiteness gap"
- 7.3 BE-TO- and HAVE-TO-infinitive
- 7.4 Old High German 'sein + zu-infinitive'
- 7.5 Summary: Form and morphologically explicit modality early on: HAVE/BE(+DP)+zu-infinitive
- 8. The miec+PP past and its covert modality
- 8.1 The facts without the infinitival preposition
- 8.2 The facts with the infinitival preposition do German "zu", English "to"
- 8.3 Attempt at an explanation of the covert modality of miec+PP/non-finite V
- 8.4 Summary: The grammaticalizing features of miec + PP and the derived classification
- 9. Conclusions: Criticism - and its status after this
- 9.1 Resultative Past or Resultative Passive?
- 9.2 Periphrastic cycle in Polish?
- 9.3 The role of transitivity in grammaticalization?
- 9.4 Is miec a true modal verb?
- 9.5 miec by itself is not a modal verb
- 9.6 All root modal is futural, while epistemic modality is not
- 9.7 Factors weakening the "Aspect-Modality-Correlation Generalization"
- 9.8 Is epistemic modality really a derivative of root modality?
- 9.9 Pure reliance on usage obscures the need to search for profound, cross-linguistically more generalizable links
- 9.10 Are the Polish modals calques from German?
- 9.11 The wide range of epistemicity in Polish
- 9.12
- Primary sources
- References
- (C)Overt epistemic modality and its perspectival effects on the textual surface*
- 0. The universal character of modality
- 1. What is (c)overt modality?
- 2. The essence of modality2
- 3. Perswpectival effects of (c)overt modality2 in grammar, sentence, text
- 3.1 (C)Overt modality2 and its effects of perspectivization in grammar
- 3.2 (C)Overt modality2 and its perspectival effects on the sentence level
- 3.3 (C)Overt modality2 on the textual surface
- 4. Conclusion: The silent ubiquity of epistemic meaning in human language
- References
- Dimensions of implicit modality in Igbo
- 1. Modality in Igbo: The gradual history of recognition of a grammatical category
- 2. Covert and implicit modality
- 3. The explicit modal structures of the Igbo language
- 4. In search of covert modality in Igbo
- 4.1 Translational covert modals
- 4.1.1 Wh-infinitival complements Wh-complement construction
- 4.1.2 Subject infinitival relatives Simple relative construction
- 4.1.3 Purpose clauses
- 4.2 More generally, Igbo covert modal structures
- 4.2.1 Covert Modality in the verb -kwé 'agree, admit'
- 4.2.2 Covert modality with the BVC
- 4.2.2.1 The Characterization of BVC in Igbo Linguistics
- 5. Summary and Conclusion
- References
- Index
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