
Possible and Probable Languages
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Content
- Intro
- Contents
- Preface
- 1 On the Possible and the Probable in Language
- 1.1 Introduction
- 1.2 Possible human languages
- 1.2.1 Formalists and functionalists on the notion 'possible human language'
- 1.2.2 The problem of knowing what is possible
- 1.2.3 Teaching 'impossible' grammars
- 1.2.4 The problem of explaining what is possible
- 1.3 Probable and improbable human languages
- 1.4 Two methodological approaches to capturing typological generalizations
- 1.5 Conclusion
- 2 Parameterized Principles
- 2.1 Introduction
- 2.2 Early generative syntactic typology
- 2.2.1 Syntactic typology and markedness theory
- 2.2.2 Deep structure and typological consistency
- 2.2.3 UG principles and the solution of typological problems
- 2.3 The Government-Binding program for capturing parametric variation
- 2.3.1 Luigi Rizzi and the parameterization of Subjacency
- 2.3.2 The Government-Binding program and typology
- 2.3.3 Some examples of GB parameters
- 2.3.4 Predicting the clustering of typological properties
- 2.3.5 The typological implications of the core versus periphery distinction
- 2.3.6 Markedness relations within core grammar and typological inconsistency
- 2.3.7 Mark Baker's Parameter Hierarchy
- 2.3.8 Constraints on possible parameters
- 2.4 Parameters and typology in the Minimalist Program
- 2.4.1 Minimalist mechanisms and typology
- 2.4.2 Kayne's antisymmetric program and typology
- 2.4.3 Microparameters
- 2.4.4 Summary
- 2.5 Parameters, typology, and language acquisition
- 2.6 Parameters, typology, and language change
- 2.7 Conclusion
- 3 Parameters, Performance, and the Explanation of Typological Generalizations
- 3.1 Introduction
- 3.2 Against a parametric approach to grammar
- 3.2.1 The 'standard story' on the superiority of the parametric approach
- 3.2.2 The deficiencies of parameter-setting models
- 3.3 The irrelevance of typology for grammatical theory
- 3.3.1 Typologically and linguistically significant generalizations
- 3.3.2 Robust typological generalizations do not fall out from UG principles
- 3.3.3 Typological generalizations are not reliably D-structure generalizations
- 3.3.4 Simpler grammars are not necessarily more common grammars: The case of preposition-stranding
- 3.3.5 Typological generalizations and 'knowledge of language'
- 3.4 Hawkins's processing-based explanation of cross-linguistic variation
- 3.4.1 Grammar as a conventionalization of performance preferences
- 3.4.2 Efficiency and complexity in grammar
- 3.5 Conclusion
- 4 In Defense of the Saussurean View of Grammar
- 4.1 Introduction
- 4.2 Usage-based models of grammar
- 4.3 The appeal of usage-based models
- 4.4 Functional explanation is fully compatible with formal generative grammar
- 4.5 Connectionism and usage-based models of grammar
- 4.6 Full grammatical structure is cognitively represented
- 4.6.1 A typology-based argument for full argument structure
- 4.6.2 Matthew Dryer on the question of canonical word order
- 4.6.3 Get again
- 4.6.4 Ellipsis and full argument structure
- 4.6.5 Evidence against usage-based models from child speech
- 4.6.6 Evidence against usage-based models from little-used sentences and from introspective judgments
- 4.7 The mental grammar is only one of many systems that drive usage
- 4.8 Grammars are not tailor-made to serve language users' 'needs'
- 4.9 Pressure to reduce ambiguity is not an important factor in language
- 4.9.1 The reflexive-person generalization
- 4.9.2 Differential object marking
- 4.9.3 Subject-object ordering
- 4.9.4 Acceptable ambiguity in Modern Irish
- 4.9.5 Summary
- 4.10 Some arguments against stochastic grammars
- 4.11 Grammars are not fragile, fluid, and temporary
- 4.12 The evolutionary origins of grammar lie in conceptual structure, not in communication
- 4.12.1 The mainstream position on the evolution of language
- 4.12.2 A three-stage process in language evolution
- 4.13 Conclusion
- 5 The Locus of Functional Explanation
- 5.1 Introduction
- 5.2 Two views of the form-function interface
- 5.3 Some problems in deciding between atomistic and holistic functionalism
- 5.3.1 On the content of the claim that grammatical processes are linked to functional motivations
- 5.3.2 Atomistic functionalism and psycholinguistic experimentation
- 5.4 Language change as a testing ground for atomistic and holistic functionalism
- 5.4.1 Atomistic functionalism at the synchronic and diachronic level
- 5.4.2 Retention
- 5.4.3 Propagation
- 5.4.4 Innovation
- 5.5 Some further difficulties with atomistic functionalism
- 5.5.1 The overgeneralization of functionally motivated principles
- 5.5.2 Dysfunctional consequences of functionally motivated principles
- 5.5.3 The problem posed by competing motivations
- 5.6 More on Optimality Theory, functional explanation, and typology
- 5.6.1 Optimality-theoretic syntax
- 5.6.2 Standard OT sheds no light on typology
- 5.6.3 Functionally based Optimality Theory
- 5.6.4 The failure of functionally based Optimality Theory
- 5.6.5 Summary
- 5.7 Conclusion
- Afterword
- References
- Index
- A
- B
- C
- D
- E
- F
- G
- H
- I
- J
- K
- L
- M
- N
- O
- P
- Q
- R
- S
- T
- U
- V
- W
- X
- Y
- Z
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