Constraints on Displacement

Name: Constraints on Displacement | A phase-based approach
Brand: John Benjamins Publishing Company
Price: 130.99 EUR
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A phase-based approach

Gereon Müller(Author)

John Benjamins Publishing Company

1st Edition

Published on 26. October 2011

X, 339 pages

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978-90-272-8408-2 (ISBN)

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Constraints on Displacement
Editorial page
Title page
LCC data
Table of contents
Introduction
What this book is about
What this book is not about
Overview
Acknowledgments
1. Locality constraints
1. Introduction
2. Constraint types
2.1. A taxonomy of constraint types
2.2. Local derivational constraints
2.3. Local representational constraints
2.4. Global constraints
2.5. Transderivational constraints
2.6. Translocal constraints
2.7. Good constraints
3. Towards the (G)MLC and the CED
3.1. The A-over-A Principle
3.2. The F-over-F Principle
3.3. The Complex NP Constraint
3.4. The Sentential Subject Constraint
3.5. The Subject Condition
3.6. The Wh-Island Condition
3.7. The Superiority Condition
3.8. The (Generalized) Minimal Link Condition
3.9. The Clause Non-final Incomplete Constituent Constraint
3.10. The Post-Sentential Subject Extraction Constraint
3.11. The Condition on Extraction Domain
3.12. Relativized Minimality
3.13. Conclusion
2. (G)MLC and CED in minimalist syntax
1. Introduction
2. The (Generalized) Minimal Link Condition: State of the art
2.1. Overview
2.2. Empirical arguments against the (G)MLC
2.3. Conceptual arguments against the (G)MLC
3. The Condition on Extraction Domain: State of the art
3.1. Overview
3.2. Problems with the CED
3.3. Elementary operations
3.4. Spell-out
3.5. Freezing
3.6. General remarks
4. Locality constraints: State of the art
4.1. Conclusion
4.2. Interlude: Islands in HPSG
4.3. Outlook
3. On deriving (G)MLC effects from the PIC
1. Introduction
2. Assumptions
2.1. Basic assumptions
2.2. All syntactic operations are feature-driven
2.3. All phrases are phases
2.4. The Edge Feature Condition
3. Deriving the (Generalized) Minimal Link Condition
3.1. Superiority effects in English
3.2. Lack of superiority effects in German
3.3. Superiority effects with long-distance movement in German
3.4. Superiority effects with subject raising in German
3.5. Superiority effects with scrambling from wh-XP in German
4. Intervention effects that do not follow from the (G)MLC
4.1. Long-distance intervention without c-command in German
4.2. Clause-bound intervention without c-command in English
5. Some refinements
5.1. Multiple C[wh] domains and intervention
5.2. D-linking and intervention
6. Scope of the account
6.1. (G)MLC vs. PIC
6.2. Dominance-based intervention and the PIC-based approach
7. Conclusion
7.1. Main results
7.2. Core assumptions reconsidered
7.3. Some consequences
4. On deriving CED effects from the PIC
1. Introduction
2. Assumptions
2.1. All syntactic operations are feature-driven
2.2. Operation-inducing features on lexical items are ordered
2.3. All phrases are phases
2.4. Edge feature insertion
3. Deriving the condition on extraction domain
3.1. Merge
3.2. Agree
4. Freezing
4.1. Freezing effects
4.2. Predictions of the analysis so far
4.3. Deriving the Freezing Generalization
5. Melting
5.1. Melting effects with scrambling in German
5.2. Melting effects with scrambling in Czech
5.3. Further issues
6. Outlook and conclusion
6.1. Outlook
6.2. Core assumptions reconsidered
7. Appendix: Movement-related morphology
7.1. Background
7.2. Pseudo-melting in last-merged complements?
7.3. Movement-related morphology
7.4. Conclusion
5. Operator island effects
1. Introduction
2. Background
2.1. Operator islands without intervention
2.2. A Tree Adjoining Grammar approach
2.3. An optimality-theoretic approach
3. Assumptions
3.1. The Intermediate Step Corollary
3.2. Maraudage
4. Wh-islands and topic islands
5. Analysis: Operator islands as maraudage
5.1. Wh-movement from a wh-island
5.2. Topicalization from a wh-island
5.3. Wh-movement from a topic island
5.4. Topicalization from a topic island
6. Conclusion, consequences, and extensions
6.1. Conclusion
6.2. Consequences
6.3. Extensions
6. Movement from verb-second clauses
1. Introduction
2. The problem
2.1. Data
2.2. Analyses
3. Staudacher's (1990) approach
4. CED effects: A phase-based approach
5. Verb-second by reprojection
6. A PIC-based approach
6.1. Extraction from last-merged clausal complements
6.2. Extraction from `dass' clauses
6.3. Extraction from verb-second clauses
7. Some further issues
7.1. Periphrastic verbs forms
7.2. Extraposition
7.3. Bridge verbs
7. Island repair by ellipsis
1. Introduction
2. The problem
2.1. Data
2.2. A standard analysis
3. Deletion by phase
4. A PIC-based approach
4.1. Analysis
4.2. Extraction from Specv without VP deletion
4.3. Extraction from Specv in sluicing constructions
4.4. [┼] Discharge and the Strict Cycle Condition
5. Some further issues
5.1. Island types
5.2. VP ellipsis
5.3. Spreading of [┼]
Bibliography
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