Clefts and their Relatives

Name: Clefts and their Relatives
Brand: John Benjamins Publishing Company
Price: 123.99 EUR
Availability: OnlineOnly

Matthew Reeve(Author)

John Benjamins Publishing Company

1st Edition

Published on 6. June 2012

XIII, 223 pages

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978-90-272-7460-1 (ISBN)

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Clefts and their Relatives
Editorial page
Title page
LCC data
Dedication page
Table of contents
Acknowledgements
Abbreviations used in glosses
Introduction
The syntax of English clefts
2.1. Introduction
2.2. Proposal
2.3. What specificational analyses get right: the non-expletive nature of cleft it
2.3.1 Introduction
2.3.2 Syntactic evidence
2.3.2.1 Alternation with demonstratives.
2.3.2.2 Control
2.3.2.3 The obligatoriness of cleft pronouns in V2 Germanic
2.3.2.4 Restrictions on referential pro in Italian
2.3.2.5 Experiencer blocking in French.
2.3.2.6 Summary
2.3.3 Interpretative parallels between clefts and specificational sentences
2.3.3.1 Restrictions on information structure
2.3.3.2 Presuppositions
2.3.3.3 Summary
2.4. What specificational analyses get wrong: The behaviour of the cleft clause
2.4.1 Introduction
2.4.2 The cleft clause as a restrictive relative clause
2.4.3 The clefted XP as the antecedent of the cleft clause
2.4.3.1 Introduction
2.4.3.2 Locality
2.4.3.3 Restrictions on predicational clefts
2.4.3.4 The features of the relative operator
2.4.3.5 Reduced cleft clauses
2.4.3.6 Evidence for a promotion structure
2.4.3.7 Evidence for a matching structure
2.4.3.8 Obligatory contrastivity
2.4.3.9 Summary
2.5. Conclusion
Clefts and the licensing of relative clauses
3.1 Introduction
3.2 Two licensing conditions for relative clauses
3.2.1 Introduction
3.2.2 Restrictive relative clauses and '?-binding'
3.2.3 The problem with clefts I: modification of a non-sister
3.2.4 The problem with clefts II: two antecedents for one relative
3.2.5 Two licensing conditions
3.3 Consequences of the analysis
3.3.1 Obligatory versus optional extraposition
3.3.2 The uniqueness of ?-binding I: restrictions on subjects
3.3.3 The uniqueness of ?-binding II: the ban on stacking
3.3.4 Movement of the thematic antecedent
3.3.5 Movement of the syntactic antecedent
3.3.6 Cases in which it is impossible to satisfy both conditions
3.3.7 Relativised minimality effects
3.3.8 Summary
3.4 Ø-binding in it-extraposition sentences
3.4.1 Introduction
3.4.2 Parallels between it-extraposition sentences and clefts
3.4.2.1 It is not an expletive
3.4.2.2 The CP is in VP-adjoined position
3.4.2.3 The uniqueness of ?-binding revisited
3.4.3 Differences between it-extraposition sentences and clefts
3.4.3.1 Movement of the thematic antecedent
3.4.3.2 Other consequences of the lack of a syntactic antecedent
3.4.4 Summary
3.5 Conclusion
Clefts in Slavonic languages
4.1 Introduction
4.2 Proposal
4.3 The parallels between clefts and focus-fronting
4.3.1 No relative clause structure
4.3.2 Ellipsis of the 'cleft clause'
4.3.3 Possible clefted XPs
4.3.4 Connectivity effects
4.3.5 No predicational clefts
4.3.6 Further movement of the clefted XP
4.3.7 Summary
4.4 The cleft as a single extended verbal projection
4.4.1 No copula or relative clause
4.4.2 The types of adverbs permitted after èto
4.4.3 Imperative clefts
4.4.4 Clitic-climbing
4.4.5 Summary
4.5 Consequences of the 'double-subject' structure
4.5.1 Introduction
4.5.2 Evidence for two IPs
4.5.2.1 Sentential vs. constituent negation
4.5.2.2 Superiority effects in Serbo-Croatian
4.5.3 Evidence that èto is a DP specifier
4.5.3.1 Èto in 'bare copular sentences'
4.5.3.2 The positions of adverbs
4.5.3.3 Control complements
4.5.4 Summary
4.6 Russian clefts as specificational sentences
4.6.1 Introduction
4.6.2 Previous analyses
4.6.3 Applying the ?-binding analysis to Russian clefts
4.6.3.1 Problems for compositionality
4.6.3.2 Ø-binding of the 'cleft clause'
4.6.4 Consequences of the ?-binding analysis
4.6.4.1 The interpretative properties of Russian clefts
4.6.4.2 'Adjacency' effects
4.6.4.3 Apparent cases of non-adjacency
4.6.4.4 Why Russian does not have English-style clefts
4.6.4.5 Summary
4.7 Conclusion
The syntax of specificational sentences
5.1. Introduction
5.2. The specificational syntax of clefts
5.2.1 Problems for compositionality II
5.2.2 Specificational syntax and association with focus
5.2.3 The syntax of Eq
5.3. Consequences of association with focus
5.3.1 Restrictions on the placement of focus
5.3.1.1 XP2 must be the focus
5.3.1.2 Extraction
5.3.1.3 The non-existence of 'inverse' specificational sentences
5.3.2 The possibility of multiple foci
5.3.3 The impossibility of focus projection
5.4. Further consequences of the analysis
5.4.1 Extraposition in specificational sentences
5.4.2 More on extraction of the post-copular XP
5.4.3 The dissociation of specification and ?-binding: The case of Serbo-Croatian
5.5. Conclusion
Conclusion
References
Index

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