Advances in the Syntax of DPs

Name: Advances in the Syntax of DPs | Structure, agreement, and case
Brand: John Benjamins Publishing Company
Price: 123.99 EUR
Availability: OnlineOnly

Structure, agreement, and case

Anna Bondaruk Gréte Dalmi Alexander Grosu(Editor)

John Benjamins Publishing Company

1st Edition

Published on 14. October 2014

XVII, 320 pages

E-Book

PDF with Adobe-DRM

System requirements

978-90-272-6969-0 (ISBN)

€123.99incl. 7% vat

System requirements

for PDF with Adobe-DRM

E-Book Single Licence

Available for download

Description

More details

Other editions

Persons

Content

Advances in the Syntax of DPs
Editorial page
Title page
LCC data
Dedication page
Table of content
List of contributors
List of abbreviations
List of figures
Editors' note
Preface
Introduction
References
The overgeneration problem and the case of semipredicatives in Russian
1. Introduction
2. Some empirical and conceptual issues
2.1 "Divided" control
2.2 The problem of variation
3. Some alternative approaches
3.1 Vertical binding
3.2 Control as movement
3.3 A probe-goal and Agree account
3.4 A government and binding account
4. Comparison of approaches: Overarching issues
4.1 Agreement in case
4.2 Variation
4.3 Avoiding overgeneration
5. Semipredicatives versus other adjectives
5.1 Some data and puzzles
5.2 Direct assignment
6. Components of a solution
6.1 Some leading ideas
6.1.1 Agreement versus assignment
6.1.2 Dative versus instrumental
6.1.3 Arguments versus adjuncts
6.2 Predicate adjective agreement is local
6.2.1 Structure is parsimonious
6.3 Semipredicatives versus ordinary adjectives
6.3.1 Why ordinary adjectives do not enter into the SD
6.3.2 Why semipredicatives are not default instrumental
6.3.3 Why ordinary adjectives always have an instrumental option
6.3.4 Why semipredicatives must agree where ordinary adjectives can
6.3.5 Why agreement under obligatory Object Control is only possible for semipredicatives
6.4 Brief thoughts on variation
6.5 Movement, multi-attachment, timing, and feature sharing
References
Polish equatives as symmetrical structures
1. Introduction
2. Inventory of Polish equatives
3. How do equatives differ from predicational and specificational clauses in Polish?
3.1 Predicational and specificational clauses in Polish
3.2 Equatives vs. predicational and specificational clauses in Polish
4. Asymmetrical structure for Polish equatives
5. Symmetrical structure of Polish equatives
5.1 Pereltsvaig's (2001, 2007) analysis
5.2 Pereltsvaig's analysis applied to Polish
6. Summary
References
Syntactic (dis)agreement is not semantic agreement
1. Introduction
2. Two types of number mismatch
2.1 Singulars with plural agreement ('sg/pl')
2.2 Plurals with singular agreement ('pl/sg')
2.3 The proposal
3. Two types of number mismatch: Empirical evidence
3.1 Distribution: Copular clauses versus verbal predicates
3.2 Binding and control
3.3 Semantic properties of the subject
3.3.1 Quantification
3.3.2 Definiteness, specificity and genericity
3.4 Productivity
4. An analysis of phi-feature mismatches
4.1 Previous proposals
4.2 Against a one-level model
4.3 A two-level model of agreement
4.4 Application to pl/sg and sg/pl
4.5 Residual problems
5. Conclusion
References
A note on oblique case
1. Introduction
2. Oblique case, indeclinable nominals, and a Case Realization Condition
2.1 Undeclined nominals
2.2 Oblique case and a case realization requirement
3. The Puzzle
4. Oblique case is uniformly P-governed: The P-copying proposal
5. Conclusion
References
The structure of null subject DPs and agreement in Polish impersonal constructions
1. Introduction
1.1 Overview of the paper
2. Two types of impersonal constructions
2.1 The SIE construction
2.1.1 Cross-linguistic perspective
2.2 The -NO/-TO construction
2.3 Subjects in the SIE and -NO/-TO constructions
2.3.1 Availability of subject-oriented adverbials
2.3.2 Control and binding
2.3.3 Nominative subjects and oblique phrases
2.4 The phi-specification of a covert subject
3. How are the values of phi-features on predicative complements established?
3.1 Sigurðsson (2004, 2009), Frascarelli (2007), and Holmberg (2010a,b)
3.2 1st/2nd personal pronouns vs. 3rd personal pronouns
3.3 The Feature Geometry of Pronouns: Harley and Ritter (2002)
3.4 Some consequences and predictions for the theory of pronouns
4. The SIE particle
5. Agreement
6. Case
7. Conclusion
References
The feature geometry of generic inclusive null DPs in Hungarian
1. Introduction
1.1 The four major types of Null Subject Languages
1.2 Some facts about null DPs in Hungarian
2. The semantic interpretation of generic inclusive lexical and null DPs
2.1 Some interpretive differences between generic inclusive ONE and generic exclusive PEOPLE
2.2 The connection between generic inclusive ONE and PROGN
2.3 Generic inclusive lexical and null dative experiencer DPs of psych-impersonal predicates in Hungarian
3. The feature geometry of generic inclusive vs. unique reference DPs
3.1 The feature composition of generic inclusive vs. referential null DPs in Hungarian
3.2 The inventory of generic inclusive lexical and null DPs in a crosslinguistic perspective
4. Summary
References
Possessives within and beyond NP
1. Introduction
2. Ezafe-2 and ezafe-3: Formal properties
3. Ezafe-2 and ezafe-3: The position of the possessor
4. Ezafe-2 and ezafe-3: The size of the possessor
5. Ezafe-2 and ezafe-3: The interpretation of the possessor
6. Conclusions and significance
References
On pre-nominal classifying adjectives in Polish
1. Introduction
2. Classifying vs. qualifying adjectives (Rutkowski & Progovac 2005 and Rutkowski 2007, 2009, 2012)
3. Bouchard's (2002) representational theory
4. Bouchard's representational theory applied to adjectival modification in Polish (CPT 2011a,b)
5. The semantic interpretation of pre-nominal and post-nominal classifying adjectives
6. Information structure and the placement of classifying adjectives
7. Conclusion
References
Determiners and possessives in Old English and Polish
1. Introduction
2. Variant I: Determiner-possessive
3. Variant II: Possessive-determiner
4. Possessives and determiners in non-adjacent configurations
5. A note on the grammatical status of ten, ta, to and se, seo þæt
6. Conclusions
References
Agreement and definiteness in Germanic DPs
1. Introduction
1.1 Two patterns in Germanic DPs
1.2 Spreaders, realizers, and licensors
and why we ignore licensors here
2. The weak/strong declension: Two licensor-free accounts
2.1 A spreader account of C
2.2 A realizer account
2.3 A brief comparison
3. Two licensor-free accounts for Danish -EN
3.1 A spreader account of -EN
3.2 A realizer account of -EN
3.3 A brief comparison
4. Some additional challenges
4.1 Icelandic
4.2 Double definiteness
4.3 Greek
5. Conclusion
References
Transparent free relatives
1. Introduction
2. The semantics of TFRs
3. Case-effects in FRs and TFRs
4. Summary and conclusions
References
Index

System requirements

Save as PDF Copy link into clipboard

Schweitzer Fachinformationen

Advances in the Syntax of DPs

Description

More details

Other editions

Additional editions

Persons

Content

System requirements