
A-bar Syntax
Description
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Content
- Intro
- 1 Introduction
- 1. Movement Type Asymmetries
- 2. Overview
- 2 Wh-Movement At S-Structure
- 1. Introduction And Overview
- 2. Proper Government And Subjacency
- 2.1. Conditions On The Moved Item
- 2.2. Improper Movement
- 2.3. Barriers
- 3. Barriers In Situ
- 3.1. Vp
- 3.2. Ip
- 3.3. Cp
- 3.4. Np
- 3.5. Np-Shells And Finite Complement Clauses
- 3.6. Infinitives
- 3.7. Cnpc Effects
- 3.8. Pp
- 3.9. Ap
- 4. Barriers In Derived Positions
- 4.1. A-Movement
- 4.2. Scrambling
- 4.3. Topicalization
- 4.4. Wh-Movement
- 5. Adjunct Barriers
- 5.1. Finite Adjunct Clauses
- 5.2. Non-Finite Adjunct Clauses
- 6. Conclusion
- 3 Scrambling
- 1. Introduction And Overview
- 2. Basic Properties
- 2.1. Optionality
- 2.2. Iterability
- 2.3. The Structure Of Scrambling Chains
- 3. Adjunction Sites
- 3.1. Adjunction To Vp And Ip
- 3.2. Adjunction To Xp
- 4. Locality
- 4.1. Clause-Bound Scrambling
- 4.2. Long-Distance Scrambling
- 5. Operator Scrambling
- 5.1. Illicit Operator Scrambling In German
- 5.2. Operator Scrambling In Korean And Japanese
- 5.3. Operator Scrambling In Russian
- 5.4. Full Representation
- 6. Categorial Selectivity
- 7. Anaphoric Binding
- 8. Strong Crossover
- 9. Weak Crossover
- 10. Parasitic Gaps
- 11. Reconstruction
- 12. Conclusion
- 4 Dative Movement
- 1. Introduction And Overview
- 2. The Paradox: Movement Vs. Binding
- 3. Vp-Structure
- 3.1. Larson'S Approach
- 3.2. Arguments Against Larson'S Approach
- 3.3. Vp-Structure In Sov Languages
- 3.4. Vp-Structure In Svo Languages
- 4. Barriers Revisited
- 4.1. The Islandhood Of Dative Nps
- 4.2. The Role Of Selection
- 4.3. Incorporation From Specifier Positions
- 5. Anaphoric Binding
- 5.1. Binding Of Anaphors In German
- 5.2. Parametric Variation
- 5.3. Binding Of Reciprocals
- 6. Pronominal Reference
- 6.1. The Data
- 6.2. Blocking Coreference With An Io Pronoun
- 7. Weak Crossover
- 7.1. The Vp-Internal Distribution Of Bound-Variable Pronouns
- 7.2. Webelhuth'S Paradox
- 8. A-Bar Movement
- 8.1. The Data
- 8.2. Previous Analyses
- 8.3. A Pub Account
- 9. Passivization
- 9.1. Passivization In German Double Object Constructions
- 9.2. Passivization In Danish Double Object Constructions
- 9.3. Passivization In Norwegian Double Object Constructions
- 9.4. Passivization In English Double Object Constructions
- 9.5. Passivization In West Flemish Double Object Constructions
- 10. Free Datives
- 10.1. The Phenomenon
- 10.2. Do Free Datives Originate In An Np?
- 10.3. Free Datives Originate In Specµ
- 11. Conclusion
- 12. Appendices
- 12.1. Appendix 1: On Vp-Shells
- 12.2. Appendix 2: Particle Distribution
- 12.3. Appendix 3: Empty Prepositions
- 12.4. Appendix 4: Focus Projection
- 5 Wh-Movement At Lf
- 1. Introduction And Overview
- 2. Superiority And A Constraint On Wh-Adjuncts In Situ
- 3. Wh-In-Situ In German
- 4. Ip As An Lf Barrier
- 4.1. Ip As An S-Structure Barrier
- 4.2. Barriers And Wh-In-Situ In English
- 4.3. Long-Distance Wh-Movement At Lf In English
- 4.4. On S-Structural Adjunct Movement
- 4.5. Wh-In-Situ In French
- 5. Co-Indexing Of I And C
- 5.1. Short Wh-Movement At Lf In German
- 5.2. Successive-Cyclic Long-Distance Wh-Movement At Lf In German
- 5.3. Islands For Long-Distance Wh-Movement At Lf In German
- 6. Adjunction To Ip
- 6.1. Ip Barriers And Unambiguous Binding
- 6.2. Lf Movement Without Traces?
- 7. Wh-In-Situ Languages
- 8. Multiple Wh-Movement At S-Structure
- 9. Residual Issues
- 9.1. Lf Movement Of Subjects
- 9.2. Lexical Government Or ?-Government?
- 9.3. Residual Superiority Effects
- 10. Conclusion
- 6 Topicalization
- 1. Introduction And Overview
- 2. Topicalization Is Not Adjunction
- 2.1. Iterability
- 2.2. Long-Distance Movement
- 2.3. Clause-Bound Movement
- 2.4. Verb Raising
- 2.5. Locality
- 2.6. Bridge Contexts
- 3. Topicalization Is Not Movement To Specc
- 3.1. Complementizers
- 3.2. V/2 Movement
- 3.3. Long-Distance Topicalization, Topic Islands, And Wh-Islands
- 3.4. Long-Distance Wh-Movement, Topic Islands, And Wh- Islands
- 4. Topicalization Is Movement To Spect
- 4.1. The Proposal
- 4.2. The Non-Existence Of Wh-Topicalization
- 4.3. Successive-Cyclic Topicalization
- 5. The Specifier Criterion
- 6. The Distribution Of Embedded Topicalization
- 7. C And T In German
- 8. C And T In English
- 9. Topic Islands
- 10. Wh-Islands
- 11. Infinitives
- 12. Root Clauses
- 13. Conclusion
- 7 Conclusion
- Notes
- References
- Index
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