
The Limits of Syntactic Variation
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Content
- The Limits of Syntactic Variation
- Editorial page
- Title page
- LCC data
- Table of contents
- Preface and Acknowledgements
- Introduction
- 1. Introduction
- 2. The non-randomness of syntactic variation
- 3. Accounting for limits on syntactic variation
- 3.1 Two different approaches: Functionalism vs. formalism
- 3.2 Introducing the Principles and Parameters Framework
- 3.3 Problems with GB principles and parameters
- 3.4 Principles and Parameters in the Minimalist Program
- 3.5 Recent criticism of the parametric enterprise
- 3.6 Conclusion
- 4. The locus of parametric variation
- 5. A classic parameter revisited: The Null Subject Parameter
- 6. Parametric clustering
- 7. The acquisition of parameters
- References
- Part 1 The locus of (parametric) variation
- Parametric versus functional explanations of syntactic universals*
- 1. Introduction: the relevance of observable universals
- 2. The parametric approach to explaining syntactic universals
- 2.1 The basic idea: principles and parameters
- 2.2 Criteria for success
- 2.3 Assessment of success
- 2.4 Abandoning deep parameters
- 2.5 UG-based explanation without parameters
- 3. The constraint-ranking approach to explaining syntactic universals
- 3.1 Constraint-ranking vs. parameters
- 3.2 Towards functionalism
- 3.3 Explaining the constraints
- 4. The functionalist approach to explaining syntactic universals
- 4.1 The fundamental difference between the functionalist and the generative approach
- 4.2 "Deep" implicational universals
- 4.3 Assessment of success
- abandoning deep implications
- 4.4 Intra-domain implications
- 4.5 Functional explanations of intra-domain implications
- 5. Summary
- References
- Three fundamental issues in parametric linguistics
- 1. Theory and metatheory of parameters
- 1.1 Parametric linguistics
- 1.2 The rationale for parametric linguistics
- 1.3 Three issues
- 2. Explanatory adequacy in parametric linguistics
- 2.1 How can we discover the parameters of UG?
- 2.2 Modularized global parametrization
- 2.3 An illustration of the MGP Method: Table A
- 3. Parameters and evolutionary adequacy
- 3.1 A new tension
- 3.2 Towards parametric minimalism
- 3.3 The principles & schemata model
- 3.4 The ultimate issues of variation
- 4. Parameters and historical adequacy
- 4.1 How are parameter values distributed in space and time?
- 4.2 Grammatical typology and lexical comparison
- 4.3 Language taxonomy: lexical comparison and beyond
- 4.4 Parametric comparison
- 4.5 Biological and linguistic data
- 4.6 Syntactic taxonomies
- 4.6.1 Conceptual tests
- 4.6.2 Empirical tests
- 4.6.3 Syntactic phylogenies
- 4.7 Conclusions and perspectives: Parametric linguistics as cognitive history
- References
- Appendix
- On the syntactic flexibility of formal features
- 1. Introduction
- 2. Formal features result from doubling effects
- 2.1 Formal features
- 2.2 Uninterpretable features and doubling effects
- 3. Case study: Negation and Negative Concord
- 4. NC is syntactic agreement
- 4.1 Analysis
- 4.2 Advantages of the syntactic agreement analysis
- 4.2.1 N-words as negative quantifers
- 4.2.2 The Negative Polarity Item approach
- 5. Consequences
- 5.1 Negative features and projections
- 5.2 Negation and diachronic change
- 5.2.1 Spanish: From Strict NC to Non-strict NC
- 5.2.2 Dutch: From NC to DN
- 6. Conclusions
- References
- Expletives, datives, and the tension between morphology and syntax
- 1. Introduction
- 2. North Italian ghe
- 3. There and ghe as deictics
- 4. Silent DATCL
- 5. Expletive there and expletive ghe as deictics
- 6. Deictics, demonstratives and indefinites
- 7. The definiteness effect
- 8. Agreement
- 9. Why is there the expletive?
- 10. Expletive ghe and ci in possessive sentences
- 11. Comparative syntax of possessives and existentials
- 12. Other languages and no languages
- 13. Existentials and causers
- 14. Limitations on deictic there as expletive
- 15. Datives
- 16. Conclusion
- References
- Mapping a Parochial Lexicon onto a universal semantics
- 1. Modularity and the structure of the language faculty
- 1.1 Underspecification of lexical content
- 1.2 Against a distinct semantic component
- 1.3 Against identical LF representations
- 1.4 Possible refinements
- 2. Discourse is different
- 2.1 Contextual variables
- 2.2 Connection to acquisition
- 3. Case study: Tense
- 4. Case study: Perfectivity marking in Russian
- 4.1 What perfectivity is not
- 4.2 An Alternative
- 4.3 Slavic vs Germanic: Identical LF representations?
- 5. Conclusion: The locus of semantic crosslinguistic variation
- Acknowledgments
- References
- Aspect matters in the middle*
- 1. Introduction
- 2. Variation in middles
- 3. Middle semantics
- 3.1 The dispositional generic VP-operator
- 3.2 Middles as disposition ascriptions
- 4. The analysis
- 4.1 Proposal and typology
- 4.2 Derivations: The English type
- 4.3 Derivations: The Greek type
- 4.4 Further predictions
- 5. Conclusion
- References
- Part 2 A classic parameter revisited
- The null subject parameter and correlating properties
- The case of Creole languages
- 1. Introduction,
- 2. Descriptive correlations and theoretical justification
- 2.1 An "absolute correlation"
- 3. Lack of that-t effects and free inversion
- 4. The partial pro - drop status of Creole languages
- 4.1 No referential null subjects
- 4.2 Availability of proexpl
- 4.3 No Free Inversion
- 4.3.1 An aside on null expletives and Free Inversion
- 4.4 No that-t effects
- 4.4.1 The No that-t effects proexpl correlation as a strategy of subject extraction
- 5. Conclusion
- References
- The Case-F valuation parameter in Romance*
- 1. Assumptions about Agree
- 1.1 The starting point: Chomsky's (2000, 2001) Agree
- 1.2 Problems with Agree
- 1.3 A possible solution
- 2. Further-raising and Last Resort
- 2.1 Further-raising in Romance
- 2.2 Case-Fs, Inert DPs, and Last Resort
- 2.3 The typology of (apparently) non-local raising: Super-raising, hyper-raising and further-raising
- 3. (Part of) Agree is parameterized: The timing of Case-F valuation
- 3.1 Case-F valuation can be delayed in Romance
- 3.2 Micro- vs. macrovariation
- 3.3 Variation resulting from the timing (not the nature) of syntactic operations
- 3.4 Possible consequences of the Case-F valuation parameter for the grammar of null subject languages
- 3.5 Questions about parameter setting in acquisition
- 4. Conclusions
- References
- Silent arguments without pro
- The case of Basque
- 1. The pro-drop parameter and Basque silent arguments
- 2. Reanalyzing the pro-drop parameter in Basque
- 2.1 Pro without agreement
- 2.2 Overt pronouns and silent arguments: Interpretation
- 3. An alternative analysis to the Pro-Drop Parameter: Ellipsis
- 3.1 The identity between overt pronouns and silent arguments
- 3.2 More on semantic binding: The overt pronoun constraint
- 3.3 Silent anaphors
- 3.4 Not pros but elided DPs: Dahl's puzzle
- 4. Explaining the distributional facts of overt and elided pronouns
- 5. Conclusion
- References
- Case morphology and radical pro-drop
- 1. The problem
- 2. Radical pro drop as a spell-out phenomenon
- 2.1 The generalizations
- 2.2 Pronominal spell-out
- 2.3 Radical pro-drop as zero spell out of regular pronouns
- 2.4 The elsewhere condition
- 3. Why radical pro-drop is sensitive to the morphology of pronouns
- 5. Typological range of the proposal
- References
- Part 3 Parametric clustering
- The Macroparameter in a Microparametric World*
- 1. Introduction
- 2. Three Kinds of Micro- vs Macro- Comparative Syntax
- 2.1 The locus of variation
- 2.2 The extent of variation
- 2.3 The methodology of comparison
- 3. What evidence for macroparameters should we look for?
- 4. Illustrating with two new macroparameters
- 4.1 Agreement in Kinande and Indo-European Languages
- 4.2 Agreement Around the World
- 5. Final Discussion
- References
- Topic prominence and null subjects
- 1. Introduction
- 2. Delimiting the problem
- 3. The interpretation of null embedded subjects in BP, Finnish and Chinese
- 4. The analysis in detail
- 4.1 A general overview
- 4.2 Two topic positions
- 4.3 The relation between movement and antecedenthood in BP
- 4.4 The relation between movement and antecedenthood in Finnish
- 4.5 Intervention effects
- 5. The topic prominence parameter
- 5.1 Topic-prominent languages
- 5.2 The relation between the null subject and the topic prominence parameter
- 5.3 Scope facts
- 6. Conclusions
- References
- Non-configurationality
- Free word order and argument drop in Turkish
- 1. Introduction
- 2. Non-configurationality
- 2.1 Case and referentiality in English
- 2.2 Case and referentiality in Turkish
- 2.2.1 vP in Turkish
- 2.2.2 TP in Turkish
- 2.2.3 Summary
- 2. The non-configurationality parameter
- 3. Free word order
- 4. Null arguments
- 5. Conclusion
- References
- Diachronic stability and feature interpretability*
- 1. Introduction
- 1.2 Features and parameters
- 2. Micro- versus macro-parametric choices and change
- 2.1 Micro- vs. macro-parameters
- 2.2 Features and parameters
- 3. The diachrony of Greek nominal phrases
- 3.1 Demonstrative Doubling
- 3.2 Determiner Spreading
- 4. Conclusion and beyond
- References
- Part 4 The acquisition of parameters
- Can children tell us anything we did not know about parameter clustering?
- 1. Introduction: Acquisition as a feature valuation process
- 2. Strong person in the adult IP
- 2.1 From arbitrarily determined parameter setting to referential AGR
- 2.1 .1 split INFL
- 2.1 .2 pro INFL
- 2.2 Tripartite valuation of person
- 2.3 Person marking and the valuation of INFL: Evidence from diachrony
- 3. Strong person in the adult noun phrase: From NumP/QP to DP
- 4. Data and methodology
- 4.1 Data
- 4.2 Methodology
- 5. Strong person in child syntax
- 5.1 Valuation of person as an incremental process
- 5.2. From unmarked to minimally marked person
- 5.2.1 Unmarked person
- 5.2.2 Minimally distinctively marked person
- 5. .3 aximally distinctively marked person
- 6. Conclusion
- References
- Parameter setting and input reduction
- 1. Parameter setting
- 1.1 Parameter setting models
- 1.2 Innate parameters?
- 2. Input reduction
- 3. Evidence frames for underlying directionality
- 3.1 Paradoxical input
- 3.2 Intake by evidence frames
- 4. Order of acquisition steps
- 4.1 Acquisition steps due to local evidence frame IP/DP
- 4.2 Local evidence frames outweigh mere input frequency
- 5. Movement structures
- 6. Conclusion
- References
- Index
- The series Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today
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