
Beyond Emotions in Language
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Content
- Intro
- Beyond Emotions in Language
- Editorial page
- Title page
- Copyright page
- Table of contents
- Acknowledgements
- Notes on contributors
- List of abbreviations
- 1. Psych verbs
- 1. The state of the art in synchronic studies
- 2. Psych verbs from diachronic perspective
- 2.1 Case selection in English psych verbs from diachronic perspective
- 2.2 Impersonal/personal shift in English
- 2.3 OE/SE shift
- 2.4 The rise of the progressive with psych verbs
- 2.5 Causativity and inchoativity of psych verbs
- 3. An overview of the chapters
- References
- 2. Polish psych verbs as non-achievements
- 1. Introduction
- 2. Final end-point oriented accounts of psych verbs
- 3. Initial events
- 3.1 Terminology
- 3.2 Initial points in Skwxwu7mesh: Bar-el (2005)
- 3.3 Marín and McNally's (2011) initial point approach to psych verbs
- 4. Polish Psych verbs vs. achievements
- 5. Passivization of psych verbs in Polish
- 6. Analysis
- 7. Conclusions
- References
- 3. Encoding inception in the domain of psych verbs in Polish
- 1. Introduction
- 2. Prefixation as an event structure diagnostic
- 2.1 Lexical and superlexical prefixes
- 2.1.1 Lexical prefixes
- 2.1.2 Superlexical prefixes
- 2.2 Syncretism of prefixes
- 2.3 Event structure
- 2.4 Event structure and prefixation
- 2.5 Prefixation and aspectual classes
- 2.6 Event structure of psych verbs
- 2.6.1 SE verbs and states
- 2.6.2 SE verbs as simple events
- 2.6.3 The event structure status of OE verbs
- 2.7 Interim conclusion
- 3. Lexicalization of inception
- 3.1 Inception and the verb root
- 3.2 The morphology of inception
- 4. Conclusion
- References
- 4. Initiators, states and passives in Spanish psych verbs
- 1. The problem
- 2. Class 1 (acosar): Verbs that allow passive in an unrestricted way
- 3. Class 2 (sorprender 'surprise'): Verbs that only admit non-specific passives
- 4. The two subclasses in group 3 (enfadar and aburrir): Verbs that reject the passive form
- 5. Analysis
- 6. How to obtain an eventive process if there is none
- 7. Conclusions
- References
- 5. The syntax of accusative and dative Experiencers in Polish
- 1. Introduction
- 2. Accusative and dative Experiencers in Polish - General characteristics
- 3. Binding properties of accusative and dative Experiencers in Polish
- 3.1 Condition A effects with accusative and dative Experiencers in Polish
- 3.1.1 The Anaphor Agreement Effect
- 3.1.2 The way to obviate the AAE
- 3.1.3 Anti-Cataphora Effects
- 3.1.4 Backward binding by accusative and dative Experiencers
- 3.1.5 Forward binding
- 3.2 Pronominal variable binding with accusative and dative Experiencers in Polish
- 3.3 Binding of accusative and dative Experiencers - the summary
- 4. Passivization of accusative and dative Experiencers in Polish
- 4.1 Verbal and adjectival passives in Polish
- 4.2 Verbal passives formed of OE verbs with accusative Experiencers in Polish
- 4.3 Verbal passives formed of OE verbs with dative Experiencers in Polish
- 4.4 Why don't stative OE verbs with accusative and dative Experiencers passivize in Polish?
- 4.5 Adjectival passives formed of stative OE verbs with accusative and dative Experiencers
- 4.6 Passivization of accusative and dative Experiencers - the summary
- 5. Derivation of T/SM-first and Experiencer-first orders with stative Class II and Class III OE verbs in Polish
- 5.1 Arguments against the Spec,ApplP position of dative Experiencers in Polish
- 5.2 Deriving the T/SM-first order with stative Class II and Class III OE verbs in Polish
- 5.3 Deriving the Experiencer-first order with stative Class II and Class III OE verbs in Polish
- 6. Conclusions
- References
- 6. The information structure of high and low datives and their psychological import
- 1. Introduction
- 2. Towards a semantic classification of datives
- 3. Two diagnostics for two types of datives
- 4. High and low applicatives and information structure
- 4.1 High applicatives, intervention and information structure
- 4.2 Low applicatives, information structure and word order
- 5. Concluding remarks
- References
- 7. Polish impersonal middles with a dative as syntactically derived experience events
- 1. Introduction
- 2. Background: DIMs in prior minimalist approaches
- 2.1 The Involuntary State Construction (Rivero 2003, et seq.)
- 2.2 DIMs as personal middles with an applied dative Benefactive (Krzek, 2013)
- 2.3 Interim conclusion
- 3. Polish DIMs: Basic facts and assumptions
- 3.1 Is there a syntactically represented implicit Agent in DIMs?
- 3.2 The source of the agentive "flavor" of DIMs
- 3.3 The adverbial within and beyond the DIM construction
- 3.4 The syntactic status of the dative constituent in DIMs
- 4. DIMs as syntactically derived experience events
- 4.1 Experiencer argument in the absence of an (overt) lexical Experiencer predicate
- 4.1.1 The non-selected dative Experiencer as an argument of a null Experiencer verb
- 4.1.2 The non-selected Experiencer as an argument of a null syntactic head
- 4.2 The syntactic decomposition of Polish DIMs: The verb/VP, the dative argument, and the adverbial
- 4.3 The syntactic decomposition of Polish DIMs: Voice, (un)expected accusative, and default verbal a
- 5. Conclusions
- References
- Name Index
- Subject Index
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