Verb Clusters

Name: Verb Clusters | A study of Hungarian, German and Dutch
Brand: John Benjamins Publishing Company
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A study of Hungarian, German and Dutch

Katalin É. Kiss Henk van Riemsdijk(Editor)

John Benjamins Publishing Company

1st Edition

Published on 28. May 2004

VI, 514 pages

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978-90-272-9559-0 (ISBN)

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Verb Clusters
Editorial page
Title page
LCC page
Table of contents
Verb clusters
1. Opening remarks
2. Some properties of verb clusters: The view from Germanic
2.1. Is there a cluster?
2.2. Adjacency
2.3. Partial movement and nominalization
2.4. Clause union and transparency phenomena
2.5. Morphological properties
2.6. Trigger verbs
2.7. Ordering within a verb cluster
2.8. Approaches to the analysis of verb clusters in Germanic
3. The view from Hungarian
3.1. Is there a cluster? Three types of infinitival constructions
3.2. The verbs that cluster
3.3. Analyzing verb clusters
4. Outlook
Acknowledgements
References
West Germanic verb clusters
1. Introduction
2. West Germanic verb clusters
2.1. The distribution of two-verb clusters
2.2. The distribution of three-verb clusters
3. Questionnaire-based study of German verb clusters3
3.1. Outline of the questionnaire
3.2. Goal and scope of the questionnaire
3.3. Consultants
3.4. Summary of results
4. Empirical generalizations
4.1. What are verb cluster languages?
4.2. Generalizations of the inversion patterns
5. Conclusion
Notes
References
Appendix
A. Data and inversion patterns
B. Questionnaire
C. Other statistical results
Hungarian verbal clusters
1. Introduction
2. Roll-up
3. Particle climbing
4. Látszik `seem' - a stress-avoiding verb that does not trigger particle climbing
5. Conclusion
Notes
References
Appendix
I SURVEY 1
3 Question 3
II SURVEY 2
III THE QUESTIONNAIRES
Clustering theories*
1. Verb clusters
2. Headedness and constituency
2.1. Extended headedness
2.2. Inheritance versus reanalysis
2.3. Why OV?
2.4. Limits of extended headedness
3. Movement and antisymmetry
4. The Hungarian connection
4.1. Preverbs and particles
5. Concluding remarks
Notes
References
``Roll-up'' structures and morphological words*
1. Introduction
2. Adverbials on the right
3. V-raising in Hungarian
Notes
References
The structure of clusters
1. Modeling inflection
1.1. The language CAT
1.2. Inflectional systems as an instantiation of CAT
1.3. Some inflectional systems
1.4. Verb (Projection) Raising as an instance of CAT
2. The Hungarian verbal system
2.1. The verbal system without VMs
2.2. The verbal system with VMs
2.3. Is roll-up really lexical?
Notes
References
A stress-based approach to climbing*
1. Introduction
2. Stress in Hungarian
3. Stress-driven focus movement
4. Particle climbing in a stress-based approach
5. Climbing: Syntactic XP-movement
6. Cross-linguistic comparison: The Basque particle ba
7. Conclusion
Notes
References
Particles and phonologically defective predicates*
1. Phrasal and head particles in Dutch
2. Light and heavy verbal modifiers in Hungarian
3. Pred verbs with a designated argument in focus?
4. Pred verbs with a designated argument in PredP?
4.1. Identifying Pred verbs
4.2. Summary
5. Stress avoiding verbs and verbal modifiers
5.1. Verbal modifiers with Pred verbs
5.2. Pred verbs are auxiliary-like
6. Summary
Notes
References
Climbing for aspect
1. Introduction
1.1. Connection between verb clusters and aspect in Hungarian
1.2. A theory of aspect in Hungarian based on ``climbing aspectualizers''
2. Aspectual Projection
2.1. AspP and/or Referentiality Constraint?
2.2. What will make a good aspectualizer?
2.3. The aspectualizer of akar `want' and utál `hate'
3. The structure of verb clusters
3.1. ``Climbing'' preverb in neutral sentences
3.2. ``Full roll-up'' in focused sentences
3.3. FInfP aspectualizers
4. Competing computations
5. Concluding remarks
Notes
References
The Hungarian verbal complex
1. Introduction
2. Preliminaries
2.1. The linguistic data
2.2. The dual behavior of VMs
I Evidence for a head analysis
II Evidence for a phrase analysis
3. Basic assumptions
4. Inverted order verbal complexes
4.1. The Syntactic Light Verb Constraint
4.2. The Complex Head Constraint
5. Verbal complexes with VM climbing
5.1. The VM and the auxiliary: Long VM movement
5.2. The VM and the lexical verb: Short VM movement
6. Verb typology based on the aspectual feature
6.1. Auxiliaries are aspectually defective
6.2. Stative verbs
7. Further issues
7.1. The problems of the dual analysis revisited
7.2. Auxiliaries and light verbs
8. Conclusion
Notes
References
Parallel strategies of verbal complex formation in Hungarian and West-Germanic?
1. Introduction
2. Preliminaries: The minimal verbal complex in Hungarian
3. The straight order extended verbal complex in Hungarian
4. The Dutch/West Flemish/Swiss German verbal complex
5. The inverse order variant of the extended verbal complex in Hungarian
6. The German verbal complex
7. Deriving the word order of West Germanic verbal complexes
8. Can the West-Germanic and the Hungarian verbal complexes be derived in parallel ways?
Notes
References
Do preverbs climb?*
1. The problem
2. Some parallels between Hungarian and Dutch verb raising
2.1. Only in restructuring contexts
2.2. No PVC across another PV
2.3. PVC from an intermediate verb
2.4. Adjacency of the climbed PV and the highest Aux
2.5. No coordination below a climbed PV
2.6. A difference with Dutch: PVC across an intervening complementizer
3. Interaction of VR and V-to-F movement
4. Scrambling into the verbal cluster, inversion, and reanalysis
5. On the internal order of the Hungarian verb cluster
6. Conclusion
Notes
References
Verbal complexes and morphosyntactic merger*
1. Introduction
2. Inflectional affixation in Hungarian
2.1. Scope effects
2.2. On-line morphology: One word form, two syntactic structures
3. The failure of phrasal movement analyses
4. Extending M-merger to ``roll-up'' V-clusters in Hungarian
5. Adverbs and roll-up clusters
6. Conclusion
Notes
References
Infinitival complements of modals in Hungarian and in German
1. Introduction
2. Data
2.1. Modals and inflected infinitives
2.2. Impersonal/personal passive constructions
2.3. Modals compared with raising and control predicates
2.4. Weather verbs under modals
3. Raising versus control: vP and CP complements
3.1. Problems with proexpl
3.2. A split between finite and infinitival clauses
4. Modals and restructuring
5. Inflected infinitives and modals
6. Summary
Notes
References
Agreement and `clause union'*
1. The theoretical claims to be defended
2. Notes on Hungarian agreement
3. Four `clause union' constructions
4. Class IV: hagy permissive-causatives
4.1. Preverb placement
4.2. Definiteness agreement
4.3. Person agreement
4.4. `Passive infinitives' and the v/AgrO debate
4.5. Summary
5. On Hungarian object clitics
5.1. Person split and the representation of first and second person pronoun phrases
5.2. Definiteness, Case and first/second person objects
5.3. Order
6. Class III: -tat/-tet causatives
7. Class II: come/go constructions
8. Class I: Auxiliary constructions
9. `Clause union'
10. Long A'-movement, agreement and Case
10.1. Extraction from the embedded clause
10.2. The accusative-marked subject is accusative from the start
10.3. That-trace avoidance, the Italian way
10.4. Clitic and feature movement from SpecCP
10.5. Attraction and economy
10.6. The Inverse Case Filter
10.7. Some consequences
11. Concluding remarks
Notes
References
Names index
Subject index
List of contributors
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