Where Do Phonological Features Come From?

Name: Where Do Phonological Features Come From? | Cognitive, physical and developmental bases of distinctive speech categories
Brand: John Benjamins Publishing Company
Price: 130.99 EUR
Availability: OnlineOnly

Cognitive, physical and developmental bases of distinctive speech categories

G. Nick Clements Rachid Ridouane(Editor)

John Benjamins Publishing Company

1st Edition

Published on 28. July 2011

XV, 347 pages

E-Book

PDF with Adobe-DRM

System requirements

978-90-272-8694-9 (ISBN)

€130.99incl. 7% vat

System requirements

for PDF with Adobe-DRM

E-Book Single Licence

Available for download

Description

More details

Other editions

Persons

Content

Where Do Phonological Features Come From?
Editorial page
Title page
LCC data
Dedication page
Table of contents
Obituary
List of contributors
Part 1. Introduction
Editors' Overview
1. General and cognitive issues
2. Acoustic and articulatory bases of features
3. Extracting features from the signal
4. Features in phonological development
5. Envoi
References
Part II. General and cognitive issues
Features, segments, and the sources of phonological primitives
1. Introduction
2. The nature of phonological primitives
2.1 The SPE view of the elements of phonology
2.2 The implication of language-specific phonetics
2.3 Distinctive features in characterizing contrast and alternations
2.4 Distinctive feature theory as approximately correct
3. Relationship between adult phonology and acquisition
3.1 Prerequisites for an understanding of language acquisition
3.2 Acquisition of initial consonants in English: A case of covert contrast
3.3 Learning of categories and features
4. Conclusions
References
Feature economy in natural, random, and synthetic inventories
1. Introduction
2. Calculating feature economy
3. The feature economy of natural languages
3.1 Procedures
3.2 The Feature Economist algorithm
3.3 Results
3.4 Discussion
4. The feature economy of random inventories
4.1 Procedures
4.2 Results
4.3 Discussion
5. The feature economy of synthetic inventories
6. General discussion and conclusions
References
Part III. Acoustic and articullatory bases of features
Sound systems are shaped by their users
1. Introduction
1.1 Topic and goals
1.2 Outline of chapter
2. Place and 'perceptual contrast'
3. Place and 'articulatory cost'
3.1 Clues from physics and biology
3.2 Articulatory representations
3.3 Articulatory effort: A question of how far and fast
4. Place and phonetic learning
4.1 Targets, motor equivalence and the adaptive organization of speech production
4.2 The basic units of speech as dynamic phonetic gestures
4.3 Unpacking 'gesture': The formal definition
4.4 Targets and phonetic learning
4.5 The numerical modeling of motor equivalence
4.6 Clues from non-speech
4.7 Two developmental hypotheses
5. Computational experiments
5.1 The optimization criterion
5.2 Motivating the formula
6. Results
7. Discussion
7.1 Universal space of 'possible CV:s'
7.2 The origin of discrete recombinant units in phonology
Acknowledgements
References
What features underline the /s/ vs. /s'/ contrast in Korean?
1. Introduction
2. Phonetic considerations
2.1 The features [c.g.] and [s.g.]
2.2 The features [stiff], [slack] and [tense]
2.3 Do we need tone rather than laryngeal features in Korean consonants?
2.4 Are fortis consonants geminates or singletons?
3. Phonological behavior of the fricatives /s, s'/ in favor of [s.g.] and [tense]
3.1 Intensified expressions
3.2 Post-Obstruent Tensification
3.3 Aspiration
3.4 Korean treatment of the English and French fricative [s]
3.5 Korean treatment of Japanese geminates
4. Some theoretical implications
4.1 The specification for the feature [-s.g.] in /s, s'/
4.2 The feature [tense] rather than [voice] in Korean consonants
5. Conclusion
Acknowledgements
References
Automaticity vs. feature-enhancement in the control of segmental F0
1. Introduction
1.1 Consonant voicing
1.2 Vowel intrinsic F0
1.3 German as a test case: The tense-lax opposition
1.4 Summary of the issues
2. Experimental procedures, speech material and subjects
2.1 Subject-specific details
Subject CK
Subject CG
Subject SF
2.2 Processing of the EMG data: Estimating strength of muscle activation
2.3 Time alignment of EMG activity with F0
3. Results
3.1 Consonant voicing
3.2 Vowel intrinsic F0
3.2.1 A brief return to consonant voicing
3.3 Tense vs. Lax Vowels
4. General Discussion
4.1 Intrinsic F0 and vowel height
4.2 Consonant voicing
4.3 A different approach to the study of enhancement
5. Conclusion
Acknowledgements
Appendix
References
Part IV. Extracting features from the signal
Categorization and Features
1. Introduction
2. The lingual articulation of /p/
2.1 Subjects and method
2.2 Data extraction and analysis
2.3 Results
2.3.1 Post-consonantal /p/.
2.3.2 Pre-vocalic /p/.
2.3.3 Individual patterns.
2.4 Discussion
3. Articulatory demands?
4. Phonological evidence?
5. Perceptual evidence
6. Conclusion
References
Features as an emergent product of computing perceptual cues relative to expectations
1. Introduction
1.1 The search for discreteness in perception
1.2 Computing Cues Relative to Expectations
2. Vowel-to-vowel coarticulation as a test case
2.1 The Corpus
3. Testing the Parsing Model
3.1 Uncovering Features of the Target Vowel.
3.2 Anticipating the Context Vowel
4. Discussion and Conclusions
Acknowledgments
References
Features are phonological transforms of natural boundaries
1. Introduction
2. Features and Boundaries
3. Voicing boundaries
4. Place of articulation boundaries: Psychoacoustic thresholds vs. contextual flexibility and multiple cueing
4.1 Central vs. peripheral vowel contexts: From psychoacoustics to articulatory representations
4.2 How percept-percept couplings contribute to fill the gap between psychoacoustics and articulatory representations
5. Consonants vs. vowels: A special instance of contextual flexibility
6. From psychoacoustics to phonology
References
Part V. Features in phonological development
Features in child phonology
1. Introduction
2. Some history
3. Theoretical perspectives
3.1 The search for criteria: How may one define 'having a feature'?
3.2 Problems with the idea of the feature as 'unit'
3.3 Criteria based on class omission or feature spreading.
3.4 The minimal pair criterion
3.5 Gestural vs. feature analysis
4. Order of emergence and the effect of the ambient language
5. Our proposal: Features as emergents from first words
5.1 Micro-level analysis of features in a first typological gradient: Continuum in evidence for feature use in first words.
5.2 Transition to a more orderly state: The emergence of phonological structure
6. Variability based on recordings
7. Concluding reflections: The forest and the trees
Appendix I. First words
Group 4 Two or more minimal pairs
clear featural organization
Appendix II. Variability in first word forms: UK English
References
Phonological features in infancy
1. Introduction
2. Theoretical groundwork
3. Infants' learning of phonological generalizations
3. Experiment
5. Conclusions
Acknowledgments
References
Acoustic cues to stop-coda voicing contrasts in the speech of American English 2-3 year-olds
1. Introduction
2. Methods
3. Results
4. Discussion
Acknowledgments
References
Language index
Subject index

System requirements

Save as PDF Copy link into clipboard

Schweitzer Fachinformationen

Where Do Phonological Features Come From?

Description

More details

Other editions

Additional editions

Persons

Content

System requirements