
Prototypical Transitivity
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Content
- Prototypical Transitivity
- Editorial page
- Title page
- LCC data
- Table of contents
- Preface
- I. Introduction
- 1.1 Why transitivity?
- 1.2 Theoretical preliminaries
- 1.2.1 Functional typology and prototype theory
- 1.2.2 Definitions and terminology
- 1.3 Structure of the book
- II. Why a transitive prototype?
- 2.1 Introduction
- 2.2 Prototype models
- 2.2.1 Characteristics of a prototype model
- 2.2.2 Transitivity as a prototype concept
- 2.2.3 Descriptive and explanatory issues
- 2.3 Markedness vs. prototypicality
- 2.3.1 Comrie's generalisation
- 2.3.2 Transitives vs. intransitives
- 2.3.3 Transitivity and the maximal distinction of categories
- 2.3.4 The markedness of prototypically transitive clauses
- 2.4 Conclusion
- III. Defining the transitive prototype
- 3.1 Introduction
- 3.2 The maximally distinguished arguments hypothesis
- 3.2.1 Transitivity and the distinguishability of participants
- 3.2.2 Inherent vs. relational properties
- 3.2.3 The trouble with agents
- 3.2.4 Participant roles vs. thematic relations
- 3.2.5 The properties of agents and patients
- 3.2.6 Agent and patient as maximally distinct categories
- 3.3 Maximal distinction and functional explanations
- IV. The affected agent
- 4.1 Introduction
- 4.2 "Ingestive verbs" and affected agents
- 4.3 Crosslinguistic data
- 4.3.1 Indefinite object deletion and suppletive verb pairs
- 4.3.2 Labile verbs
- 4.3.3 Cross-referencing properties
- 4.3.4 Causativisation
- 4.3.5 Case-marking properties
- 4.4 'Eat' and markers of agent affectedness
- 4.4.1 Affected Agents and the meaning of 'eat'
- 4.4.2 'Eat' and reflexive constructions
- 4.4.3 'Eat' grammaticalised as marker of agent affectedness
- 4.5 Alternative analyses
- 4.6 Other affected-agent constructions
- 4.7 Concluding remarks
- V. Transitivity in verbs and clauses
- 5.1 Introduction
- 5.2 Previous feature-decompositional accounts
- 5.3 Semantic specifications of participant types
- 5.3.1 [+VOL, -INST, +AFF]: Volitional Undergoers
- 5.3.2 [-VOL, +INST, -AFF]: Force
- 5.3.3 [-VOL, +INST, +AFF]: Instrument
- 5.3.4 [+VOL, -INST, -AFF]: Frustrative
- 5.3.5 [-VOL, -INST, -AFF]: Neutral
- 5.4 Semantic features in verb subcategorisation
- 5.5 Properties of argument NPs
- 5.6 Clause-level properties
- 5.6.1 Clausal operators as "feature-switchers"
- 5.6.2 Negation and mood
- 5.6.3 Aspect
- 5.7 Formal correlates
- 5.8 Conclusion
- VI. Ambitransitivity and indefinite object deletion
- 6.1 Introduction
- 6.2 Indefinite object deletion
- 6.2.1 Defining the term
- 6.2.2 Typical IOD verbs
- 6.2.3 Clausal-level IOD
- 6.2.4 Previous approaches
- 6.3 Transitivity and indefinite object deletion
- 6.3.1 IOD as a detransitivising mechanism
- 6.3.2 Additional factors
- 6.3.3 Semantic specialisation: The case of 'eat' and 'drink'
- 6.4 IOD and S/O ambitransitives
- VII. Maximal semantic distinction in core case-marking
- 7.1 Introduction
- 7.2 The discriminatory analysis
- 7.3 The indexing analysis
- 7.4 Case and the maximal semantic distinction of arguments
- 7.4.1 Patient/object marking
- 7.4.2 Agent/subject marking
- 7.5 Case and semantic transitivity - unifying discrimination and indexing
- 7.6 Semantic extensions
- 7.7 Discriminatory extensions
- 7.8 Split ergativity
- 7.9 A note on case-marking labels
- VIII. Experiencers and the dative
- 8.1 Introduction
- 8.2 The semantic diversity of experience events
- 8.3 Experience clauses and the transitive prototype
- 8.4 The dative case
- 8.4.1 Dative as a marker of Volitional Undergoers
- 8.4.2 From recipients to possessors
- 8.4.3 Causee case-marking
- 8.4.4 The relevance of animacy
- 8.4.5 Less affected objects
- 8.4.6 Uncontrolled intransitives
- IX. Beyond prototypical transitivity
- 9.1 From Agent and Patient to subject and object
- 9.2 Structural vs. semantic case
- 9.3 Other prototypes
- 9.4 Concluding remarks
- Appendix: Nonstandard abbreviations in glosses
- References
- Author index
- Language index
- Subject index
- The series Typological Studies in Language
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