
The Syntax of Multiple<i>-que</i> Sentences in Spanish
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Content
- Intro
- Editorial page
- Title page
- LCC data
- Table of contents
- Preface
- List of abbreviations
- Introduction
- 1. Theoretical and empirical scope of this volume
- 2. The fine structure of the left periphery
- 3. Major claims of this volume
- 3.1 Against a processing account of double-complementizer sentences in Spanish
- 3.2 A note on terminology
- 4. Organization of the book
- Toward a syntactic analysis of Spanish recomplementation
- 1. Introduction
- 2. The phenomenon of recomplementation
- 2.1 Other types of non-high que
- 3. Properties of recomplementation configurations
- 3.1 The constituents sandwiched between ques are left-dislocated
- 3.2 Distributional properties of recomplementation que
- 3.2.1 Multiple instances of sandwiched left-dislocation
- 3.2.2 On the iterative nature of recomplementation que
- 3.2.3 Non-dislocated left-peripheral XPs cannot appear to the left of recomplementation que
- 3.3 Selection and recomplementation que
- 3.4 Recomplementation que blocks movement across it
- 3.5 On the relationship between the sandwiched dislocated phrase and recomplementation que
- 3.5.1 *Que que sequences?
- 3.5.2 The sandwiched XP and recomplementation que stand in a Spec-Head relationship
- 3.5.2.1 Polarity and recomplementation. In recent work, Garrett (2013) provides empirical support for the claim put forth here that both the sandwiched XP and recomplementation que are topic-related entities. The author applies a test for topichood devise
- 3.5.2.2 Ellipsis and recomplementation. As noted above, Paoli (2006) claims that the second que in Romance recomplementation agrees with an element in its specifier, an intuition already expressed in Uriagereka (1995a). I have also shown that Saramaccan a
- 4. Evaluating the existing accounts of recomplementation
- 4.1 Existing proposals
- 4.1.1 CP recursion
- 4.1.2 Recomplementation que in FP
- 4.1.3 Proposals within Rizzi's split-CP system
- 4.1.3.1 Recomplementation que in FinitenessP. A number of proposals assume that optional secondary que heads FinitenessP, while the high, obligatory que characteristic of embedded declarative clauses heads ForceP, the two complementizers serving to delimi
- 4.1.3.2 No TopicP/FocusP: Recomplementation que in FinitenessP. A modified version of the FinitenessP analysis of recomplementation is put forward in López (2009a, b). For López, projections such as TopicP and FocusP should be dispensed with, but the Forc
- 4.1.3.3 Recomplementation que in DiscourseP. In the spirit of the streamlined NoTopicP/FocusP proposal advocated in López (2009a), Kempchinsky (2013) acknowledges that it is necessary to assume that ForceP and FinitenessP frame yet another projection for
- 4.1.3.4 Recomplementation que in (Doubled)ForceP. The analysis first laid out in Martín-González (2002) assumes that secondary que in recomplementation contexts heads a projection which he calls (Doubled)ForceP, sandwiched between TopicP and FinitenessP:
- 4.1.3.5 Moving complementizers. In line with the Rizzian approaches to recomplemention considered in this section, Ledgeway (2000, 2004, 2005, 2006, 2009, 2010, 2012a, b, to appear) pursues an analysis of double-complementizer constructions which involv
- 4.1.3.6 Recomplementation que in TopicP. I will lastly discuss the analysis adopted in the book in more detail and in a way that packs together the evidence reviewed so far. Under the TopicP analysis, the sandwiched dislocate occupies the specifier of s
- 5. Conclusion
- 5.1 Appendix: More on ellipsis
- Two distinct complementizers in disguise
- 1. Introduction
- 2. Two different entities: Recomplementation que and jussive/optative que
- 2.1 The account of medial and low complementizers in Spanish
- 2.2 The distinct behavior and distribution of the two non-high complementizers in Spanish
- 2.2.1 Do non-high complementizers depend on the presence of a dislocated phrase to their left?
- 2.2.2 Are the two non-high complementizers optional or obligatory? Beyond Spanish
- 2.2.2.1 Jussive and optative mood. Note that claiming that jussive/optative que lexicalizes the subjunctive mood immediately raises the question of what happens in the numerous cases where the subjunctive occurs without a(n overt) que complementizer in S
- 2.2.2.2 Pues que. In line with the issue of the obligatoriness or optionality of the complementizers at issue, it is opportune to discuss a context where even recomplementation que seems obligatory (another context will be explored toward the end of Chap
- 2.2.3 Are the two non-high complementizers ellipsis licensors?
- 2.2.4 What distribution possibilities do the two non-high complementizers exhibit with regard to dislocations?
- 2.2.5 What distribution possibilities do the two non-high complementizers exhibit with regard to focused phrases?
- 2.2.6 Do the two non-high complementizers have any bearing on clitic directionality in Asturian?
- 2.2.6.1 Adverbs and verb height in Asturian. Cinque (1999:?226, n. 4) shows that infinitives in Spanish rise obligatorily past adverbs such as siempre 'always,' which can remain to the left of finite verbs. The contrast in (218a, b), inspired by Ojea-Lópe
- 2.2.7 Can non-high complementizers iterate?
- 2.2.8 Can non-high complementizers co-occur in the same sentence?
- 3. Jussive/optative-que sentences as [Spec, TP]-detectors
- 3.1 Spanish subjects
- 3.1.1 Subjects in Spec, TP
- 3.1.2 Subjects in Spec, CP/TopicP
- 3.1.3 Spec, TP as an A position
- 3.1.4 Subjects in Spec, TP or in Spec, CP
- 3.2 The different behavior and distribution of preverbal subjects and left-dislocated phrases in Spanish jussive/optative-que clauses.
- 3.2.1 Jussive/optative que and CLLD
- 3.2.2 Jussive/optative que and foci
- 3.2.3 Jussive/optative que and preverbal subjects
- 3.3 Implications for the contentious analysis of preverbal subjects in Spanish
- 3.3.1 Locative Inversion revisited
- 3.3.2 Crosslinguistic evidence for the subject-oriented nature of Spec, TP in null-subject languages
- 4. Conclusion
- On the impossibility of movement across non-primary complementizers in Spanish
- 1. Introduction
- 2. The constituents featured in que-XP-que configurations are externally merged in sandwiched position
- 2.1 Sandwiched dislocates fail to show reconstruction effects
- 2.1.1 Sandwiched CLLDed phrases and bound variable reconstruction
- 2.1.2 Sandwiched CLLDed phrases and anaphor reconstruction
- 2.1.3 Sandwiched CLLDed phrases and scope reconstruction
- 2.2 The behavior of negation in recomplementation sentences involving negative constituents
- 2.3 A clausematehood effect with recomplementation CLLD
- 2.4 The type of dislocate featured in sandwiched position: CLLD and HTLD
- 2.5 Sandwiched CLLDs and structural case
- 3. A locality effect with non-primary complementizers
- 3.1 Recomplementation que is an opaque domain for extraction
- 3.1.1 Extraction of wh-phrases and foci across recomplementation que
- 3.1.2 Extraction of topics/CLLD across recomplementation que
- 3.1.3 Further evidence from sub-extraction facts
- 4. Conclusion
- Analyzing the locality effect with non-primary que complementizers in Spanish
- 1. Introduction
- 2. A Comp-t effect in Spanish?
- 2.1 Shedding light on extraction from postverbal subjects
- 2.2 Non-high que and Rescue by PF Deletion: Analysis and predictions
- 2.2.1 Extending the approach to cases involving movement to the specifier of recomplementation que
- 2.2.2 A prediction: Ellipsis repairs secondary-que-t violations in Spanish
- 2.2.3 On the obligatoriness of recomplementation que with embedded HTLDs: The last-resort flavor of recomplementation-que deletion
- 2.2.3.1 Secondary que is only deleted when crossed. I will now entertain the hypothesis that recomplementation que is only deleted when crossed, either by a moving dislocate or by a long-distance moving phrase, in a last-resort fashion. On this view, when
- 2.2.3.2 An asymmetry between embedded HTLD and CLLD. The view that recomplementation-que deletion is last resort actually receives empirical support. As mentioned in passing, embedded hanging topics (HTLDs) require an instance of secondary que in Spanish
- 2.2.3.3 Potential counterexamples to the movement analysis of embedded non-recomplementation CLLDs. I would now like to consider three potential arguments against the last-resort nature of the recomplementation-que-deletion process, and show that once we
- 2.2.4 Complementizer deletion under Rescue-by-PF Deletion and Recoverability of Deletion
- 2.2.4.1 On the undeletability of jussive/optative que. As argued in Chapter 3, jussive/optative que, characteristic of exhortative or desiderative clauses exhibiting subjunctive mood, is mandatory with verbs of saying, since it functions as the lexical re
- 2.2.4.2 Embedded interrogatives and recomplementation. In this subsection, I turn to the behavior of non-high que in embedded interrogatives in Spanish.
- 2.2.4.3 A generalization regarding obligatorily overt non-high ques? A reviewer correctly points out that with verbs of communication such as decir 'to say,' non-primary que is mandatory after dislocations in those cases that are not intrinsically select
- 3. Alternative accounts of the locality effect with secondary que
- 3.1 On phases and CP
- 3.2 A phase-based approach to the locality effect with secondary que
- 3.2.1 Phases and ellipsis
- 3.2.2 Problems for the phase-theory account
- 3.2.3 Phases and Salvation-in-PF
- 4. Conclusion
- 5. Appendix: Rescue-by-PF-Deletion, the subject-gap in wh-questions in Spanish, and the Copy Theory of Movement
- 5.1 On obligatory subject-verb inversion in Spanish
- 5.2 Subjects in Spanish and the Copy Theory of Movement
- 5.2.1 Predictions of the Copy-Theory-of-Movement analysis of subjects in Spanish
- 5.3 Accounting for the contrast
- 5.3.1 The subject-gap restriction as a PF-adjacency violation
- 5.3.2 Salvation by PF Deletion
- 5.3.2.1 A note on null subjects. As is well known, Spanish is a prototypical null-subject language. The use of a null subject results in grammatical outputs in obligatory-inversion contexts. We therefore add (436) to the paradigm in (406).
- 5.3.3 Predictions
- References
- Index
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