
Comparative Studies in Germanic Syntax
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- Comparative Studies in Germanic Syntax
- Editorial page
- Title page
- LCC data
- Table of contents
- From Afrikaans to Zurich German
- References
- I. Studies on predication
- The Nom/Acc alternation in Germanic
- 1. Introduction
- 2. The distribution of Nom/Acc across the Germanic languages
- 2.1. Germanic relational case-marking
- 2.2. Non-Burzionian accusatives
- 2.3. The Germanic predicative Nom/Acc variation
- 3. Relational case
- 4. The nature of the predicative Nom/Acc variation
- 5. Conclusion
- References
- Shape conservation, Holmberg's generalization and predication
- 1. Introduction
- 2. Restrictions on object shift as a phonological phenomenon
- 3. Shape conservation as an explanation for object shift
- 4. Particle constructions
- 5. Predication theory
- 6. Shape distortion
- 6.1. DO-IO reorderings
- 6.2. The `inverse Holmberg effect'
- 7. Conclusion
- References
- Quirky verb-second in Afrikaans
- 1. Introduction
- 2. Coordinated predicates in comparative perspective
- 3. The base structure of Afrikaans coordinated predicates
- 3.1. Distribution of subjects
- 3.2. Distribution of adverbs
- 3.3. Distribution of objects
- 3.4. Distribution of separable particles
- 3.5. Summary of distributions
- 4. Coordination and feature bundles
- 5. Deriving the base structure for ILV constructions
- 5.1. Implications of the LCL for coordinated feature bundles
- 5.2. Deriving a simplex initial
- 5.3. Creating and moving a complex initial
- 6. Other types of moved verbal clusters
- 7. Conclusion
- References
- Nominal arguments and nominal predicates
- 1. Introduction
- 2. Bare singular nominals
- 3. Some tests for predicates
- 3.1. Embedding under `consider'
- 3.2. Topicalisation
- 3.3. Pseudoclefting
- 3.4. Nonrestrictive relative clause
- 3.5. Coordination
- 3.6. Summing up the tests
- 4. Definite nominal phrases
- 5. Possessed nominal phrases
- 5.1. Postnominal possessors
- 5.2. Prenominal possessors
- 6. Strong quantifiers, demonstratives, and personal pronouns
- 7. The Pred head
- 8. Conclusion
- References
- II. Studies on the (pro)nominal system
- Pronominal noun phrases, number specifications, and null nouns
- 1. Introduction
- 2. Morphological vs. semantic number
- 3. Pronominal noun phrases exhibit semantic agreement
- 3.1. Morphological dis-agreement: Pronoun(pl) + noun(sg)
- 3.2. Morphological dis-agreement: pronoun(sg) + noun(pl)
- 4. Pronominal noun phrases contain "individualizable'' and concrete nouns
- 5. The proposal
- 5.1. Accounting for morphological dis-agreement
- 5.2. Alternative analyses
- 5.3. Accounting for the semantic properties of Spec,DisP
- 6. Possible values on Num and DP-external "special'' agreement
- 6.1. Semantic number is not feature checking
- 6.2. Ruling out DP-internal semantic dis-agreement
- 6.3. Ruling out DP-external semantic dis-agreement
- 7. Pronouns of other morphological person and null nouns
- 7.1. Some non-canonical cases
- 7.2. The inventory of null nouns
- 8. Further issues
- 8.1. Semantic agreement is not a sufficient condition
- 8.2. Ruling out overgeneration due to DisP
- 9. Conclusion
- References
- Toward a syntactic theory of number neutralisation
- 1. Introduction
- 2. Number neutralisation in Dutch je `you'
- 3. Arguments against the lexicalist approach
- 3.1. A morphological argument
- 3.2. A comparative argument
- 3.3. Theoretical considerations
- 3.4. Diachronic evidence
- 4. Kayne's syntactic theory of number neutralisation
- 5. Number neutralisation in Dutch 3rd person pronouns
- 5.1. Middle Dutch 'hem'
- 5.2. Number neutralisation in Modern Dutch ze
- 5.3. Discourse properties of 'ze'
- 6. An application: The rise of English 'they'
- 7. Conclusions
- References
- Long relativization in Zurich German as resumptive prolepsis
- 1. Introduction: Relativization in Zurich German
- 1.1. General form of restrictive relatives in Zurich German
- 1.2. Distribution of resumptive pronouns: Local relativization
- 1.3. Distribution of resumptive pronouns: Long-distance relativization
- 2. Long relativization as aboutness relatives: Van Riemsdijk (to appear)
- 2.1. Locative relatives and aboutness relatives: Adverbial wo
- 2.2. Long relativization as aboutness relativization
- 2.3. Advantages
- 3. Problems of van Riemsdijk's (to appear) proposal
- 3.1. There seems to be a copy of the external head inside the relative
- 3.2. Reconstruction into the embedded clause
- 3.3. Obligatoriness of the resumptive
- 4. Proposal: Long relativization as resumptive prolepsis
- 4.1. The derivation in the matrix clause: Against a phrasal wo
- 4.2. Reconstruction into an opaque domain?
- 4.3. Movement in the complement CP derives a predicate
- 4.4. The link between the operator in the complement and the proleptic object: ellipsis
- 4.5. Why a resumptive?
- 5. A remaining issue: Locality and reconstruction
- 6. Resumptive prolepsis in Standard German and Dutch
- 7. Conclusion
- Acknowledgments
- References
- III. Historical studies
- Auxiliary selection and counterfactuality in the history of English and Germanic
- 1. Introduction
- 2. The first appearances of have with come
- 3. Isolating the counterfactual effect
- 4. Towards an explanation
- 5. Some cross-linguistic notes
- 6. Problems for other theories of auxiliary selection
- 7. Conclusion and open questions
- References
- The loss of residual "head-final'' orders and remnant fronting in Late Middle English
- 1. Introduction
- 2. EPP-satisfaction and pied-piping
- 3. The loss of residual head-final orders in Middle English
- 3.1. Stylistic fronting
- 3.2. Verb (Projection) Raising alternations
- 3.3. Conclusion
- 4. Some consequences
- 4.1. OV orders with modals in 15th-century English
- 4.2. The loss of vP-movement
- 4.3. The reanalysis of the modals in ENE
- 5. Conclusion
- References
- Syntactic sources of word-formation processes
- 1. Introduction
- 2. The development of suffixes in the history of English and German
- 3. Are morphological structures the same as syntactic structures?
- 3.1. Headedness, the X-bar schema and referentiality
- 3.2. Consequences for an analysis of the diachronic data: Loss of structure and loss of referentiality
- 4. Further evidence: The rise of genitive compounds in the history of German and English
- 4.1. German
- 4.2. English
- 5. Conclusion
- References
- Index
- The series Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today
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