Ellipsis
Functional Heads, Licensing, and Identification
1st Edition
Published on 22. June 1995
221 pages
978-0-19-535793-6 (ISBN)
Description
This book elaborates a theory of ellipsis that sheds new light on a well-known phenomenon, bringing it under the aegis of general and universal principles. Lobeck argues that ellipted categories in IP (VP Ellipsis), DP (N' Ellipsis), and CP (Sluicing) are empty, non-referential pronominals, subject to the same licensing and identification conditions as referential pro. She proposes that both types of empty pronominals must be licensed under head-government to satisfy the Empty Category Principle, and identified through strong agreement. In the case of ellipsis, agreement-type features make the empty category visible to interpretive processes of reconstruction. These licensing and identification conditions derive the result that ellipses are complements of functional categories DET, COMP, and INFL, but not of lexical categories. The analysis is supported by contrastive evidence from ellipsis in French and German, in which licensing and identification interact with Verb Raising, feature checking, and a parameter defining "strong" agreement.
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Content
- Intro
- Contents
- Introduction
- 1. Ellipsis in Government-Binding Theory
- 1.0 Introduction
- 1.1 Two Theories of Licensing and Identification
- 1.1.1 Chomsky (1986b): Barriers Theory
- 1.1.2 pro in Barriers Theory
- 1.1.3 Rizzi (1990): Relativized Minimality
- 1.1.4 pro in Relativized Minimality Theory
- 1.2 The Definition of 'Ellipsis'
- 1.2.1 Ellipsis versus Gapping
- 1.2.2 Ellipsis versus Stripping
- 1.3 Ellipses as Empty non-NP Pronomials
- 1.4 The Derivation and Identification of Ellipted Categories
- 1.4.1 Deletion versus Interpretation
- 1.4.2 Reconstruction and Identification
- 1.5 Conclusion
- Notes
- 2. Strong Agreement, Licensing, and Identification
- 2.0 Introduction
- 2.1 Ellipsis and X-bar Theory
- 2.1.1 Ellipsis in NP
- 2.1.2 Sluicing
- 2.1.3 VP Ellipsis
- 2.2 An Alternative Theory of Phrase Structure
- 2.3 Functional Categories and Strong Agreement
- 2.3.1 Strong Agreement in DET
- 2.3.2 Strong Agreement in INFL
- 2.3.3 Strong Agreement in COMP
- 2.4 Ellipsis in DEGP
- 2.5 Conclusion
- Notes
- 3. Two Functional Heads in English DP
- 3.0 Introduction
- 3.1 The Phrase Structure of English DP
- 3.1.1 Rothstein (1988) and Ritter (1991)
- 3.2 DET and NUM in English DP
- 3.3 Ellipsis in DP and NUMP: The 'Generalized' Government Transparency Corollary
- 3.4 Ellipsis in English Quantified Noun Phrases
- 3.5 Summary
- Notes
- 4. Ellipsis in German and French Noun Phrases: The Ellipsis Identification Parameter
- 4.0 Introduction
- 4.1 Agreement and Ellipsis in German Noun Phrases
- 4.1.1 Weak and Strong Endings
- 4.1.2 Two Functional Heads in German DP
- 4.1.3 Ellipsis in German DP and NUMP
- 4.1.4 Ellipsis in Quantified Noun Phrases in German
- 4.2 Agreement and Ellipsis in French Noun Phrases
- 4.2.1 Agreement in French Noun Phrases
- 4.2.2 Two Functional Heads in French DP
- 4.2.3 Quantified Noun Phrases in French
- 4.2.4 Ellipsis in French Noun Phrases
- 4.3 The Ellipsis Identification Parameter
- Notes
- 5. VP Ellipsis in English, French, and German Tensed Clauses
- 5.0 Introduction
- 5.1 Verb Raising and Feature Checking in English
- 5.2 Empty Heads and the ECP: Auxiliary Reduction and Subject Auxiliary Inversion
- 5.3 NEG as a Licensing and Identifying Head
- 5.4 VP Ellipsis in French and German
- Notes
- 6. VP Ellipsis in English Infinitives
- 6.0 Introduction
- 6.1 The Structural Position of Infinitives
- 6.2 Infinitival to and Incorporation
- 6.2.1 V-P Reanalysis as Incorporation
- 6.2.2 Extensions of the Analysis: for and not
- 6.3 Blocking Incorporation
- 6.3.1 WH-Movement
- 6.3.2 'Too/Enough' and 'Tough' Infinitives
- 6.3.3 Infinitives in Noun Phrases and Infinitival Purpose Clauses
- Notes
- References
- Index
- A
- B
- C
- D
- E
- F
- G
- H
- I
- K
- L
- M
- N
- O
- P
- Q
- R
- S
- T
- V
- W
- X
