Local Instability
Description
This monograph argues for a novel approach to split topicalization and quantifier float in German, based on the premise that syntactic structure-building proceeds solely via free application of Merge. Following recent developments in the pursuit of a more principled theory of syntax, it is argued that the stipulative notion of 'projection' ought to be dispensed with: syntactic objects created by Merge are not headed, and endocentricity arises due to a simple search algorithm. When this algorithm fails, specifically in symmetric {XP,YP} structures, an unlabeled constituent results; where a label is required, such structures are locally unstable. It is argued that both split topics and floated quantifiers are the result of this kind of local instability: when an exocentric predication structure is merged in argument or adjunct position, XP must be displaced at the phase level to allow for determination of a label. It is this symmetry-breaking movement that yields the 'split constituent' in surface form. Based on careful empirical scrutiny of two recalcitrant problems for syntactic theory, the present work adduces substantial support for a 'minimalist' grammatical architecture devoid of phrase-structural residue.
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Content
2 - 1 Introduction [Seite 9]
2.1 - 1.1 Empirical Scope [Seite 9]
2.2 - 1.2 Types of Split Topics [Seite 9]
2.2.1 - 1.2.1 Simple Splits [Seite 10]
2.2.2 - 1.2.2 Gapless Splits [Seite 11]
2.2.3 - 1.2.3 Split PPs [Seite 13]
2.2.4 - 1.2.4 Multiple and Parallel Splits [Seite 14]
2.2.5 - 1.2.5 Mixed Splits [Seite 16]
2.3 - 1.3 Organization of the Study [Seite 17]
3 - 2 Properties & Problems [Seite 19]
3.1 - 2.1 Information Structure [Seite 19]
3.1.1 - 2.1.1 Bridge-contour Splits [Seite 19]
3.1.2 - 2.1.2 Focus Fronting [Seite 23]
3.2 - 2.2 Syntax [Seite 27]
3.2.1 - 2.2.1 A TOP-REM Asymmetry [Seite 27]
3.2.2 - 2.2.2 Evidence for Displacement [Seite 30]
3.2.3 - 2.2.3 Antecedent-gap Mismatches [Seite 36]
3.2.4 - 2.2.4 Case Agreement [Seite 42]
3.2.5 - 2.2.5 Summary [Seite 44]
3.3 - 2.3 Previous Approaches [Seite 45]
3.3.1 - 2.3.1 Subextraction [Seite 45]
3.3.2 - 2.3.2 Distributed Deletion [Seite 51]
3.3.3 - 2.3.3 Hybrid Analyses [Seite 55]
3.4 - 2.4 Summary [Seite 63]
4 - 3 A Novel Approach [Seite 65]
4.1 - 3.1 Symmetry and Asymmetry in Syntax [Seite 65]
4.1.1 - 3.1.1 Beyond Phrase-structure Grammar: Merge [Seite 65]
4.1.2 - 3.1.2 Labeling by Minimal Search [Seite 67]
4.1.3 - 3.1.3 Labeling Conflicts and Their Resolution [Seite 69]
4.2 - 3.2 ST as Symmetry-breaking Movement [Seite 71]
4.2.1 - 3.2.1 Bare predication: {DP,NP} [Seite 71]
4.2.2 - 3.2.2 Simple Splits [Seite 78]
4.2.3 - 3.2.3 Gapless Splits [Seite 82]
4.2.4 - 3.2.4 Subject Splits and Parallel Splits [Seite 85]
4.2.5 - 3.2.5 Fronting and Topic-Comment Structure [Seite 89]
4.2.6 - 3.2.6 Mixed Splits [Seite 95]
4.2.7 - 3.2.7 SplitPPs [Seite 98]
4.2.8 - 3.2.8 Multiple Splits [Seite 103]
4.2.9 - 3.2.9 Ellipsis in TOP and REM [Seite 106]
4.2.10 - 3.2.10 The Motivation for Movement [Seite 108]
4.3 - 3.3 Predictions and Extensions [Seite 111]
4.3.1 - 3.3.1 Antecedent-gap Mismatches [Seite 111]
4.3.2 - 3.3.2 Movement and Locality [Seite 117]
4.4 - 3.4 Further Issues [Seite 128]
4.4.1 - 3.4.1 Gapping and Fragments [Seite 128]
4.4.2 - 3.4.2 Remarks on ATB Application of ST [Seite 132]
4.4.3 - 3.4.3 A Note on Pair-Merge (
4.4.4 - 3.4.4 Bare Predication or "Semantic Incorporation"? [Seite 139]
4.4.5 - 3.4.5 Crosslinguistic Properties of ST [Seite 142]
4.5 - 3.5 Summary [Seite 146]
5 - 4 Quantifier Float [Seite 149]
5.1 - 4.1 Floated Quantifiers: Basic Properties [Seite 149]
5.2 - 4.2 QF as Symmetry-breaking Movement [Seite 151]
5.2.1 - 4.2.1 Evidence for Movement [Seite 151]
5.2.2 - 4.2.2 Evidence for a Hybrid Approach [Seite 152]
5.2.3 - 4.2.3 Bare Predication and Symmetry-breaking Movement [Seite 156]
5.2.4 - 4.2.4 An Agreement Asymmetry [Seite 160]
5.2.5 - 4.2.5 Mixed QF Splits [Seite 161]
5.3 - 4.3 Complex Splits [Seite 162]
5.4 - 4.4 Summary [Seite 165]
6 - 5 Conclusion [Seite 167]
7 - References [Seite 171]
8 - Index [Seite 181]
