Verb First

Name: Verb First | On the syntax of verb-initial languages
Brand: John Benjamins Publishing Company
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On the syntax of verb-initial languages

Andrew Carnie Heidi Harley Sheila Ann Dooley(Editor)

John Benjamins Publishing Company

1st Edition

Published on 17. February 2005

XIV, 431 pages

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Verb First
Editorial page
Title page
LCC data
Table of contents
Contributors
Acknowledgements
Note
Abbreviations
Introduction
Notes
I. VP movement vs. head-movement
What fronts?
1. Introduction
2. Evidence for a clause-initial VP
3. The clause-initial VP as moved constituent
3.1. VP raising across an apparent distance
3.2. The islandhood of VP
4. Remnant VP raising and its motivation
5. The motivation for VP raising
6. Conclusion
Notes
Coordination and constituency in St'át'imcets (Lillooet Salish)
1. Introduction
2. Background: A brief rundown on St'át'imcets
2.1. The language and its speakers
2.2. Basic morphosyntactic properties
2.3. Word order
3. VP constituency
3.1. Subject-object asymmetries
3.2. VP-constituency tests
3.3. Interim conclusions
4. Coordination: A cautionary tale
4.1. VP coordination in St'át'imcets
4.2. A further unexpected coordination pattern
5. Some remarks on linearization at the right periphery
6. Typological implications
7. Methodological implications
Appendix
Conversion chart from St'át'imcets practical orthography to standard Americanist phonemic script
Notes
Two derivations of VSO
1. Introduction
2. Niuean facts and the predicate fronting analysis
3. Tongan facts that are similar to Niuean
4. The V-raising analysis and Tongan facts that are different from Niuean
4.1. Clitic pronouns and T's EPP feature
4.2. Scrambling and T's EPP feature
4.3. T's EPP feature in Tongan and Niuean
5. Residual word order issues
5.1. Intervening adverbs
5.2. Non-verbal predicates
5.3. PNI-like phenomenon
6. Conclusion
Notes
Force first
1. Introduction
1.1. The case for clausal movement
2. Overt clausal movement: Yes/no questions with èee
2.1. Why not left-branching? Some theoretical problems
2.2. Adverb placement as evidence against left branching
3. Definite aspect: A case of string-vacuous clausal movement into CP
4. A second case of covert clause fronting: Verbs with irrealis aspect marking
4.1. Semantic motivation for verb fronting and clause fronting
4.2. Why verb fronting of irrealis verbs with subjunctive readings?
5. Summary and implications
Notes
V1 and wh-questions
1. Introduction
2. Observations and questions
3. A typology of V-initial syntax
3.1. V-movement languages
3.2. VP-movement languages
3.3. V-initial typology
4. Typology of wh-questions: Extending the Clause Typing Hypothesis
4.1. Preliminaries: The Clause Typing Hypothesis (Cheng 1997)
4.2. Adding to Cheng (1997): The generalized EPP conjecture
5. Consequences: A new way to look at Irish syntax
5.1. Examining the properties of Irish
5.2. Irish wh-questions
6. Concluding remarks
Notes
Preverbal particles in verb-initial languages
1. Introduction
2. Theoretical background
2.1. Phrase structure
2.2. Clause structure and verb movement
3. The proposal
3.1. Derived heads require a filled specifier
3.2. Verb movement and preverbal particles
4. Conclusion
Notes
A note on predicates and heads in Irish clausal syntax
1. Introduction
2. A further step
3. The positioning of initial predicates
Notes
Seediq
1. Introduction
2. The facts
3. Antisymmetry and VOS
3.1. Predicate raising
3.2. Predicate-raising and head-finality
3.3. VOS and VSO order
4. Further correlates
4.1. Placement of the interrogative particle
4.2. Final particles vs. second position clitics
5. Cliticization and verb raising - an apparent problem
6. Summary and conclusion
Notes
VP-internal structure in a VOS language
1. Introduction
2. Background
2.1. Guilfoyle, Hung, and Travis (GHT 1992)
2.2. Intraposition
2.3. Two types of (VO) languages
2.4. Rightward adjunction
3. VP ellipsis
3.1. Expectations
3.2. Data
3.3. Account
4. Conclusion
Notes
II. Categories, information structure, and prosodic factors
Lexical categories, lack of inflection, and predicate fronting in Niuean
1. Introduction
1.1. Overview
1.2. Niuean as a predicate-fronting language
2. Lexical categories
2.1. Lexical categories in Polynesian languages
2.2. Approaches to lexical categories
2.3. Distribution of lexical categories in Niuean
2.4. Morphology and syntax
3. Lexical categorial features in Niuean
4. Lexical category and predicate fronting
5. Conclusion
Notes
Word order without syntactic categories
1. Introduction: Explaining word order
2. Introducing Riau Indonesian
3. The grammar of Riau Indonesian
3.1. Syntax
3.2. Association
3.3. Headedness
4. How Riau Indonesian manages to look like a verb-initial language
5. From Riau Indonesian to universal grammar
Notes
Nominal properties of vPs in Breton
1. Introduction
2. Internal arguments of DP and vP
2.1. Case assignment to object DPs by construct state
3. vPs like DPs show Case filter effects
3.1. Raising structures, Clitic Left Dislocation and related problems
4. vPs bear interpretable underspecified phi-features
5. Conclusion
Notes
On the parallelism of DPs and clauses
1. Introduction
2. Maasai DPs headed by a common noun are relative clauses
3. On the expected parallelism of DPs and clauses
3.1. Maasai clauses
3.2. The complex verb, agreement and the nominative subject
3.3. The position of the verbal predicate in the left periphery
4. Non verbal predication
4.1. The mystery of predicate inversion
5. Conclusion
Notes
Ordering clitics and postverbal R-expressions in Tagalog
1. Introduction
2. Nonpronominal morphosyntax
2.1. An overview of Tagalog morphology
2.2. Purported optional ordering
3. How clitic pronouns are ordered
3.1. The cluster's position within the clause
3.2. Pronominal clusters with heterogeneous syllabic count
3.3. Pronominal clusters with the same number of syllables
4. Optional clisis
4.1. Preverbal clusters
4.2. Postverbal clusters
4.3. Optional nonclisis of pronouns
5. Conditions on clitichood in Tagalog
5.1. Morphological factors
5.2. Lightness and clitichood
5.3. What does it mean to be a clitic?
6. Speculations about the phrase structure of Tagalog
6.1. Empirical gaps
6.2. Formalizing the Late-subject tendency
6.3. The wider problem of Heavy-shift
Notes
The syntax of Chalcatongo Mixtec
1. Introduction
2. Correlates of VSO word order
2.1. Greenbergian correlates
2.2. Other correlates of VSO
3. CM clausal syntax
3.1. Non-basic word orders
3.2. Distribution of pronominal clitics, lexical DPs, and full pronouns
3.3. Structure of the CM clause
4. Conclusion
Notes
Accounting for verb-initial order in an Australian language
1. Introduction
2. Verb-initial phenomena in Wanyi
2.1. Verb initial clauses
2.2. Verb-initial with extraposed XP
2.3. Non-verb-initial clauses
2.4. Pre-pronominal clitic position
2.5. Modal particles in initial position
2.6. Alternative (non-focus) explanation for clause-initial predicates
2.7. More on the syntax of predicates
2.8. Limiting long-distance movement
2.9. Predicates in finite and non-finite clauses
2.10. Recapitulation
3. The verb-initial phenomenon in Australian languages
4. Conclusion
4.1. Future directions
Appendix
Template of Wanyi finite verb formation
Notes
References
Index
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