
Using Political Ideas
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Content
2 - Half Title page [Seite 2]
3 - Title page [Seite 3]
4 - Copyright page [Seite 4]
5 - Preface to the Fifth Edition [Seite 6]
6 - Part I: Introduction [Seite 7]
6.1 - Chapter 1: What is Political Theory? [Seite 8]
6.1.1 - Notes [Seite 8]
6.1.2 - Further Reading [Seite 8]
6.2 - Chapter 2: Ideology [Seite 19]
6.2.1 - Marx on Ideology [Seite 19]
6.2.2 - 'Ideology' Since Marx [Seite 19]
6.2.3 - Conceptual Problems [Seite 19]
6.2.4 - Notes [Seite 19]
6.2.5 - Further Reading [Seite 19]
7 - Part II: Ideologies [Seite 31]
7.1 - Chapter 3: Liberalism [Seite 32]
7.1.1 - The Ingredients of Liberalism [Seite 32]
7.1.2 - The Liberal Model: Perpetual Motion? [Seite 32]
7.1.3 - Why Does the Liberal Value the Individual so Highly? [Seite 32]
7.1.4 - Do I Know My Own Interests? [Seite 32]
7.1.5 - Liberals and Welfare States [Seite 32]
7.1.6 - Liberalism Today [Seite 32]
7.1.7 - Notes [Seite 32]
7.1.8 - Further Reading [Seite 32]
7.2 - Chapter 4: Marxism [Seite 54]
7.2.1 - Problems in Reading Marx [Seite 54]
7.2.2 - The Vocabulary of the Dialectic [Seite 54]
7.2.3 - Marx's Economics [Seite 54]
7.2.4 - The Social Consequences [Seite 54]
7.2.5 - History and Revolution [Seite 54]
7.2.6 - Communist Society [Seite 54]
7.2.7 - Criticizing Marx [Seite 54]
7.2.8 - The Evolution of Marxism [Seite 54]
7.2.9 - Revisionism and Recantation [Seite 54]
7.2.10 - Notes [Seite 54]
7.2.11 - Further Reading [Seite 54]
7.3 - Chapter 5: Socialism [Seite 78]
7.3.1 - The Nucleus of Socialism [Seite 78]
7.3.2 - The Changing Face of Socialism [Seite 78]
7.3.3 - Objections to Socialism [Seite 78]
7.3.4 - The Contradictions of Social Democracy [Seite 78]
7.3.5 - Notes [Seite 78]
7.3.6 - Further Reading [Seite 78]
7.4 - Chapter 6: Anarchism [Seite 96]
7.4.1 - The Critique of Authority [Seite 96]
7.4.2 - The Anarchist Order [Seite 96]
7.4.3 - The Moral Basis of Anarchist Society [Seite 96]
7.4.4 - Freedom Within Society [Seite 96]
7.4.5 - Order Without Dependence [Seite 96]
7.4.6 - Anarchist Individualism [Seite 96]
7.4.7 - Anarchist Values [Seite 96]
7.4.8 - Contemporary Anarchism [Seite 96]
7.4.9 - Objections to Anarchist Theory [Seite 96]
7.4.10 - The Ethics of Violence [Seite 96]
7.4.11 - Notes [Seite 96]
7.4.12 - Further Reading [Seite 96]
7.5 - Chapter 7: Conservatism [Seite 115]
7.5.1 - Against Change [Seite 115]
7.5.2 - The Virtues of Tradition [Seite 115]
7.5.3 - Human Imperfection and Inequality [Seite 115]
7.5.4 - Conservative Politics [Seite 115]
7.5.5 - The Conservative Mentality [Seite 115]
7.5.6 - Conservatism Today [Seite 115]
7.5.7 - Ideology or Intuition? [Seite 115]
7.5.8 - Notes [Seite 115]
7.5.9 - Further Reading [Seite 115]
7.6 - Chapter 8: Totalitarianism [Seite 131]
7.6.1 - The Phenomenological Approach [Seite 131]
7.6.2 - The Socio-Historical Approach [Seite 131]
7.6.3 - The Essentialist Analysis [Seite 131]
7.6.4 - The Fascist Example [Seite 131]
7.6.5 - The Psychological Roots of Totalitarianism [Seite 131]
7.6.6 - Totalitarianism Dissolved [Seite 131]
7.6.7 - Notes [Seite 131]
7.6.8 - Further Reading [Seite 131]
7.7 - Chapter 9: Feminism [Seite 146]
7.7.1 - The Demonization of Women, and of Feminism [Seite 146]
7.7.2 - Feminists and Human Nature [Seite 146]
7.7.3 - Gendered Society [Seite 146]
7.7.4 - Patriarchal Society [Seite 146]
7.7.5 - Women and Capitalism [Seite 146]
7.7.6 - Oppression [Seite 146]
7.7.7 - Feminist Strategies [Seite 146]
7.7.8 - Feminism as Ideology [Seite 146]
7.7.9 - Notes [Seite 146]
7.7.10 - Further Reading [Seite 146]
7.8 - Chapter 10: Green Ideologies [Seite 172]
7.8.1 - Shades of Green [Seite 172]
7.8.2 - Economic Arguments [Seite 172]
7.8.3 - Anti-Pollution Arguments [Seite 172]
7.8.4 - Moral Arguments [Seite 172]
7.8.5 - Green Utopias [Seite 172]
7.8.6 - Problematic Questions [Seite 172]
7.8.7 - Green Successes [Seite 172]
7.8.8 - Notes [Seite 172]
7.8.9 - Further Reading [Seite 172]
7.9 - Chapter 11: Beyond Ideology: Nationalism [Seite 192]
7.9.1 - What is a Nation? [Seite 192]
7.9.2 - The Incoherence of Nationalism [Seite 192]
7.9.3 - The Origins of Nationalism [Seite 192]
7.9.4 - Is Nationalism an Ideology? [Seite 192]
7.9.5 - Nationalism, Liberalism and Democracy [Seite 192]
7.9.6 - Rights of Secession [Seite 192]
7.9.7 - Objections to Nationalism [Seite 192]
7.9.8 - Notes [Seite 192]
7.9.9 - Further Reading [Seite 192]
8 - Part III: Ideas [Seite 207]
8.1 - Chapter 12: Democracy [Seite 208]
8.1.1 - The Classical Ideal [Seite 208]
8.1.2 - Elitists and Pluralists [Seite 208]
8.1.3 - 'Radical' Democracy [Seite 208]
8.1.4 - Democracy's Paradox [Seite 208]
8.1.5 - The Problem of Minorities [Seite 208]
8.1.6 - Democracy and Liberalism [Seite 208]
8.1.7 - Democracy and Truth [Seite 208]
8.1.8 - The Will of the People [Seite 208]
8.1.9 - New Forms of Democracy [Seite 208]
8.1.10 - Notes [Seite 208]
8.1.11 - Further Reading [Seite 208]
8.2 - Chapter 13: Power, Authority and the State [Seite 233]
8.2.1 - What is Power? [Seite 233]
8.2.2 - What Creates Authority? [Seite 233]
8.2.3 - Power and Authority [Seite 233]
8.2.4 - The State Leviathan [Seite 233]
8.2.5 - Notes [Seite 233]
8.2.6 - Further Reading [Seite 233]
8.3 - Chapter 14: Freedom and Rights [Seite 247]
8.3.1 - The Meaning of Freedom [Seite 247]
8.3.2 - Varieties of Freedom [Seite 247]
8.3.3 - Freedom and Illusion [Seite 247]
8.3.4 - The 'Rights of Man' [Seite 247]
8.3.5 - Human Rights [Seite 247]
8.3.6 - Special Rights for Women? [Seite 247]
8.3.7 - Rights and Liberty [Seite 247]
8.3.8 - The Climate of Tolerance [Seite 247]
8.3.9 - Notes [Seite 247]
8.3.10 - Further Reading [Seite 247]
8.4 - Chapter 15: Citizenship, Obligation and Protest [Seite 266]
8.4.1 - Contractual Obligation [Seite 266]
8.4.2 - The Just Government [Seite 266]
8.4.3 - Self-Interest and Gratitude [Seite 266]
8.4.4 - Why Do I Obey the Law? [Seite 266]
8.4.5 - The Right to Protest [Seite 266]
8.4.6 - The Scope of Protest [Seite 266]
8.4.7 - The Right of Revolution [Seite 266]
8.4.8 - Notes [Seite 266]
8.4.9 - Further Reading [Seite 266]
8.5 - Chapter 16: Social Justice and Equality [Seite 285]
8.5.1 - The Criteria for Justice [Seite 285]
8.5.2 - Liberal, Socialist and 'Natural' Justice [Seite 285]
8.5.3 - Retributive Justice [Seite 285]
8.5.4 - What is Justice? [Seite 285]
8.5.5 - Nations and Generations [Seite 285]
8.5.6 - Justice and Equality [Seite 285]
8.5.7 - Notes [Seite 285]
8.5.8 - Further Reading [Seite 285]
8.6 - Chapter 17: New Political Dimensions [Seite 304]
8.6.1 - Religion and Politics [Seite 304]
8.6.2 - Multiculturalism, Diversity and Identity Politics [Seite 304]
8.6.3 - Globalization and Global Terrorism [Seite 304]
8.6.4 - Notes [Seite 304]
8.6.5 - Further Reading [Seite 304]
9 - About the Author [Seite 311]
10 - Index of Concepts and Proper Names [Seite 312]
CHAPTER 2
IDEOLOGY
‘Ideology’ must be the most overworked word in political debate. The word has been drained of most of its analytic content and has become a mere label to be tied on doctrines which we dislike. ‘Ideological’ is rarely used except pejoratively, as a synonym for ‘doctrinaire’ and ‘dogmatic’. But the contention of this book is that all coherent political doctrines are ideological, as is our use of political ideas themselves: if this is accepted, the pejorative connotations of the term must be laid aside. This chapter examines the various concepts of ideology which have developed, and their significance for political theory.
The debate about what ideology actually is is traced historically in this chapter, as it is in some ways a debate primarily located in the past two centuries. Today, many thinkers would contend that we are in a ‘post-ideological’ era, and would agree with Fukuyama that liberalism has won the struggle between ideologies and is the only game in town.1 That claim must be contested, since emerging ideologies such as religio-political doctrines, which could be considered ideological, Green ideologies and the anti-globalization movement pose major challenges to the supposed liberal-democratic hegemony.
MARX ON IDEOLOGY
The term ‘ideology’ literally means ‘the science of ideas’ but in the early nineteenth century a more critical usage was established: it came to mean an abstract, visionary or speculative way of thinking. While it was Marx who offered the first major analysis of ideology as such, the philosophical problem which gave rise to the notion had been widely debated during the Enlightenment. The problem is that of the status of knowledge. Many previous cultures had believed knowledge to be certain, absolute and objective: Plato thought that there existed in some metaphysical dimension Ideas or Forms, absolute truths which served as models which men should strive to realize in society. The knowledge of these Ideas (such as Justice and the Good) was absolute knowledge, attainable through philosophical contemplation. Despite its pre-Christian origins, Platonism later influenced the Christian view of knowledge and truth. Mediaeval Christian theology held that truth was God-given and absolute, reflecting the divinely ordained and fixed order of the world. The chief source of such knowledge was the scriptures, although during the Renaissance the experimental, scientific method of gaining knowledge was reconciled with Christian precepts. According to both Platonic and Christian views, knowledge ‘exists’ independently or emanates from a non-human source, and so is objectively established. Knowledge is to be discovered, not created, by human beings.
Enlightenment philosophers, many of whom were atheists, used reason as an implement for destroying the prejudices and mysteries of Christianity, arguing that the world was in principle explicable scientifically. A new conception of knowledge resulted: the thinking being was seen as the creator of knowledge. Kant and Hegel developed theories of knowledge, epistemologies, on the basis of this insight, which abolished the polarity between the individual as a thinking subject, passively absorbing objective knowledge, and the external world, the source and object of knowledge. The new theories emphasized the subjective aspect of knowledge: the thinker inevitably intrudes herself into her perception of the object which she is trying to know. This had been implicit in Locke’s argument, a century before, that knowledge of the external world is gained through our senses and so is sense-dependent, and therefore subject-dependent: for example, given a different eye structure, the world would appear to us as black and white. Kant emphasized that knowledge results from an active process, not mere passive absorption of data, while Hegel’s dialectical account of knowledge described the constant dialogue between the conscious subject and the object, each stage raising the subject to a higher form of knowledge.
Marx’s achievement was to codify the ways in which the social identity of the ‘knowing subject’ altered her knowledge, and to describe the process of knowing in concrete terms. As a materialist, he believed that material causes could be found for all events and phenomena in the world: there were no mysterious or metaphysical events and everything was scientifically explicable, including humankind. All human thought, ideas and theories (in general, ‘consciousness’) were determined by material factors and, more precisely, by social circumstances.
Consciousness is, therefore, from the very beginning, a social product, and remains so as long as men exist at all.2
Marx considered that the economic structure of society determined all its other aspects, from social relations and political institutions to law, morality and knowledge itself. Each economic system gave rise to the existence of classes in society, and people’s knowledge and beliefs were determined not only by the general social context but by their particular class position in society. In propounding this materialist theory of consciousness, Marx challenged the ‘Young Hegelians’ and, indirectly, Hegel himself, who were, by contrast, idealists. They believed that ideas had an autonomous existence and could act as independent causes of events in the material world: the intellect had priority over mere physical existence. Revolutions, even, were made by ideas. Hegel had seen history as the movement of ‘Spirit’ through the world, realizing itself in different social forms. Marx thought such idealism (not to be confused with ‘idealism’ in the sense of ‘the pursuit of ideals’, although the two meanings are related) illusory and philosophically false.
Marx never set out his theory of ideology systematically in one text, but a coherent doctrine can be extrapolated from his works. Social reality itself is contradictory, Marx held: capitalism fosters two antagonistic classes, the bourgeoisie and the proletariat, whose interests are diametrically opposed, and which will finally come into direct conflict. Ideology is a resolution of these contradictions in the mind: thus, capitalist ideology may ‘resolve’ class conflict by emphasizing the common interests and harmony between the classes, or the ‘organic’ nature of society, but this cannot alter the real antagonism between the interests of those classes. Because ideology tries to resolve the irresoluble, it gives an inaccurate and distorted representation of material reality.
The elaboration of this general conception of ideology shows what Marx thought its social functions to be. An individual’s consciousness is determined by his class position, his ownership or non-ownership of the means of production, and the social relationships into which he enters as a member of a certain class. Marx gave an account of the genesis of different class viewpoints in economic circumstances, showing how each point of view distorts reality according to its own interests. His dialectical view of social processes (discussed in Chapter 4) entailed that in every conflict the opposing classes or groups had their own partial understanding of the process: he described the production process from the viewpoint of the capitalist and from that of the labourer, showing the differences between these subjective, one-sided accounts of the same phenomenon.3 Because such knowledge was bound up with the knower’s class position, it was necessarily a partial and inaccurate representation of the world: hence, it was ideological. For Marx, the only escape route from ideology to accurate knowledge was via a synthetic account which comprehended both sides of the process, as did his own theory, which he designated ‘scientific’, in contradistinction to ‘ideological’ social theory.
Under capitalism, the bourgeoisie reinforces its dominant position in the economy by all possible social and political means, including the creation of the state. Ideology is viewed by Marx as a major instrument of repression in the hands of the ruling class, used to deceive subordinate classes about the true nature of capitalism and to perpetuate its own domination. The law, religion, morality, social theory and philosophy all evolve or are refashioned so as to reflect the bourgeois standpoint, and they become part of the wider ideology, functioning to disguise the contradictions in society and the grievances and discontent of the proletariat. Although the worker’s class position should give him a set of ideas which reflect his own reality, he may instead absorb the all-pervasive bourgeois ideology which misleads him as to his own (exploited) situation: then, he is said to be the victim of false consciousness, which makes him unlikely to rebel against his oppressed condition. The idea of ‘inverted’ or false consciousness attributed to Marx did not mean anything so simple as the direct deliberate deception of gullible proletarians by a malevolent bourgeoisie. Bourgeois ideology invades the consciousness of workers through the propagation of commonsensical, seemingly non-dogmatic ideas, such as ‘Everyone should pay their way’, which establish the work ethic, the consumption ethic and the ideal of the ‘self-made man’, all of which are vital to capitalism. A doctrine of individualism likewise develops which teaches that we establish our personal...
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