
On Information Structure, Meaning and Form
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Content
- On Information Structure, Meaning and Form
- Editorial page
- Title page
- LCC data
- Table of contents
- Acknowledgments
- On information structure, meaning and form
- Generalizations across languages
- 1. The outset
- 2. The formal approach and the interpretive approach
- 2.1 The formal approach: Syntax and prosody
- 2.1.1 Focus: Arguments for a syntactic implementation
- 2.1.2 Topic and focus positions
- 2.2 The interpretive approach: The semantics-pragmatics interface
- 2.3 Longstanding questions and new contributions
- i. Isomorphism hypothesis
- ii. Focus and topic marking hypothesis
- iii. Multiple question-answer congruence hypothesis
- iv. Focus underspecification hypothesis
- 3. The chapters
- 3.1 Information structure and grammar: Generalizations across languages
- 3.1.1 Topics and topicalization across languages
- 3.1.2 Focus and focus movement across languages
- 3.2 Information structure and pragmatics: Clause structure and context
- 4. Conclusion
- Information structure and grammar
- Generalizations across languages
- Phases and the typology of focus constructions*
- 1. Introduction
- 2. The typology of peripheral focus positions
- 3. Two assumptions about phase structure
- 3.1 Clausal phase structure is event structure
- 3.2 The functional peripheries of phases are isomorphic
- 4. Do eventive and propositional phases have parallel structures?
- 4.1 Polarity
- 4.2 Modality
- 4.2.1 The modal hierarchy
- 4.2.2 Root and epistemic modality in Thai
- 4.2.3 Towards an analysis
- 4.3 Force and Mood
- 4.3.1 The nonuniqueness of sentence type
- 4.3.2 Direction of fit and subordination
- 5. Further consequences for the theory of information structure
- 5.1 Terms and shells
- 5.2 Cleft clauses
- 5.3 Typological variation in cleft focus constructions
- 6. Conclusion
- Topics and topicalization across languages
- The prosody of topicalization*
- 1. Introduction
- 2. Theoretical framework
- 3. Topic and topicalization
- 3.1 Topic
- 3.2 Topicalization
- 4. Discontinuous DP constructions
- 6. Conclusion
- Types of topics in German and Italian*
- 1. Introduction
- 2. The intonation of topic constituents in Italian
- 2.1 The interpretation of tonal events
- 2.1.1 The L*+H contour
- 2.1.2 The H* contour
- 2.1.3 The L* contour
- 2.1.4 A case of multiple realization
- 2.2 Tonal events on topics: conclusions
- 3. The syntax of topics in Italian
- 3.1 Merge, move and clitic resumption
- 3.2 The derivation of right-hand topics
- 3.3 Contrast: an interplay between focus and topic
- 3.4 Rizzi (1997) and the topic-focus/wh relation
- 4. The intonation of topic constituents in German
- 4.1 The corpus
- 4.2 The analysis
- 4.2.1 The L+H* contour
- 4.2.2 The L*+H contour
- 4.2.3 The L* contour
- 5. The syntax of German topics
- 5.1 The order of topics
- 5.2 The derivation of topic constituents in German
- 5.3 The proper treatment of continuing topics
- 5.4 V2 and the functional structure in the C-domain
- 6. Conclusions
- The Korean particle nun, the English fall-rise accent and thetic/categorical judgements*
- 1. Introduction
- 2. On Korean sentences with the 'topic particle' nun
- 3. On the role of the fall-rise accent in English sentences
- 4. Korean and English: Accented Korean nun-phrases and English fall-rise accents
- Topicalization and null arguments in Malagasy, Tagalog and Tsou*
- 1. Introduction
- 2. Verbal morphology in Austronesian languages and topicalization
- 2.1 Two typical characteristics of Austronesian languages
- 2.2 Topicalization of the trigger
- 3. Null arguments and topicalization of non-triggers
- 3.1 Agreement and null arguments in Tsou
- 3.2 Null arguments and discourse in Tagalog
- 3.3 Null arguments in Malagasy
- 3.4 Syntactic structure of topicalization of non-triggers
- 4. Conclusion
- Focus(ing) from a typological perspective
- On the discourse configurationalityof West Germanic*
- 1. Introduction
- 2. Scrambling as permutation of maximal projections
- 3. Identifying the underlying order
- 4. Scrambling and focus potential
- 5. What drives refocusing in German?
- 6. Scrambling in two-place predicates - a case of pragmatically marked base word orders
- 7. Scrambling in Afrikaans
- 8. A discourse functional account
- 9. Refocusing without focus positions
- 10. Defocusing as the trigger of scrambling
- 11. On the interpretation of scrambled and non-scrambled definite object categories
- 12. Conclusion
- Topic, focus, and default vs. contrastive accent
- Typological differences with respect to discourse prominence*
- 1. The type of German discourse prominence
- 2. 'Flat' accounts of word order and discourse functions
- 3. German discourse prominence vs. English grammar prominence
- 4. Discourse-functional landing sites vs. syntactically computeddiscourse functions
- 4.1 The discourse-functional extension by several nodes(Grewendorf 2004, Frey 2004b)
- 4.2 The clause-internal higher Topic position
- 4.3 The clause-internal higher Focus position
- 4.4 The discourse-functional extension by one single node (Molnárfi this volume)
- 5. Summary
- Focus and focus movement across languages
- Identifying inferences in focus*
- 1. The FP phenomenon and conventional analysis
- 1.1 Syntax: The 'focus movement' analysis
- 1.2 Semantics: exhaustivity and identification in the grammar
- 1.2.1 The exhaustivity operator analysis
- 1.2.2 The identificational operator analysis
- 2. A 'main predicate' position in an incremental account
- 3. The putative FP/cleft correspondence
- 4. Summary
- Focus structure and the interpretationof multiple questions*
- 1. Introduction
- 2 Multiple foci: Structures and interpretations
- 3 Focus in multiple wh-interrogatives
- 4 Multiple questions: structure and interpretation
- 4.1 Movements
- 4.2 Interpretation
- 4.3 Predicitons
- 5 Serbo-Croatian: MF as focus movement
- 6 Japanese: An interpretive Subjacency effect
- 7 Conclusion
- Focus structure, movement to spec-Foc and syntactic processing*
- 1. Introduction
- 2. Focus structure
- 3. The FocP-hypothesis
- 4. Identificational and informational focus
- 5. The exceptionality ('markedness') of object fronting in English
- 6. A processing account
- 6.1 The principles of early immediate constituents (EIC) and dependent nodes later (DNL)
- 6.2 EIC and DNL differences for movement to spec-Foc between English and German
- 6.3 Processing advantages due to case morphology
- 7. Summary
- Focus and marked positions for VP adverbs*
- 1. Preliminary remarks
- 2. Unmarked positions for manner adverbs
- 3. Licensing transportable adverbs
- 4. Objections to genuine transportability
- 5. Narrow focus on manner adverbs
- 5.1 A marked position for manner adverbs
- 5.2 Where's the focused adverb?
- 5.2.1 PP scrambling
- 5.2.2 Focus-movement in the lower IP area
- 6. Concluding remarks
- Ellipsis and inversion
- A feature-based focus account*
- 1. Introduction
- 2. The PF-output constraint account
- 3. An information structural account
- 3.1 Diachronic and synchronic evidence
- 3.2 The Focus Hypothesis
- 3.3 The Focus Isolation account of comparative ellipsis with inversion
- 4. The extension of the Focus Isolation account:Evidence from pseudogapping
- 5. Conclusion
- Subject/object-asymmetry in Northern Sotho*
- 1. Introduction
- 2. The subject/object-asymmetry
- 2.1 Basic observations
- 2.2 Functional approach
- 3. OT-approach
- 3.1 Essentials of OT
- 3.2 Agreement
- 3.3 In situ focus of non-subjects
- 3.4 Focus with subjects of intransitive verbs
- 3.5 The special case of subject clefts
- 3.6 Summary and discussion
- 4. Extension of the account to further discourse notions
- 5. Conclusion
- Wide focus interpretation with fronted focus exponents in Czech*
- 1. Introduction
- 2. Basic assumptions
- 2.1 Identification of focus: Theoretical background
- 2.2 Information structuring in Czech declarative clauses
- 3. Maximal focus with a fronted focus exponent: First data
- 4. Properties and limits of FE-fronting with maximal focus interpretation
- 4.1 Interfering overt subjects
- 4.2 Extraction, embedding, clause type
- 5. Licensing of FE fronting and cross-linguistic parallels
- 6. Summary and further research
- In place - out of place?Focus strategies in Hausa*
- 1. Introduction
- 1.1 Focus: a discourse-semantic category
- 1.2 Background information on Hausa
- 2. Syntactic focus strategies in Hausa
- 2.1 Ex situ focus
- 2.2 In situ focus
- 2.2.1 Non-subjects
- 2.2.2 Subjects
- 2.3 Co-occurrence of in situ and ex situ focus
- 3. On prosodic focus-marking in Hausa or the absence thereof
- 3.1 Hausa intonational phonology
- 3.2 No prosodic marking of in situ focus in Hausa
- 3.2.1 Experimental set-up
- 3.2.2 Qualitative and Quantitative Results
- 3.2.3 A perception study of in situ focus
- 3.3 No prosodic marking of in situ focus in other languages
- 4. Syntactic focus-marking and interpretation
- 4.1 Hausa - a counterexample to the Meaning-Structure Mapping Hypothesis
- 4.3 Ex situ versus in situ: a quantitative study
- 5. The ex situ strategy: focus pied-piping and partial focus movement
- 5.1 Focus pied-piping in Hausa
- 5.2 Partial focus movement in Hausa
- 5.3 Conditions on focus movement
- 6. On pragmatically induced movement and the absence of focus-marking
- 6.1 Pragmatic movement
- 6.1.1 Partial focus movement again
- 6.1.2 Emphatic intonation in intonation languages
- 6.1.3 Pragmatically driven movement in Hausa
- 6.2 On the absence of focus-marking
- 6.3 Compensating for the lack of focus marking
- 7. Conclusion
- Information structure and pragmatics
- Clause structure and context
- Instructions for interpretation asseparate performatives*
- 1. Overview
- 2. Vocatives
- 2.1 Vocatives and reference to the addressee
- 2.2 Instructional meaning of vocatives
- 2.2.1 Informal description
- 2.2.2 The expressive meaning of vocatives
- 1. Tags
- 2. Addresses
- 3. Topics
- 4. Force markers
- 5. Embedded clauses
- 6. Conclusion
- Interrogative complement clauses*
- 1. Introduction
- 2. Canonically used interrogative root and complement clauses
- 2.1 Interrogative root clauses
- 2.2 Complement clauses
- 3. Independently used interrogative verb-final clauses
- 3.1 Syntax and semantics of independently used verb-final clauses
- 3.2 Interpretation of interrogative solitaires
- 4. Conclusion
- The syntax and pragmatics of embeddedyes/no-questions
- 1. Embedded questions
- 2. Embedded yes/no questions: whether or if
- 3. Open issues in the syntactic account
- 4. If or whether, the simple case
- 5. The general case
- 6. The wider perspective
- Toward a uniform analysis of short answers and gapping*
- 1. Introduction
- 2. Some (very) suggestive commonalities
- 3. A topical account within Alternative Semantics
- 3.1 Congruent sentential answers
- 3.2 Deriving short answers
- 3.3 The Subset Condition as a semantic condition on ellipsis
- 3.4 Short answers, gapping and 'questions under discussion'
- 4. Excursion: An alternative formulation
- 4.1 A potential problem: The case of underfocusation
- 4.2 Toward a solution with unstructured propositions
- 5. Some implications of a uniform approach
- 6. Summary
- Alternative Semantics for definite NPs*
- 1. Introduction
- 2. The domain of focus operators
- 2.1 LF-movement theories
- 2.2 Focus and Focus Phrases
- 3. Alternative Semantics for definite NPs
- 3.1 Alternative Semantics
- 3.2 CN and CN-modifier
- 3.3 The definite article
- 4. The architecture of Alternative Semantics
- 4.1 Fine-grained descriptions
- 4.2 No number information
- 4.3 Choice functions
- 4.4 Polymorph choice function
- 4.5 Type shifting operation
- 5. Concluding remarks
- The information structure of bare pluralsin English and Italian*
- 1. Topics
- 2. English bare plurals
- 2.1 Existential readings
- 2.2 Generic readings
- 3. Italian bare plurals
- 3.1 Existential readings
- 3.2 Generic readings
- 4. English indefinite singulars
- 4.1 The data
- 4.2 Explanation
- 4.3 Normative English BPs
- 5. Back to Italian BPs
- 6. Conclusion
- References
- Name index
- Subject index
- The series Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today
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