
Austronesian Undressed
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Content
- Intro
- Austronesian Undressed
- Editorial page
- Title page
- Copyright page
- Dedication page
- Table of contents
- Preface
- Introduction
- References
- Chapter 1. What does it mean to be an isolating language?: The case of Riau Indonesian
- 1. Introduction: The challenge of orthography
- 2. The notions of wordhood and Isolating Language
- 2.1 Morphology vs. syntax
- 2.2 The wordhood debate
- 2.3 Isolating languages
- 3. A case study: Riau Indonesian
- 3.1 Riau Indonesian
- 3.2 Wordhood in Riau Indonesian
- 3.3 Sources of evidence
- 3.4 Rounding up the evidence
- 4. Riau Indonesian in typological perspective
- Acknowledgements
- References
- Chapter 2. The loss of affixation in Cham: Contact, internal drift and the limits of linguistic history
- 1. The loss of affixation in Cham languages: Overview and previous proposals
- 2. Affixation in Cham inscriptions and manuscripts
- 2. Affixation in Cham inscriptions and manuscripts
- 3. Contact, learnability and the initial reduction of affixation
- 4. Iambicity, monosyllabisation and the loss of affixation
- 5. The loss of affixation: Contact versus internal restructuring
- 6. Conclusion: Revisiting contact and learnability
- Acknowledgements
- References
- Chapter 3. Dual heritage: The story of Riau Indonesian and its relatives
- 1. Introduction
- 2. Previous accounts
- 2.1 Pidgin Malay derived
- 2.2 Creole
- 2.3 Non-hybrid conventionalised second language
- 2.4 Ethnicity, register and geography
- 3. The sociohistorical landscape
- 3.1 Heartland varieties
- 3.2 Transplanted varieties
- 4. The linguistic landscape
- 4.1 Riau Indonesian and other Malay/Indonesian Koinés
- 4.2 Malay/Indonesian Koinés and other varieties of Malay/Indonesian
- 4.3 Malay/Indonesian and other Malayic varieties
- 4.4 Malayic varieties and other languages of Western Nusantara
- 4.5 Languages of Western Nusantara and other Mekong-Mamberamo languages
- 4.6 Languages of Western Nusantara and other Austronesian languages
- 5. The story of Riau Indonesian and its relatives
- 5.1 Act 1: Two separate heritages
- 5.2 Act 2: The coming together
- 5.3 Act 3: A new hybrid identity
- 6. Conclusion
- Acknowledgements
- References
- Chapter 5. Javanese undressed: 'Peripheral' dialects in typological perspective
- 1. Introduction
- 1.1 Javanese variation
- 1.2 Javanese dialects in typological perspective in the MSEA Sprachbund
- 2. Fieldwork, data collection, method
- 3. Selected features in MSEA and Javanese dialects
- 3.1 Central Javanese
- 3.2 Banten
- 3.3 Banyumasan
- 3.4 Pesisir Lor
- 3.5 Tengger
- 3.6 Osing
- 4. Discussion
- 4.1 Central vs. peripheral varieties of Javanese
- 4.2 Javanese in typological perspective
- 4.3 Javanese in diachronic perspective
- 5. Conclusion
- Acknowledgements
- References
- Chapter 6. Are the Central Flores languages really typologically unusual?
- 1. Introduction
- 2. Theoretical background
- 2.1 The Mekong-Mamberamo language area
- 2.2 McWhorter's view of isolating languages
- 2.3 McWhorter's definition of linguistic complexity
- 2.4 McWhorter's proposed historical scenario
- 3. Introduction to the languages of Flores
- 3.1 Languages of West Flores: Manggarai
- 3.2 Languages of East Flores: Sika, Lamaholot
- 3.3 Languages of Central Flores: Lio, Ende, Nage, Keo, Ngadha, Rongga
- 4. Central Flores languages have typical Mekong-Mamberamo typology
- 4.1 The passing gesture
- 4.2 Repeated dental clicks expressing amazement
- 4.3 Conventionalised greeting with "where?"
- 4.4 'eye day' to 'sun' lexicalisation
- 4.5 d/t place of articulation asymmetry
- 4.6 Numeral classifiers
- 4.7 Verby adjectives
- 4.8 Basic SVO constituent order
- 4.9 Iamitive perfects
- 4.10 'Give' causatives
- 4.11 Low differentiation of adnominal attributive constructions
- 4.12 Weakly developed grammatical voice
- 4.13 Isolating word structure
- 4.14 Short words
- 4.15 Low grammatical-morpheme density
- 4.16 Optional thematic-role flagging
- 4.17 Optional TAM marking
- 4.18 Summary: Mekong-Mamberamo features in Central Flores languages
- 5. Additional evidence from the Central Flores numeral system
- 6. Historical proposal for Central Flores languages
- 7. Conclusion
- Acknowledgements
- References
- Chapter 7. From Lamaholot to Alorese: Morphological loss in adult language contact
- 1. Introduction
- 2. The morphological profile of pre-Alorese
- 2.1 Lewoingu-Lamaholot and Alorese inflectional morphology
- 2.2 Lewoingu-Lamaholot and Alorese derivational morphology
- 2.3 Summary: The morphology of pre-Alorese
- 3. When, why, and how pre-Alorese became isolating
- 3.1 Dating the migration of pre-Alorese to Pantar Island
- 3.2 Alorese as a language of trade and interethnic communication
- 3.3 Alorese was acquired by adult speakers
- 4. Conclusions
- Acknowledgements
- Funding
- References
- Chapter 8. Double agent, double cross?: Or how a suffix changes nature in an isolating language: dór in Tetun Dili
- 1. Introduction
- 2. Historical background
- 3. Portuguese nominal loans with dór
- 4. Door with single Tetun roots
- 5. Three-unit sequences
- 6. Use and creativity
- 7. Alternative strategies for agentive terms
- 8. Word class
- 9. Word status
- Phonology
- Spelling
- A lexeme door?
- 10. Borrowability of door
- 11. The double life of Portuguese dor in Tetun
- 12. Conclusion
- References
- Chapter 9. The origins of isolating word structure in eastern Timor
- 1. Introduction
- 2. McWhorter's complexity
- 3. McWhorter's explanation of isolating word structure in Timor languages
- 4. Austronesian languages in Timor
- 4.1 Verbal agreement prefixes
- 4.2 Derivational prefixes and associated complexification
- 4.3 Possessive morphology and possessive classes
- 4.4 Synchronic metathesis
- 4.5 Numeral agreement
- 5. Papuan languages of Timor
- 5.1 Person agreement prefixes
- 5.2 Animacy and agreement
- 5.3 Locative and applicative prefixes
- 5.4 Initial verb root mutations
- 5.5 Derivational suffixal morphology
- 5.6 Morphological and suppletive number marking
- 6. The comparative picture of complexity in the languages of Timor and surrounds
- 7. Discussion
- Acknowledgements
- References
- Chapter 10. Becoming Austronesian: Mechanisms of language dispersal across Southern Island Southeast Asia and the collapse of Austronesian morphosyntax
- 1. Introduction: The spread of Austronesian languages across Island Southeast Asia
- 2. The unnaturalness of isolation
- 3. Southern Southeast Asia
- 4. Accounting for language distributions
- 5. Conclusions
- Acknowledgements
- Funding
- References
- Chapter 11. Concluding reflections
- 1. Introduction
- 1.1 Purpose
- 1.2 Isolating languages as unnatural
- 1.3 Grounds for my hypothesis
- 2. Riau Indonesian
- 2.1 Proto-Malayic and Proto-Malayo-Polynesian affixation is fatal to the Mekong-Mamberamo scenario
- 2.2 Why is Malayic so modestly inflected overall?
- 2.3 If Riau Indonesian is a Sprachbund language, why is it so unmixed?
- 2.4 Are there actually dialects of other Indonesian languages as structurally reduced as Riau Indonesian?
- 2.5 A note on the Jambi varieties
- 2.6 An alternative story
- 3. Flores
- 3.1 The Mekong-Mamberamo scenario leaves more questions than answers
- 3.2 Why are West and East Flores languages more inflected?
- 3.3 Mekong-Mamberamo traits and transferred numerals are compatible with adult acquisition
- 3.4 Central Flores languages are not pidginised Sulawesi ones
- 4. East Timor
- 4.1 Fossilised derivation
- 4.2 The inflection question
- 4.3 Signs of adult acquisition in Waima'a, Naueti, Tokodede, and Kemak
- 4.4 Papuan languages
- 4.5 Different paths to the same mountaintop?
- 5. A note on Chamic
- 6. Conclusion
- References
- Index
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