Annual Editions: American Foreign Policy 07/08

UNIT 1. The United States and the World: Strategic Choices1. Grand Strategy in the Second Term, John Lewis Gaddis, Foreign Affairs, January/February 2005Gaddis asserts that the basis for President Bush's grand strategy will not change in his second term-but with experience it will evolve. The most important question Bush will face is if he can shift from "shock and awe" to reassurance because that is what is needed to sustain the new international system created after September 11, 2001.2. Hegemony on the Cheap, Colin Dueck, World Policy Journal, Winter 2003/2004The problem with Bush's foreign policy cannot be fixed by replacing unilateralism with multilateralism. The problems exist because the liberal assumptions that it is based on encourage ambitious foreign policy goals that are pursued by insufficient means and resources. This situation is not unique to Bush but dates back to Wilson.3. The Dilemma of the Last Sovereign, Zbigniew Brzezinski, The American Interest, Autumn 2005Brzezinksi served as national security advisor under President Carter. He argues that for most states sovereignty is a legal fiction and that the U.S. is today's most sovereign state. Brzezinski raises the question: will American efforts to perpetuate its sovereignty ultimately threaten American national security and civil liberties?4. The Eagle Has Crash Landed, Immanuel Wallerstein, Foreign Policy, July/August 2002The United States has become the powerless superpower, according to Immanuel Wallerstein. The same economic, political, and military factors that gave rise to American hegemony are now leading to its inevitable decline. The key question today is, can the United States devise a way to descend gracefully or will it crash-land in a rapid and dangerous fall?5. Strategic Fatigue, Graham E. Fuller, The National Interest, Summer 2006The author argues that "superpower fatigue" has set in and that it threatens to morph into imperial overreach. The problem of superpower fatigue transcends the Bush administration and is universal in scope. Its ultimate lesson is that no sole superpower can promote its universal values without tainting them.UNIT 2. The United States and the World: Regional and Bilateral RelationsPart A. Russia6. Exploiting Rivalries: Putin's Foreign Policy, Mark N. Katz, Current History, October 2004Putin is determined to see Russia once again acknowledged as a great power. The core element to his strategy is to insert Russia into international situations where disagreement exists and exploit the ongoing rivalry as each side seeks to court Russia. Katz presents examples and argues the results have been uneven to date.7. The United States and Russia in Central Asia: Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Iran, Fiona Hill, The Brookings Institution, July 24, 2004Central Asia is no longer a marginal area in world politics-both the United States and Russia now have interests there. Hill provides an overview of the region focusing on Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and Afghanistan. Without cooperation between the two powers, the prospects for stability in Central Asia are judged to be slim.Part B. Asia8. China's Response to the Bush Doctrine, Peter Van Ness, World Policy Journal, Winter 2004/2005Official Chinese reaction to the Bush Doctrine has gone through three phases: avoidance, collaboration, and strategic response. The Chinese have described their strategy as one of "peaceful rise." China's strategy does not require its neighbors to choose between China and the United States, and some see it as resembling that which existed during China's tribute system when it saw itself as the Central Kingdom. Van Ness notes the success of this strategy is unclear because it has not yet been tested.9. The Fallout of a Nuclear North Korea, Andrew Scobell and Michael R. Chambers, Current History, September 2005The long anticipated and feared North Korea nuclear test took place in Fall 2006. Written prior to the nuclear test, this article presents a history of North Korea's nuclear program and lays out the possible responses of the United States and other regional powers to this development. It concludes that the nuclearization of North Korea will have profound but uncertain consequences for the region.10. America's New Strategic Partner, Ashton B. Carter, Foreign Affairs, July/August 2006Carter reviews the debate surrounding the new strategic partnership that was announced between the United States and India in 2005 and concludes that both critics and supporters of the agreement have overstated their positions. The deal was unbalanced in favor of India but will not do as much damage to the nonproliferation regime as is feared.Part C. The South11. The U.S. and Latin America Through the Lens of Empire, Michael Shifter, Current History, February 2004The author asserts that a disturbing disconnect is rising in U.S.-Latin American relations. The window of opportunity that existed for creating a true hemispheric partnership has closed and dealings now have a rawness that characterized earlier times in history. A key test of American hegemony will be establishing trade relations with Brazil.12. Politics on Edge: Managing the U.S.-Mexico Border, Peter Andreas, Current History, February 2006Border control has been transformed from a low priority and politically marginal issue into a high intensity one. Andreas argues that a unilateral hardening of the border will do more harm to trade than it will to preventing terrorism, and calls for an approach that "de-borders" traditional border control tasks.13. China's Africa Strategy, Joshua Eisenman and Joshua Kurlantzick, Current History, May 2006The United States traditionally has paid scant attention to Africa. The authors discuss an emerging challenge facing the United States in Africa in the form of increasing Chinese involvement. They review the outlines of China's economic, diplomatic, and military strategy. Central to any U.S. counter strategy is emphasizing democracy and American values.UNIT 3. The Domestic Side of American Foreign Policy14. The Author of Liberty: Religion and U.S. Foreign Policy, John B. Judis, Dissent, Fall 2005President George W. Bush has often invoked religious themes and beliefs into his foreign policy speeches. Judis finds nothing unique in this. He asserts that religion plays an important part in how Americans understand their role and responsibilities in the world. Three themes are especially important: the U.S. as God's chosen nation, the idea of mission, and the counter-positioning of good versus evil.15. The Tipping Points, Daniel Yankelovich, Foreign Affairs, May/June 2006This article provides an overview of how the American public views foreign policy. It is particularly concerned with issues that have reached the "tipping point," the point at which a large portion of the public demands governmental action. In 2005, only the Iraq War had reached this point. Now Yankelovich finds, along with oil, three other issues are rapidly moving to this point: the outsourcing of jobs, illegal immigration, and U.S. relations with the rest of the world.16. Trade Talk, Daniel Drezner, The American Interest, Winter 2005Trade politics have changed markedly over the past twenty years. No longer can presidents make trade policy in a political vacuum. The reasons for this are discussed. Also, three "iron laws" of trade politics are presented: foreign trade policy is a scapegoat for business fluctuations of all sorts, trade generates large diffuse costs and concentrated benefits, and trade is usually framed as a zero-sum contest.UNIT 4. The Institutional Context of American Foreign PolicyPart A. The Presidency17. The Return of the Imperial Presidency?, Donald R. Wolfensberger, Wilson Quarterly, Spring 2002Following the events of September 11, 2001, many spoke of a return to the imperial presidency. Donald Wolfensberger examines the history of this concept and its roots in the excesses of Watergate and Vietnam. He warns against investing the idea of an imperial presidency with too great an aura of legitimacy.18. The Truman Standard, Derek Chollet and James Goldgeier, The American Interest, Summer 2006The Bush administration frequently invokes comparisons between itself and the administrations of Harry Truman. How valid are these comparisons? The authors argue that this analogy may do more to highlight the current administration's foreign policy shortcomings than its foreign policy st
rengths.Part B. The Bureaucracy19. In Defense of Striped Pants, Morton Abramowitz and Leslie H. Gelb, The National Interest, Spring 2005Professional diplomats and career officials in the CIA and elsewhere in the foreign affairs bureaucracy are easy targets for those unhappy with the direction and conduct of American foreign policy. The authors review three common strategies used by political figures to "fix" the bureaucracy problem. They caution that most career officials are anxious to make foreign policy work but that a predictable tension arises whenever a major foreign policy discontinuity or radical change in style occurs.20. The Need for a Military Draft: Protecting Superpower Status, Phillip Carter and Paul Glastris, Current, June 2005The authors argue that America's all volunteer army cannot deploy troops in places like Iraq while deterring aggression elsewhere in the world. The only effective solution is to return to a draft. They explain how a draft today would work and how it would differ from that used in World War II and Vietnam.Part C. Judiciary21. Checks, Balances, and Wartime Detainees, Benjamin Wittes, Policy Review, April and May 2005The dominant view is that in handing down its enemy combatant cases involving detainees at Guantanamo Bay in June 2004, the Supreme Court handed the Bush administration a major defeat. While agreeing with this view, the author also cautions that it may have been a victory for the administration. The court's reasoning is reviewed as are the implications of Congress' lack of involvement in this policy dispute.UNIT 5. The Foreign Policy Making Process22. Law, Liberty and War, Anne-Marie Slaughter and Jeremy Rabkin, The American Interest, Summer 2006The Global War on Terrorism and its offshoot the Iraq War has sparked a major debate over the constitutional balance of power between Congress and the presidency and the protection of American civil liberties. Slaughter and Rabkin present contrasting interpretations of these and other issues central to the conduct of American foreign policy in the post 9/11 era.23. Words vs. Deeds: President George W. Bush and Polling, Kathryn Dunn Tenpas, Brookings Review, Summer 2003Public Opinion polling has become a key ingredient in presidential decision making. This article examines the question, "Why poll?," and places the Bush administration in historical context. It concludes that the Bush administration's use of polls is not pathbreaking, but what is unique is the gap between the administration's words and actions.24. The Pros from Dover, John Prados, The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, January/February 2004Prados, who has written widely on intelligence matters, provides a structural overview of how the National Security Council operates, and proceeds with an examination of the Bush administration's decision making. He asserts that with regard to September 11, 2001 either the system did not work or it worked to keep terrorism off the agenda.UNIT 6. U.S. International Economic Strategy25. America's Sticky Power, Walter Russell Mead, Foreign Policy, March/April 2004America's military power coerces others to go along with it. America's soft power converts others to its cause. Mead argues that too long overlooked is America's economic power. It is "sticky," attracting others to the U.S. and then entrapping them. Sticky power is perfectly suited for stabilizing Iraq and managing relations with Russia and China.26. The New Axis of Oil, Flynt Leverett and Pierre Noel, The National Interest, Summer 2006The authors argue that structural shifts in the world's energy markets are creating the greatest challenge to American hegemony since the end of the Cold War. What has emerged is a new axis of oil which has at its center a geopolitical partnership between Russia and China.UNIT 7. U.S. Military StrategyPart A. The Use of Force27. Requiem for the Bush Doctrine, Andrew J. Bacevich, Current History, December 2005Central to the Bush Doctrine is the concept of preventive war. Bacevich argues that the Iraq War has demonstrated that the United States cannot implement a policy of preventive war for several reasons. It has deflated the American reputation for military success, called into question the staying power of U.S. forces as well as their professionalism, and revealed weaknesses in its military leadership.28. Base Politics, Alexander Cooley, Foreign Affairs, November/December 2005As part of the process of entering into agreements with countries around the world to establish military bases as part of the global war against terrorism, the United States must address a number of political questions. Will America's overseas bases help promote democracy, will it provoke an anti-American backlash, will its reputation be tarnished? The case of Uzbekistan is examined in detail as a case study.29. The Terrorism Index, Foreign Policy, July/August 2006Is the United States winning the global war against terrorism? The editors of Foreign Policy asked more than 100 experts what they think and compared their answers to those given by the public at large. As a group, the experts are far more pessimistic than the public on how successful the Bush administration's policies have been.30. A Nuclear Posture for Today, John Deutch, Foreign Affairs, January/February 2005Deutch, a former head of the CIA and Deputy Secretary of Defense, argues that the U.S. nuclear arsenal still reflects a Cold War national security focus. He rejects calls for abolishing the U.S. nuclear force. Instead, Deutch calls for treating nonproliferation and the maintenance of a nuclear deterrent as mutually supportive for purposes of preventing an attack on the U.S. and responding quickly to lesser contingencies, including chemical and biological attacks.Part B. Arms Control31. Apocalypse Soon, Robert S. McNamara, Foreign Policy, May/June 2005McNamara served as Secretary of Defense during the Vietnam War. He states that the current U.S. nuclear policy is immoral, illegal, militarily unnecessary, and dreadfully dangerous. He reviews the evolution of his own thinking on the subject and characterizes the Bush administration as having a "dangerous obsession" with nuclear weapons.32. When Could Iran Get the Bomb?, David Albright, The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, July/August 2006Many details of Iran's nuclear capabilities and plans are unknown. Various scenarios suggest that Iran will need at least three years to have enough highly enriched uranium to make a nuclear bomb. Technical difficulties could delay this process further. This article examines the steps Iran must go through to cross the nuclear threshold and calls for intensified international efforts to slow or stop this process.UNIT 8. The Iraq War and Beyond33. Lifting the Veil: Understanding the Roots of Islamic Militancy, Henry Munson, Harvard International Review, Winter 2004Feelings of impotence, rage, and humiliation pervade the Islamic world today. The author presents findings from recent public opinion polls taken in the Middle East. He concludes that defeating terrorism requires diluting the rage that fuels it.34. Iraq and Democracy: The Lessons Learned, Larry Diamond, Current History, January 2006The author was a senior advisor to the Coalition Provisional Authority in Iraq. He argues that the United States squandered its military victory in Iraq in the post war Iraqi occupation. Diamond says it is essential for the United States to learn from Iraq if it is to successfully build democracy in post conflict environments.35. Centripetal Force: The Case for Staying in Iraq, Lawrence F. Kaplan, The New Republic, March 6, 2006"If Americans leave...there will be a river of blood," so states an Iraqi interviewed by the author. Calling the United States an honest broker and peacekeeper more than a belligerent, Kaplan makes the case for staying in Iraq.36. Withdraw Now, William Odom, Current History, January 2006Odom, director of the National Security agency under President Reagan, states that the invasion of Iraq may be the greatest strategic disaster in U.S. history and that staying there only makes it worse. Arguing that the war was not in America's interests, he calls for withdrawal.37. The Right Way: Seven Steps Toward a Last Chance in Iraq, Kenneth M. Pollack, The Atlantic Monthly, March 2006Arguing that Iraq hangs in the balance, the author presents seven steps that hold the hope of victory. He argues the
key question now is not whether the Bush administration will change its strategy but whether the American people will give these ideas time to succeed.38. Contemplating the Ifs, W. Patrick Lang and Larry C. Johnson, The National Interest, Spring 2006Much has been written and said about how the United States intends to respond to Iran's efforts to obtain nuclear weapons. The authors discuss several military options open to the United States, possible Iranian responses and the reactions of others such as China.