
Syllable Weight in African Languages
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Content
- Intro
- SYLLABLE WEIGHT IN AFRICAN LANGUAGES
- Editorial page
- Title page
- LCC data
- Table of contents
- Notes on contributors
- Introduction
- References
- Chapter 1. Syllable weight as a phonological variable
- 1. Introduction
- 2. The concept of syllable weight
- 3. Syllable weight illustrated outside of Chadic
- 4. Syllable weight in Chadic
- 4.1 Bole (Newman, unpublished field notes
- Lukas (1970/71
- [also Gimba & Schuh (2015)])
- 4.2 Kanakuru (according to Newman 1974)
- 4.3 Hausa [Newman (2000)]
- 5. Summary and conclusions
- References [original 1972]
- References [added 2017]
- Chapter 2. Syllable weight: A typological and theoretical overview
- 1. Introduction
- 2. Typology of weight-sensitive phenomena
- 3. Phonological representations of weight
- 4. The typology of weight criteria
- 5. The process specificity of weight
- 6. Final vs. non-final weight asymmetries
- 7. Relationship between the phonology and phonetics of weight
- 8. Onset weight
- 9. Conclusion
- References
- Chapter 3. Syllable weight and morphophonologically induced resyllabification in Maghrebi Arabic
- 1. Introduction
- 2. Synchronic analyses
- 2.1 Zero is primary, schwa is epenthetic
- 2.2 Schwa is primary, zero results from deletion
- 2.3 Syllable structure determines both schwa and zero
- 2.4 Metrical structure determines zero, dialects differ on schwa
- 3. The role of syllable weight
- 4. Diachronic analysis
- 5. The role of contact?
- 6. Conclusion
- References
- Chapter 4. Syllable weight in Amharic
- 1. Introduction
- 2. Phonological background of Amharic
- 3. Amharic stress
- 3.1 The basic stress pattern
- 3.2 Geminates attract stress
- 3.3 Summarizing Amharic stress
- 4. Adjectival reduplication in Amharic
- 4.1 Previous literature on adjectival reduplication
- 4.2 Describing adjectival reduplication in Amharic
- 4.3 Reduplication summary
- 5. Discussion
- 5.1 Languages that provide evidence for geminates as inherently moraic
- 5.2 Languages in which CVG but not CVC syllables are heavy
- 5.3 Implications for theories of syllable weight
- Acknowledgements
- References
- Chapter 5. Syllabic weight in Tashlhiyt Berber
- 1. Preliminaries
- 2. The H/L distinction
- 2.1 Syllable weight in traditional songs
- 2.2 Orthometric syllabification vs. grammatical syllabification
- Page 91
- 3. The evidence for a moraic analysis of the H/L contrast
- 3.1 Verse feet in 'straight' meters
- 3.2 Templatic plurals
- References
- Chapter 6. The psychological reality of syllable weight
- 1. The psychological reality of phonological distinctions
- 2. Syllable weight in Hausa
- 3. Implicit knowledge of syllable weight and its actualization
- 3.1 Performance of wedding songs by ?an Maraya Jos
- 3.2 Perception of syllable weight
- 3.3 Actualization of latent syllable weight distinctions
- 4. Conclusion
- References
- References to published poetic words cited
- Chapter 7. Syllables and syllable weight in Sara-Bagirmi languages
- 1. Introduction
- 2. Mbay
- 2.1 Syllables in Mbay
- 2.2 Distribution of syllables within morphemes
- 2.3 Syllabic readjustment
- 2.4 Tone preservation
- 2.5 On the origin of heavy syllables within morphemes
- 3. Syllables and syllable weight in other Sara languages
- 3.1 Syllabic readjustment in the other Sara languages
- 3.2 Tone preservation in the other Sara languages
- 3.3 Barred ? and the origin of heavy syllables
- 3.4 Summary
- 4. Syllables and syllable weight in the Sara Kaba languages
- 4.1 Syllables in the Sara Kaba languages
- 4.2 Distribution of syllables within morphemes
- 4.3 Closed syllables and the weak vowel
- 5. Syllables and syllable weight in Bagirmi languages
- 5.1 Syllables in Bagirmi and Kenga
- 5.2 Vowel dropping and closed syllables in Bagirmi
- 5.3 Heavy syllables in Kenga
- 5.4 Syllabic restructuring in Bagirmi
- 6. Syllable weight and vowel loss in the Sara languages
- 7. Conclusion
- References
- Chapter 8. Reduplication in Fur: Prosodic structure and sonority
- 1. Introduction
- 2. Overview of Fur
- 2.1 A general overview of Fur phonology
- 2.2 Syllable shape and sonority
- 3. Patterns of reduplication
- 3.1 Full reduplication
- 3.2 Partial reduplication
- 3.3 The seven bases of reduplication and their outputs
- 4. Summary and discussion of Fur lexical reduplication
- Acknowledgements
- References
- Chapter 9. Non-uniform syllable weight in Southern Kenyan Maa (Maasai)
- 1. Introduction
- 2. Southern Kenyan Maa Phonology
- 2.1 Consonantal phoneme inventory
- 2.2 Vocalic phoneme inventory
- 2.3 Tone
- 2.4 Vocalic or nucleic length contrasts
- 2.5 Vocalic sequences
- 3. Syllable weight phenomena in Southern Kenyan Maa
- 3.1 Syllable templates
- 3.2 Minimal verbal root requirements
- 3.3 Contour tones and the TBU
- 3.4 Summary
- 4. Conclusion
- Acknowledgements
- References
- Chapter 10. Syllable weight in the phonology of Pulaar
- 1. Introduction
- 2. Syllable weight and syllable prominence in Fula
- 2.1 Arnott's account of Gombe Fulfulde
- 2.2 McIntosh's account of Kaceccereere Fulfulde
- 2.3 Breedveld's account of Maasinankoore Fulfulde
- 2.4 Diallo's account of Fuuta Jaloo Pular
- 2.5 Niang's account of Mauritanian Fuutankoore Pulaar
- 2.6 Summary
- 3. Syllable prominence in Senegalese Fuutankoore Pulaar
- 3.1 Methodology
- 3.2 Results
- 4. Syllable weight in other phonological processes
- 4.1 Reduplication
- 4.2 Compensatory lengthening
- 4.3 Minimal word constraint
- 5. Summary and conclusions
- Acknowledgements
- References
- Appendix. Words recorded for phonetic analysis
- Word list 1
- Word list 2
- Chapter 11. Syllable weight and tonal patterning in Kusaal: A Moraic perspective
- 1. Introduction
- 2. The Syllable/Mora dichotomy
- 2.1 Syllable types and structures within a moraic representation
- 3. Tone in Kusaal
- 3.1 Tone bearing ability
- 4. Conclusion
- Acknowledgements
- List of abbreviations
- References
- Chapter 12. Syllable weight and tone in Mara Bantu languages
- 1. Introduction
- 2. Ikoma-Nata-Isenye and Ngoreme
- 3. Segmental structure of nouns and verbs
- 4. Syllable structure
- 5. Tone
- 6. Ikoma
- 6.1 H on the 2nd syllable of the macrostem
- 6.2 H on the final syllable
- 7. Isenye
- 8. Nata
- 9. Ngoreme
- 10. Conclusion
- Acknowledgements
- Abbreviations
- References
- Index
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