
Grammaticalization of the Complex Sentence
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- GRAMMATICALIZATION OF THE COMPLEX SENTENCE A CASE STUDY IN CHADIC
- Editorial page
- Title page
- Copyright page
- Table of contents
- ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
- ABBREVIATIONS
- 1. INTRODUCTION
- 1.1 Aim and scope of the work
- 1.2 Linguistic framework of the present study
- 1.2.1 The notion of form
- 1.2.1.1 Types of lexical categoríes
- 1.2.1.2 Phrasal categoríes
- 1.2.1.3 Configuration
- 1.2.1.4 Inflectional coding
- 1.2.1.5 Adpositions
- 1.2.1.6 Coding on the verb and other agreement phenomena
- 1.2.1.7 Serial verb constructions
- 1.2.1.8 Intonation and other prosodic means
- 1.2.2 The notion o f function
- 1.2.3 The relationship between the form and function
- 1.2.4 The coding principle
- 1.2.5 Methodology of reconstruction
- 1.3 The range of issues with respect to grammaticalization
- 1.3.1 Motivation
- 1.3.2 Grammatical morphemes versus constructions
- 1.3.3 Processes of grammaticalization
- 1.3.4 Unidirectionality of grammaticalization
- 1.4 Chadic branch
- 1.5 A synopsis of simple sentence structure in Chadic
- 1.6 State of the art with respect to complex sentence in Chadic
- 1.7 A synopsis of complex sentence structure in Chadic
- 1.8 Sources and form of data
- 2. PARATACTIC AND SEQUENTIALCONSTRUCTIONS
- 2.1 The issues and the scope of the chapter
- 2.2 Hypotheses
- 2.3 Was there a sentential coordinating conjunction in PC?
- 2.4 Sources of sentential coordinating conjunctions
- 2.4.1 From nominal to sentential conjunction
- 2.4.2 Functions of the sentential coordinating conjunction
- 2.4.3 From coordinated conjunction to contrastive focus
- 2.4.4 From locative preposition to coordinating conjunction
- 2.4.5 From adverb 'also' to coordinating conjunction
- 2.4.6 Borrowings as sources of sentential conjunction
- 2.5 Functions of sequential and coordinate structures
- 2.5.1 Introduction
- 2.5.2 Functions of sequential clauses
- 2.6 Functions of paratactic clauses
- 2.6.1 Comparison between two types of'structures
- 2.6.2 Paratactic and conjoined constructions: Conclusions
- 2.7 Sources and reconstruction of the P-C sequential marker
- 2.7.1 Associative: Cibak, Lele, and Gidar
- 2.7.2 Nominal conjunction: Bidiya
- 2.7.3 From preposition to sequential: Margi
- 2.7.4 From verb 'to sit' to sequential marker: Kanakuru
- 2.8 Sequential marker as a discourse conjunction
- 2.8.1 Sequential marker at the discourse level
- 2.8.2 An explanation of the discourse-level function
- 2.8.3 Direction of grammaticalization
- 2.9 From sequential to inflectional aspect marker
- 2.10 From 'God' to counterexpectation: A reanalysis
- 2.10.1 The problem
- 2.10.2 The hypothesis and argumentation
- 2.11 Conclusions
- 3. FUNCTIONS OF COMPLEMENTIZERS
- 3.1 Introduction
- 3.2 Modal function
- 3.2.1 Epistemic function of complementizers
- 3.2.2 Deontic function o f complementizers
- 3.3 Complementizer and the coding of grammatical relations
- 3.3.1 The problems and a hypothesis
- 3.3.2 Coding devices for the semantic role of arguments
- 3.4 Identification and grammaticalization of complementizers
- 3.5 The complementizers in Masa: An open problem
- 3.6 Conclusions
- 4. COMPLEMENTS OF VERBS OF SAYING
- 4.1 Introduction
- 4.2 Verbs of saying
- 4.3 Clausal structure of sentences with verbs of saying
- 4.3.1 Clausal order matrix-embedded
- 4.3.2 Clausal order embedded-matrix
- 4.3.3 Word order in the matríx clause
- 4.4 Omission of verbs of saying
- 4.4.1 The phenomenon
- 4.4.2 Absence of the verb and case assignment
- 4.4.3 Verb omission and problems of reconstruction
- 4.4.4 An explanation of verb omission
- 4.4.5 Verb omission and verb replacement
- 4.5 De dicto complementizers
- 4.5.1 Issues and questions
- 4.5.2 Position of complementizers
- 4.6 Origin of de dicto complementizers
- 4.6.1 Complementizers from verbs of saying
- 4.6.1.2 Phonological evidence
- 4.6.1.3 The mechanics of grammaticalization of complementizers from verbsof saying
- 4.6.2 Complementizers and previous reference markers
- 4.6.3 Complementizers and sequential markers
- 4.7 Absence of complementizer: deletion or omission
- 4.8 Argument marking in the embedded clause
- 4.9 Direct versus indirect speech
- 4.9.1 The problems
- 4.9.1 Use of complementizer in the two types of discourse
- 4.9.2 Two Chadic solutions
- 4.10 Doubt-in-truth modality
- 4.10.1 Doubt in truth through tonal means
- 4.10.2 Doubt m truth through complementizers
- 4.10.3 Doubt in truth through adverbial expressions
- 4.11 Deontic modalities after verbs of saying
- 4.11.1 Means of encoding obligation
- 4.11.2 Inflectional means
- 4.11.3 De dicto complementizers and inflectional means
- 4.11.4 Mood of obligation through a deontic complementizer
- 4.12 Cross-reference disjoint-reference coding. Logophoricity
- 4.13 Conclusions
- 5. EMBEDDED INTERROGATIVES
- 5.1 Introduction
- 5.2 The interrogative verbs
- 5.3 Interrogative complements in de dicto domain
- 5.3.1 De dicto complementizers
- 5.3.2 Order of clsuses as avidence of de disco domain
- 5.4 Interrogative complementizers
- 5.5 Yes/no questions and interrogative particles
- 5.6 Specific (WH) questions
- 5.7 Deontic complements after verbs of asking
- 5.8 Conclusions
- 6. COMPLEMENTS OF VOLITIONAL VERBS
- 6.1 Issues and scope of the chapter
- 6.2 The problem of the infinitival complements
- 6.3 De dicto complementizer with volitional verbs
- 6.4 Subjunctive mood in the embedded clause
- 6.5 Deontic complementizers
- 6.6 Same-subject coding
- 6.6.1 Types of constructions
- 6.6.2 Hypothesis: Types of volitional predicates and overt same subject
- 6.7 Volitional predicates in Chadic
- 6.7.1 Evidence for the hypothesis: No overt coding of the same subject
- 6.7.2 Type III lexicalization (two verbs, two meanings)
- 6.7.3 Type II lexicalization (one verb, two meanings)
- 6.7.4 Overt coding of the subject of the complement clause: Type I
- 6.8 Complements of the verb 'please'
- 6.9 Different subject
- 6.9.1 Role of complementizer
- 6.9.2 Deontic modality and different subjects
- 6.10 Third person subject inclusion and exclusion
- 6.10.1 Subject inclusion in Lele
- 6.10.2 Subject inclusion in Mina
- 6.11 Problem of 'raising'
- 6.11.1 'Raising ' or embedded subject coding in the matrix clause
- 6.11.2 Raising-a means or a result
- 6.12 Conclusions
- 7. COMPLEMENTS OF VERBS OF PERCEPTION
- 7.1 Verbs of perception and complementation: state of the art
- 7.2 Theoretical claims: 'Raising to object' as a coding device
- 7.3 De dicto and de re complementizers and subject raising: Lele
- 7.3.1 Coding of the subject of embedded clause in the matrix clause
- 7.3.2 The de re complementizer go
- 7.3.3 The de dicto complementizer na
- 7.4 Subject raising and the role of complementizer in Mandara
- 7.5 Conclusions
- 8. COMPLEMENTS OF COGNITIVE VERBS
- 8.1 Introduction
- 8.2 The origin of verbs of knowing
- 8.3 Coding of the modality of knowing
- 8.4 Undifferentiated complementation
- 8.5 Conclusions
- 9. TEMPORAL CLAUSES
- 9.1 Issues to be discussed
- 9.2 The order of clauses
- 9.3 Temporal clauses through juxtaposition
- 9.4 The relative position of temporal markers
- 9.5 Sources of the general protasis markers
- 9.5.1 The synchronic picture
- 9.5.2 'Time' as source of general protasis markers
- 9.5.2.1 Two type of constructions involving 'time'
- 9.5.2.2 The marker *dV
- 9.5.3 From verb 'go' to protasis marker?
- 9.5.4 From conditional to temporal protasis marker
- 9.5.4.1 Temporal protasis marker *ma
- 9.5.4.2 Conclusions regarding the temporal function of ma
- 9.5.4.3 The marker m? in Mina
- 9.5.5 From sequential marker to general protasis marker
- 9.5.6 Copula as a general protasis marker
- 9.5.7 Demonstratives/definite marker as temporal markers
- 9.5.7.1 Evidence that some protasis markers are demonstratives
- 9.5.7.2 Constituent status of demonstratives
- 9.5.7.3 From relativo clause to demonstrative to temporal protasis marker
- 9.5.7.3.1 Hypothesis
- 9.5.7.3.2 Evidence
- 9.5.8 From locative preposition to temporal markers
- 9.5.9 De dicto complementizer as general protasis marker
- 9.5.10 Unknown lexical sources
- 9.6 The specific temporal clauses ('before', 'after')
- 9.6.1 General marker plus specific marker
- 9.6.2 Specific coding through prepositions and adverbs
- 9.6.3 Specific temporal coding through interplay of tenses
- 9.7 Functions of apodosis markers vs. sequential markers
- 9.8 Sources of apodosis markers
- 9.8.1 An attempt of reconstruction
- 9.8.2 From demonstrative to apodosis marker: Hausa
- 9.8.3 From protasis to apodosis markers
- 9.8.4 De dicto complementizer as a source of the apodosis marker
- 9.9 Conclusions
- 10. CONDITIONAL SENTENCES
- 10.1 Issues to be discussed
- 10.2 Origin of the protasis markers
- 10.2.1 Temporal markers as conditionals
- 10.2.2 The marker ma
- 10.2.3 Sources of conditional ma
- 10.2.4 'Interrogative ' markers as sources of conditionals
- 10.2.5 Conditional markers from locative prepositions
- 10.2.6 Demonstratives/definite markers as conditional markers
- 10.2.7 From 'hand' to conditional marker
- 10.2.8 De dicto complementizer as a protasis marker
- 10.2.9 Other sources of protasis markers
- 10.3 Functions of apodosis markers
- 10.4 Sources of apodosis markers
- 10.4.1 De dicto complementizers as a source of apodosis markers
- 10.4.2 Sequential markers as a source of apodosis markers
- 10.4.3 Demonstratives/definite markers as a source of apodosis markers
- 10.4.4 Apodosis markers from conjunctions
- 10.5 Conclusions
- 11. THE RELATIVE CLAUSE
- 11.1 Introduction
- 11.2 Major constituents of the relative clause
- 11.3 The relative markers
- 11.3.1 The functions of the relative markers
- 11.3.2 Presence versus absence of the relative marker
- 11.4 Existential status of the head noun
- 11.4.1 Existential status coding through two relative markers
- 11.4.2 Existential status coding and the use of relative markers
- 11.5 Existential status coding through postrelative markers
- 11.5.1 The relationship between the definite head and postrelatives
- 11.5.2 Functions of the postrelative markers
- 11.6 Coding the role of the head noun phrase
- 11.6.1 Coding of the role through distinction in the relative markers
- 11.6.2 Coding of the role through resumptive pronouns
- 11.7 Other grammatical categories of relative markers
- 11.7.1 Gender and number
- 11.7.2 The semantic class
- 11.8 Sources of relative markers
- 11.8.1 Demonstratives and definite markers as a source of relative markers
- 11.8.2 Indefinite pronouns as a source of relative markers
- 11.8.3 Associative markers as a source of relative markers
- 11.8.4 De dicto complementizers as a source of relative markers
- 11.9 Sources of postrelative markers
- 11.10 'Relative tenses'
- 11.11 Reconstruction of the relative clause in Proto-Chadic
- 11.11.1 The form of the relative clause
- 11.11.2 The relativo markers
- 11.11.3 The relative tenses
- 11.11.4 The postrelative markers
- 11.12 Conclusions
- 12. SUMMARY AND IMPLICATIONS
- 12.1 Introduction
- 12.2 Implications for the study of language structure
- 12.2.1 Typology of complex sentences
- 12.2.2 Verb omission and argument marking
- 12.2.3 Subject-to-object raising
- 12.2.4 Word order in matrix and embedded clauses
- 12.2.5 Position of subordinating particles
- 12.2.6 Two types of relative clauses
- 12.2.7 The nature of complementizers
- 12.2.8 Modal functions of the clausal order
- 12.3 Implications for the study of grammaticalization
- 12.3.1 Methodology and unidirectionality
- 12.3.2 Semiotic metonymy as a source of polysemy
- 12.3.3 Motivation for grammaticalization: the need and opportunity
- 12.3.4 Origin of complementizers
- 12.3.5 Origin of protasis and apodosis markers
- 12.3.6 Orìgin of relative clause markers
- 12.4 Conclusions
- REFERENCES
- INDEX OF TERMS
- INDEX OF LANGUAGES
- INDEX OF NAMES
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